Borough (United States)
A borough in some U. S. states is a unit of local government or other administrative division below the level of the state. The term is used in six states: A type of municipality: Connecticut, New Jersey and Pennsylvania A subdivision of a consolidated city, corresponding to another present or previous political subdivision: New York and Virginia In Alaska only, a borough is a county-equivalent. In Alaska, the word "borough" is used instead of "county". Like counties, boroughs are administrative divisions of the state; each borough in Alaska has a borough seat, the administrative center for the borough. The Municipality of Anchorage is a consolidated city-borough, as are Sitka, Juneau and Yakutat. Nearly half of the state's area, however, is part of the vast Unorganized Borough, which has no borough-level government at all; the United States Census Bureau has divided the Unorganized Borough into ten census areas for statistical purposes. In addition to cities, Connecticut has another type of dependent municipality known as a borough.
Boroughs are the populated center of a town that decided to incorporate in order to have more responsive local government. When a borough is formed, it is still dependent on its town. There are nine boroughs in Connecticut. One borough, Naugatuck, is coextensive and consolidated with its town; the other eight boroughs, such as Woodmont, have jurisdiction over only a part of their town. Boroughs in Connecticut are counted as separate municipal governments, but governmental functions performed in other parts of the state by town governments are performed by the parent town of the borough. In Michigan, the term borough only applied to Mackinac Island from February 2, 1817, to March 25, 1847; the Borough government was established by William Henry Puthuff after the island was proclaimed as U. S. territory in the War of 1812. The borough government was replaced by a village government in 1847. In Minnesota, "borough" was applied to one municipality, Belle Plaine, from 1868 to 1974. In New Jersey, boroughs are independent municipalities and are one of five types of municipal government, each operating separately at the equivalent level of the other four types of municipal government available in New Jersey: Township, Town and Village.
Many boroughs were formed out of larger townships, but in such cases there is no continuing link between the borough and the township. Most boroughs were formed during the Boroughitis phenomenon of the mid-1890s. New York City is divided into five boroughs: Brooklyn, Queens, the Bronx, Staten Island; each of these is coterminous with a county: Kings County, New York County, Queens County, Bronx County, Richmond County, respectively. There are no county governments within New York City for executive purposes; the powers of the boroughs are inferior to the powers of the citywide government, but each borough elects a borough president, who in turn appoints some members of local community boards. The boroughs of New York City are treated as separate counties for judicial purposes and for some legal filings. Boroughs do not exist in any other part of the state of New York. In Pennsylvania's state laws that govern classes of municipalities, the term "borough" is used the way other states sometimes use the word "town."
A borough is a self-governing entity, smaller than a city. If an area is not governed by either a borough or city the area is governed as a township. Villages or hamlets are unincorporated and have no municipal government, other than the township in which they are found. By tradition, as recognized by publications of the state government, the only incorporated town in Pennsylvania is Bloomsburg, Pennsylvania In August 2005, there were 961 boroughs in the state. In Virginia, under Code of Virginia § 15.2-3534, when multiple local governments consolidate to form a consolidated city, the consolidated city may be divided into geographical subdivisions called boroughs, which may be the same as the existing cities, counties, or portions of such counties. Those boroughs are not separate local governments. For example, Chesapeake is divided into six boroughs, one corresponding to the former city of South Norfolk and one corresponding to each of the five magisterial districts of the former Norfolk County.
In Virginia Beach, the seven boroughs were abolished effective July 1, 1998
National Register of Historic Places listings in Ketchikan Gateway Borough, Alaska
This is a list of the National Register of Historic Places listings in Ketchikan Gateway Borough, Alaska. This is intended to be a complete list of the properties and districts on the National Register of Historic Places in Ketchikan Gateway Borough, United States; the locations of National Register properties and districts for which the latitude and longitude coordinates are included below, may be seen in an online map. There are 20 properties and districts listed on the National Register in the borough. Another 2 properties have been removed; this National Park Service list is complete through NPS recent listings posted April 12, 2019. List of National Historic Landmarks in Alaska National Register of Historic Places listings in Alaska
Saxman is a city on Revillagigedo Island in Ketchikan Gateway Borough in southeastern Alaska, United States. At the 2010 census the population was 411, down from 431 in 2000; the city of Ketchikan lies just to its northwest. Saxman is located at 55°19′14″N 131°35′54″W. According to the United States Census Bureau, the city has a total area of 0.97 square miles, all land. Saxman first appeared on the 1900 U. S. Census as an unincorporated village, it formally incorporated in 1929. As of the census of 2000, there were 431 people, 127 households, 90 families residing in the city; the population density was 431.5 people per square mile. There were 146 housing units at an average density of 146.2 per square mile. The racial makeup of the city was 28.07% White, 0.46% Black or African American, 66.13% Native American, 0.46% Asian, 0.23% Pacific Islander, 4.64% from two or more races. 2.32% of the population were Hispanic or Latino of any race. There were 127 households out of which 35.4% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 44.1% were married couples living together, 21.3% had a female householder with no husband present, 29.1% were non-families.
20.5% of all households were made up of individuals and 6.3% had someone living alone, 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 3.13 and the average family size was 3.57. In the city, the age distribution of the population shows 27.4% under the age of 18, 15.8% from 18 to 24, 26.2% from 25 to 44, 23.2% from 45 to 64, 7.4% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 32 years. For every 100 females, there were 130.5 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 133.6 males. The median income for a household in the city was $44,375, the median income for a family was $45,417. Males had a median income of $35,139 versus $37,500 for females; the per capita income for the city was $15,642. About 7.4% of families and 12.1% of the population were below the poverty line, including 20.4% of those under age 18 and 6.3% of those age 65 or over. Saxman is one of the totem capitals of Alaska
Tongass National Forest
The Tongass National Forest in Southeast Alaska is the largest national forest in the United States at 16.7 million acres. Most of its area is part of the temperate rain forest WWF ecoregion, itself part of the larger Pacific temperate rain forest WWF ecoregion, is remote enough to be home to many species of endangered and rare flora and fauna; the Tongass, managed by the United States Forest Service, encompasses islands of the Alexander Archipelago and glaciers, peaks of the Coast Mountains. An international border with Canada runs along the crest of the Boundary Ranges of the Coast Mountains; the forest is administered from Forest Service offices in Ketchikan. There are local ranger district offices located in Craig, Juneau, Petersburg, Thorne Bay and Yakutat; the Alexander Archipelago Forest Reserve was established by Theodore Roosevelt in a presidential proclamation of 20 August 1902. Another presidential proclamation made by Roosevelt, on 10 September 1907, created the Tongass National Forest.
On 1 July 1908, the two forests were joined, the combined forest area encompassed most of Southeast Alaska. Further presidential proclamations of 16 February 1909 and 10 June, in 1925 expanded the Tongass. An early supervisor of the forest was William Alexander Langille. Timber harvest in Southeast Alaska consisted of individual handlogging operations up until the 1950s, focusing on lowlying areas and beach fringe areas. In the 1950s, in part to aid in Japanese recovery from World War II, the Forest Service set up long-term contracts with two pulp mills: the Ketchikan Pulp Company and the Alaska Pulp Company; these contracts were scheduled to last 50 years, intended to complement independent sawlog operations in the region. However, the two companies conspired to drive log prices down, put smaller logging operations out of business, were major and recalcitrant polluters in their local areas. All timber sales in the Tongass were purchased by one of these two companies. In 1974, the KPC contract for Northern Prince of Wales was challenged by the Point Baker Association led by Alan Stein, Chuck Zieske and Herb Zieske.
Federal District Court judge James von der Heydt ruled in their favor in December 1975 and March 1976, enjoining clearcutting of over 150 square miles of the north end of Prince of Wales Island. The suit threatened to halt clearcutting in the United States. In 1976, Congress removed the injunction in passing the National Forest Management Act, a direct response to their lawsuit. Over half the old growth timber was removed there by the mid 1990s. Much of the power of these companies lay in the long-term contracts themselves; the contracts guaranteed low prices to the pulp companies — in some cases resulting in trees being given away for "less than the price of a hamburger." The Tongass Timber Reform Act, enacted in 1990 reshaped the logging industry's relationship with the Tongass National Forest. The law's provisions cancelled a $40 million annual subsidy for timber harvest. Alaska Pulp Corporation and Ketchikan Pulp Corporation claimed that the new restrictions made them uncompetitive and closed down their mills in 1993 and 1997 and the Forest Service cancelled the remainders of the two 50-year timber contracts.
In 2003, an appropriations bill rider required that all timber sales in the Tongass must be positive sales, meaning no sales could be sold that undervalued the "stumpage" rate, or the value of the trees as established by the marketplace. However, the Forest Service conducts NEPA analyses and administrative operations to support these sales, as such, the government does not make a profit overall. Given the guaranteed low prices during contract days and the continued high cost of logging in Southeast Alaska today, one analysis concludes that, since 1980, the Forest Service has lost over one billion dollars in Tongass timber sales. Logging operations are not the only deficit-run programs, however; the Forest Service likens the overall deficit of the timber harvest program to the many other programs the agency operates at a deficit, including trail and campground maintenance and subsistence programs. High-grading has been prevalent in the Tongass throughout the era of industrial-scale logging there.
For example, the forest type with the largest concentration of big trees—volume class 7—originally comprised only 4% of the forested portion of the Tongass, over two-thirds of it has been logged. Other high-grading has concentrated on stands of red cedar; the karst terrain produces large trees and has fewer muskeg bogs, has been preferentially logged. As of 2008, the Forest Service has released a new amendment to the Forest Plan for the Tongass Forest; the most controversial logging in the Tongass has involved the roadless areas. Southeast Alaska is an extensive landscape, with communities scattered across the archipelago on different islands, isolated from each other and the mainland road system; the road system that exists in the region is in place because of the resource extraction history in the region established by the Forest Service to enable timber harvest. Once in place, these roads serve to connect local communities and visitors to recreation, hunting and subsistence opportun
The City and Borough of Wrangell is a borough in the Alaska, United States. As of the 2010 census the population was 2,369, up from 2,308 in 2000. Incorporated as a Unified Home Rule Borough on May 30, 2008, Wrangell was a city in the Wrangell-Petersburg Census Area, its Tlingit name is Ḵaachx̱aana.áakʼw. The Tlingit people residing in the Wrangell area, who were there centuries before Europeans, call themselves the Shtaxʼhéen Ḵwáan after the nearby Stikine River. Alternately they use the autonym Shxʼát Ḵwáan; the central part of Wrangell is located at 56°28′15″N 132°22′36″W, in the northwest corner of Wrangell Island, whereas the borough now encompasses the entire eastern half of the former Wrangell-Petersburg Census Area, in addition to the area around Meyers Chuck, in the Prince of Wales-Outer Ketchikan Census Area. It includes Thoms Place, a former census-designated place on Wrangell Island. Tlingit people and their ancestors have inhabited this island for thousands of years. According to Naanyaa.aayí clan traditions, Tlingit people migrated down the Stikine River during a time when the river still flowed underneath glaciers.
The population moved down the river, settling in different locations such as Tlákw.aan "Ancient Village", Sʼiknáx̱ "Across from the Grass", Shaal.aan "Fish Trap Town", Xakw.aan "Sandbar Village", Kayáash "Platform", Hehl "Foam People", Hehl being the senior of house of the village. Settlements on the coast included Chʼuxʼáasʼaan "Waterfall Town", Ḵeishangita.aan "Red Alder Head Village", Kʼaatsʼḵu Noow "Among the Sharps Fort", An.áan "Village that Rests", many others. The numerous petroglyphs found at Petroglyph Beach just north of Wrangell, as well as those scattered on the beaches of the many islands in the vicinity, attest to the long Tlingit presence, it is known and somewhat forgotten, that first peoples coastal migration to the Stikine River happened from the south. The Nass River people had several migrations into the area; the "Git Setti" people tell of their migration story in a totem raised in Wrangell in 1894 called "Kickssetti" Totem. The salt water inlet, now Wrangell Harbor was traditionally called Ḵaachx̱ana.áakʼw "Ḵaachx̱án's little lake".
Before the harbor mouth was dredged and cleared in the late 19th century, the mouth of this inlet would go dry at low tide, which led to its being called a lake. Ḵaachx̱án was a man from the village variously known as Ḵaalchʼalʼaan or Chʼaalʼít.aan, meaning "Willow House Village". The village site today is known as "Old Town" or "Old Wrangell". Ḵaachx̱án was a hermit who preferred living away from his relatives, lived in a smokehouse located on the rear shore of the lake, named after him. Wrangell was founded by Russians as one of the oldest non-Native settlements in Alaska, they started trading for furs with area Tlingit in 1811 at the site of present-day Wrangell. In 1834, Baron Ferdinand Petrovich Wrangel head of Russian government interests in Russian America, ordered a stockade built near the Naanyaa.aayí clan house of Chief Shakes, called Shéiksh Hídi. This house was located about 13 miles north of Old Wrangell, on a small island in the middle of what is today Wrangell Harbor; the stockade, named Redoubt Saint Dionysius, was founded at the location of present-day Wrangell and stood near the end of the small peninsula that forms the northeastern side of the mouth of the harbor.
The British Hudson's Bay Company named the stockade Fort Stikine. The Tlingit had used the Stikine River as a trade route to the interior since ancient times, they protested when the Hudson's Bay Company began to use their trade routes. Two epidemics of smallpox in 1836 and 1840 reduced the Tlingit population in the area by half, as they had no acquired immunity, silenced most of the protest; the HBC abandoned the fort in 1849 after the area's stocks of sea otter and beaver were depleted, ending the fur trade. Fort Stikine remained under British rule until Alaska's purchase by the United States in 1867. In 1868, the U. S. built a military post called Fort Wrangell at the site, it remained active until 1877. The community around the post continued to grow through commerce with prospectors in the gold rushes of 1861, 1874–77, 1897; as in Skagway, businessmen looking to make money off the miners built many gambling halls, dance halls, bars. Thousands of miners traveled up the Stikine River into the Cassiar District of British Columbia during 1874, again to the Klondike in 1897.
The Wrangell Bombardment occurred on the 25th of December 1869 when a Stikine Indian named Lowan bit off Mrs. Jaboc Muller's third right finger, was killed in an ensuing fight by soldiers who mortally wounded an additional Stikine Indian; the following morning, Scutd-doo, the father of the deceased, entered the fort and shot the post trader's partner Leon Smith fourteen times. Smith died some 13 hours later; the US army made an ultimatum demanding Sccutd-doo's surrender, following bombardment of the Stikine Indian village, the villagers handed Scutd-doo over to the military in the fort, where he was court-martialed and publicly hanged before the garrison and assembled natives on 29 December, stating before he was hanged that he had acted in revenge against the
Time in the United States
Time in the United States, by law, is divided into nine standard time zones covering the states and its possessions, with most of the United States observing daylight saving time for the spring and fall months. The time zone boundaries and DST observance are regulated by the Department of Transportation. Official and precise timekeeping services are provided by two federal agencies: the National Institute of Standards and Technology; the clocks run by these services are kept synchronized with each other as well as with those of other international timekeeping organizations. It is the combination of the time zone and daylight saving rules, along with the timekeeping services, which determines the legal civil time for any U. S. location at any moment. Before the adoption of four standard time zones for the continental United States, many towns and cities set their clocks to noon when the sun passed their local meridian, pre-corrected for the equation of time on the date of observation, to form local mean solar time.
Noon occurred at different times but time differences between distant locations were noticeable prior to the 19th century because of long travel times and the lack of long-distance instant communications prior to the development of the telegraph. The use of local solar time became awkward as railways and telecommunications improved. American railroads maintained many different time zones during the late 1800s; each train station set its own clock making it difficult to coordinate train schedules and confusing passengers. Time calculation became a serious problem for people traveling by train, according to the Library of Congress; every city in the United States used a different time standard so there were more than 300 local sun times to choose from. Time zones were therefore a compromise, relaxing the complex geographic dependence while still allowing local time to be approximate with mean solar time. Railroad managers tried to address the problem by establishing 100 railroad time zones, but this was only a partial solution to the problem.
Weather service chief Cleveland Abbe had needed to introduce four standard time zones for his weather stations, an idea which he offered to the railroads. Operators of the new railroad lines needed a new time plan that would offer a uniform train schedule for departures and arrivals. Four standard time zones for the continental United States were introduced at noon on November 18, 1883, when the telegraph lines transmitted time signals to all major cities. In October 1884, the International Meridian Conference at Washington DC adopted a proposal which stated that the prime meridian for longitude and timekeeping should be one that passes through the centre of the transit instrument at the Greenwich Observatory in the United Kingdom; the conference therefore established the Greenwich Meridian as the prime meridian and Greenwich Mean Time as the world's time standard. The US time-zone system grew from this, in which all zones referred back to GMT on the prime meridian. In 1960, the International Radio Consultative Committee formalized the concept of Coordinated Universal Time, which became the new international civil time standard.
UTC is, within about 1 second, mean solar time at 0°. UTC does not observe daylight saving time. For most purposes, UTC is considered interchangeable with GMT, but GMT is no longer defined by the scientific community. UTC is one of several related successors to GMT. Standard time zones in the United States are defined at the federal level by law 15 USC §260; the federal law establishes the transition dates and times at which daylight saving time occurs, if observed. It is the authority of the Secretary of Transportation, in coordination with the states, to determine which regions will observe which of the standard time zones and if they will observe daylight saving time; as of August 9, 2007, the standard time zones are defined in terms of hourly offsets from UTC. Prior to this they were based upon the mean solar time at several meridians 15° apart west of Greenwich. Only the full-time zone names listed below are official. View the standard time zone boundaries here; the United States uses nine standard time zones.
As defined by US law they are: From east to west, the four time zones of the contiguous United States are: Eastern Time Zone, which comprises the states on the Atlantic coast and the eastern two thirds of the Ohio Valley. Central Time Zone, which comprises the Gulf Coast, Mississippi Valley, most of the Great Plains. Mountain Time Zone, which comprises the states and portions of states that include the Rocky Mountains and the western quarter of the Great Plains. Pacific Time Zone, which comprises the states on the Pacific coast, plus Nevada and the Idaho panhandle. Alaska Time Zone, which comprises most of the state of Alaska. Hawaii-Aleutian Time Zone, which includes Hawaii and most of the length of the Aleutian Islands chain. Samoa Time Zone, which comprises American Samoa. Chamorro Time Zone, which comprises Guam and the Northern Mariana Islands. Atlantic Time Zone, which comprises Puerto Rico and the US Virgin Islands; some United States Minor Outlying Islands are outside the time zones defined by 15 U.
S. C. § exist in waters defined by Nautical time. In practice, military crews may
A ghost town is an abandoned village, town, or city one that contains substantial visible remains. A town becomes a ghost town because the economic activity that supported it has failed, or due to natural or human-caused disasters such as floods, prolonged droughts, government actions, uncontrolled lawlessness, pollution, or nuclear disasters; the term can sometimes refer to cities and neighbourhoods that are still populated, but less so than in past years. Some ghost towns those that preserve period-specific architecture, have become tourist attractions; some examples are Bannack, Centralia and South Pass City in the United States, Barkerville in Canada, Craco in Italy, Elizabeth Bay and Kolmanskop in Namibia, Pripyat in Ukraine, Danushkodi in India. The town of Plymouth on the Caribbean island of Montserrat is a ghost town, the de jure capital of Montserrat, it was rendered uninhabitable by volcanic ash from an eruption. The definition of a ghost town varies between individuals, between cultures.
Some writers discount settlements that were abandoned as a result of a natural or human-made disaster or other causes using the term only to describe settlements that were deserted because they were no longer economically viable. Some believe. Whether or not the settlement must be deserted, or may contain a small population, is a matter for debate. Though, the term is used in a looser sense, encompassing any and all of these definitions; the American author Lambert Florin's preferred definition of a ghost town was "a shadowy semblance of a former self". Factors leading to abandonment of towns include depleted natural resources, economic activity shifting elsewhere and roads bypassing or no longer accessing the town, human intervention, massacres and the shifting of politics or fall of empires. A town can be abandoned when it is part of an exclusion zone due to natural or man-made causes. Ghost towns may result when the single activity or resource that created a boomtown is depleted or the resource economy undergoes a "bust".
Boomtowns can decrease in size as fast as they grew. Sometimes, all or nearly the entire population can desert the town; the dismantling of a boomtown can occur on a planned basis. Mining companies nowadays will create a temporary community to service a mine site, building all the accommodation and services required, remove them once the resource has been extracted. Modular buildings can be used to facilitate the process. A gold rush would bring intensive but short-lived economic activity to a remote village, only to leave a ghost town once the resource was depleted. In some cases, multiple factors may remove the economic basis for a community. S. Route 66 suffered both mine closures when the resources were depleted and loss of highway traffic as US 66 was diverted away from places like Oatman, Arizona onto a more direct path. Mine and pulp mill closures have led to many ghost towns in British Columbia, Canada including several recent ones: Ocean Falls which closed in 1973 after the pulp mill was decommissioned, Kitsault B.
C. whose molybdenum mine shut after only 18 months in 1982 and Cassiar whose asbestos mine operated from 1952 to 1992. In other cases, the reason for abandonment can arise from a town's intended economic function shifting to another, nearby place; this happened to Collingwood, Queensland in Outback Australia when nearby Winton outperformed Collingwood as a regional centre for the livestock-raising industry. The railway reached Winton in 1899, linking it with the rest of Queensland, Collingwood was a ghost town by the following year; the Middle East has many ghost towns that were created when the shifting of politics or the fall of empires caused capital cities to be or economically unviable, such as Ctesiphon. The rise of condominium investment caused for real estate bubbles leads to a ghost town, as real estate prices rise and affordable housing becomes less available; such examples include China and Canada, where housing is used as an investment rather than for habitation. Railroads and roads bypassing or no longer reaching a town can create a ghost town.
This was the case in many of the ghost towns along Ontario's historic Opeongo Line, along U. S. Route 66 after motorists bypassed the latter on the faster moving highways I-44 and I-40; some ghost towns were founded along railways where steam trains would stop at periodic intervals to take on water. Amboy, California was part of one such series of villages along the Atlantic and Pacific Railroad across the Mojave Desert. River re-routing is one example being the towns along the Aral Sea. Ghost towns may be created when land is expropriated by a government, residents are required to relocate. One example is the village of Tyneham in Dorset, acquired during World War II to build an artillery range. A similar situation occurred in the U. S. when NASA acquired land to construct the John C. Stennis Space Center, a rocket testing facility in Hancock County, Mississippi; this required NASA to acquire a large (approximately 34-square-mile (88