Jan Roman Bytnar, nom de guerre "Rudy" was a Polish scoutmaster, a member of Polish scouting anti-Nazi resistance, a lieutenant in the Home Army during the Second World War. He was the son of Stanisław Bytnar, a teacher and soldier in the Polish Legions in World War I, Zdzisława Rechulówna, he attended elementary school in Piastów. In 1931 he was accepted to the Stefan Batory Gymnasium in Warsaw, where the Bytnar family moved in the same year, they lived in the Mokotów district. In 1934, at the age of 13, he joined Guiding Association. In 1938 he attained the highest non-instructor rank, "Scout of the Republic". Shortly before, in 1937, he began attending a lyceum. After the German invasion of Poland in September 1939, Bytnar lived in occupied Warsaw and worked as a glazier and school tutor. In October 1939, together with a group of friends, he joined the short lived left wing Polish People's Independent Action, a resistance group; as its member he composed and distributed pamphlets in response to the formation of the General Government by the Nazis.
However, the organization was soon infiltrated by the Gestapo and broken up by January 1940. Bytnar left Warsaw and lived with his grandparents in Kolbuszowa in south-eastern Poland, where he became involved in anti-Nazi resistance. Sometime early in 1940 he joined the Union of Armed Struggle, a precursor organization of the Home Army. In March 1941 he became a member of the Gray Ranks, a paramilitary underground scouting organization which carried out sabotage and diversion against the Germans. In particular and his cell focused on so-called "small sabotage" as part of the Wawer group, he was arrested by the Nazis on 23 March 1943 and rescued three days by a combat group of the Gray Ranks during the Arsenal action on 26 March. He died on 30 March, at the age of 21, from injuries sustained during the interrogation carried out by the Gestapo while in captivity; the brutal interrogation of Bytnar was conducted by SS Rottenführer Ewald Lange and SS Obersturmführer Herbert Schultz. Both were assassinated by the Gray Ranks.
Schultz was shot dead on 6 May 1943 by Sławomir Maciej Eugeniusz Kecher. Lange was shot dead on 22 May 1943 by Jerzy Zapadko. Bytnar is the main character in Stones for the Rampart by Aleksander Kamiński and Rudy, Alek, Zośka by Barbara Wachowicz. Paweł Dubiel, Józef Kozak, Polacy w II wojnie światowej: kim byli, co robili, Oficyna Wydawnicza RYTM, Warszawa, 2003, ISBN 83-7399-054-2 Stanisław Kopf, Stefan Starba-Bałuk, Armia Krajowa. Kronika fotograficzna, Wydawnictwo Ars Print Production, Warszawa, 1999, ISBN 83-87224-16-2 Aleksander Kamiński, Stones for the Rampart Barbara Wachowicz, Alek, Zośka, Oficyna Wydawnicza RYTM, ISBN 83-88794-95-7 Polish Secret State Związek Harcerstwa Polskiego Mury Battalion Zośka Battalion Parasol
Flag of Poland
The flag of Poland consists of two horizontal stripes of equal width, the upper one white and the lower one red. The two colors are defined in the Polish constitution as the national colors. A variant of the flag with the national coat of arms in the middle of the white stripe is reserved for official use abroad and at sea. A similar flag with the addition of a swallow-tail is used as the naval ensign of Poland. White and red were adopted as national colours in 1831, they are of heraldic origin and derive from the tinctures of the coats of arms of the two constituent nations of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, i.e. the White Eagle of Poland and the Pursuer of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, a white knight riding a white horse, both on a red shield. Prior to that, Polish soldiers wore cockades of various color combinations; the national flag was adopted in 1919. Since 2004, Polish Flag Day is celebrated on 2 May; the flag is flown continuously on the buildings of the highest national authorities, such as the parliament and the presidential palace.
Other institutions and many Polish people fly the national flag on national holidays and other special occasions of national significance. Current Polish law does not restrict the use of the national flag without the coat of arms as long as the flag is not disrespected. Horizontal bicolours of white and red being a widespread design, there are several flags that are similar but unrelated to the Polish one. There are two national flags with the red stripe above the white one: those of Monaco. In Poland, many flags based on the national design feature the national colours; the colors and flags of the Republic of Poland are described in two legal documents: the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 1997, the Coat of Arms and Anthem of the Republic of Poland, State Seals Act of 1980 with subsequent amendments. Legislation concerning the national symbols is far from perfect; the Coat of Arms Act has been amended several times and refers extensively to executive ordinances, some of which have never been issued.
Moreover, the Act contains errors and inconsistencies which make the law confusing, open to various interpretations and not followed in practice. According to Chapter I, Article 28, paragraph 2 of the Constitution, the national colours of Poland are white and red; the Coat of Arms Act, Article 4, further specifies that the colours are white and red in two horizontal, parallel stripes of equal width, of which the top one is white and the bottom one is red. If the colours are displayed vertically, the white stripe is placed on the left from the onlooker's viewpoint. Attachment no. 2 to the Act shows the national colors in both horizontal and vertical alignment, as well as the official shades of both colours expressed as coordinates in the CIE xyY colour space with the tolerated colour differences specified in the CIE 1976 colour space. The Constitution contains no mention of a national flag. Instead, the flag is defined by the Coat of Arms Act which specifies two variants of the national flag: the national flag of the Republic of Poland and the national flag with coat of arms of the Republic of Poland.
Both flags are defined in Article 6 of the act as follows: The state flag of the Republic of Poland is a rectangular piece of cloth in the colors of the Republic of Poland hoisted on a flagpole. The state flag of the Republic of Poland is the flag specified in paragraph 1, with the coat of arms of the Republic of Poland placed in the middle of the white stripe; the hoist to fly ratio for both flags is 5:8. For the latter flag, the proportion between the inescutcheon of the coat of arms and the hoist is 2:5. Images of both variations of the flag can be found in attachment no. 3 to the Coat of Arms Act. Polish law says that treating the national symbols, including the flag, "with reverence and respect" is the "right and obligation" of every Polish citizen and all state organs and organizations. Public disrespect, destruction or intentional removal of the flag is considered a crime punishable by a fine, penal servitude or up to one year of imprisonment. Official statistics show that crimes against national symbols are rare: 43 such crimes in 2003 and 96 in 2004 were less than 0.001% of all crimes registered in Poland in those years.
Other, unspecified violation of regulations on the Polish flag is an infraction, punishable by a fine or up to one month imprisonment. According to the Coat of Arms Act, everyone can use the Polish flag during national and cultural events, as long as it is done in a respectful manner; this liberty in the use of national colors is a relative novelty. Until 2004, Polish citizens were only allowed to fly the Polish flag on national holidays; the use of both variants was restricted, but only flying the flag with coat of arms was, from 1955 to 1985, punishable by a fine or arrest for up to one year. After 1985, unauthorized use of any national symbol was an infraction. A possible explanation to such harsh measures was the fact that the promoted holiday of 1 May was separated by only one day from the pre-war national holiday of Poland, the anniversary of signing of the Constitution of 3 May 1791. While hoisting a flag on 1 May was acceptable, no than the following day it must have been hidden; that restriction and kind of state monopoly on the use of national symbols during the Communist regime made flying the Polish flag a symbol of resistance against the government.
It became customary
Fighting Solidarity was a Polish anti-communist underground organization, founded in June 1982 by Kornel Morawiecki in Wrocław in response to the de-legalization of Solidarity and government repression of the opposition after martial law was declared in 1981. It was one of the most radical splinters of Solidarity. Morawiecki and Fighting Solidarity activists saw their organization as the successor to the Polish resistance in World War II, hence their symbol merged the Solidarity logo with the Kotwica and crowned Polish eagle. One of the main activities of Fighting Solidarity was information warfare: it printed and distributed many underground newspapers; the most well-known of these included "Biuletyn Dolnośląski", "Solidarność Walcząca" and "Galicja". Fighting Solidarity's bibuła were the first printed during the period of martial law, being available the day after martial law was introduced. Fighting Solidarity tried to infiltrate the Polish secret police and to support other anti-communist organizations, including ones in other countries of the Soviet Bloc the Soviet Union itself.
The Polish secret police found it hard to infiltrate the organization though they employed various tactics, including kidnapping Morawiecki's children in an attempt to blackmail him. Despite its reputation for militancy, Fighting Solidarity did not support terrorism. Fighting Solidarity was one of two Polish organizations of that time whose primary goals, declared from the start, included the destruction of communism, the independence of Poland and other nations controlled by communist governments, the reunification of Germany. Fighting Solidarity power bases included Poznań, Gdańsk, Rzeszów and Upper Silesia. Among its most prominent members were Maciej Frankiewicz, Roman Zwiercan, Andrzej Kołodziej, Jadwiga Chmielowska, Janusz Szkutnik. In 1986 it claimed not counting allies and supporters. In 1990 many members of Fighting Solidarity founded a political party, the Partia Wolności. Confederation of Independent Poland Orange Alternative Fighting Solidarity, Institute of National Remembrance Wolni i Solidarni, a portal dedicated to'Fighting Solidarity' Kornel Morawiecki o swojej organizacji "Solidarność Walcząca" w świetle materiałów Służby Bezpieczeństwa
Nowy Kurier Warszawski
Nowy Kurier Warszawski Nowy Kurjer Warszawski was a German propaganda newspaper issued in the occupied Poland during World War II. Its name was coined after a popular pre-war newspaper Kurier Warszawski, with which it had nothing to do but the name. According to German sources the newspaper was issued in 200 000 copies daily, but it was boycotted by the Poles and the numbers seem to be much overestimated. Following the Polish defeat against the joint Nazi German and Soviet Invasion of Poland of 1939, on 6 October German and Soviet forces gained full control over Poland; the success of the invasion marked the end of the Second Polish Republic, though Poland never formally surrendered. On 8 October, after an initial period of military administration, Germany directly annexed western Poland and the former Free City of Danzig and placed the remaining block of territory under the administration of the newly established General Government. Within the General Government all Polish newspapers were banned.
In their stead, the German authorities established eight Polish language daily newspapers as part of their propaganda machine aimed at subjugated nations. The largest of them was the Warsaw-based Nowy Kurier Warszawski with daily circulation of over 200,000 copies. By comparison, it is estimated that all German-published journals in occupied Poland had a circulation of 700,000 in 1941 and over 1 million in 1944; the new newspaper drew its name from pre-war "Kurier Warszawski", established in 1821 and popular in pre-war Warsaw. However, the "New Courier" had little to do with the original journal apart from the name and the printing press; the profile of the newspaper was akin to modern tabloid journalism. Apart from front line news and overly optimistic reports on constant successes of the German Wehrmacht, the newspaper featured a collection of sensational crime stories, gossip columns and such; as such, the newspaper was a tool of indoctrination of less-educated strata of Polish society. Because of that it was referred to by a variety of derogatory names.
The most popular name, gadzinówka became a generic term for any foreign propaganda publication in standard Polish language. Other popular nicknames include Kurwar and "szmatławiec". Despite its clear propaganda flavour, the newspaper remained popular in Poland, as it included useful information on new regulations introduced by the Germans and actual info on monthly food rations as well as many ads and obituaries. In addition, it was cheap: each issue was priced at only 20 groszes, an average price for a newspaper in pre-war Poland, but inexpensive in reality of rampant hyperinflation in war-torn Poland. Following the outbreak of the Warsaw Uprising of 1944, the headquarters of the newspaper was moved to Łódź, where it continued to circulate until January 1945. After the war at least 15 former employees of the New Warsaw Courier had been tried and sentenced to prison for their collaboration with the Nazis during the war. Biuletyn Informacyjny
The Wawer massacre refers to the execution of 107 Polish civilians on the night of 26 to 27 December 1939 by the Nazi German occupiers of Wawer, Poland. The execution was a response to the deaths of two German NCOs. 120 people were arrested and 114 shot. It is considered to be one of the first large scale massacres of Polish civilians by Nazi Germany in occupied Poland. Nazi Germany invaded and occupied Poland in September 1939. From the start, the war against Poland was intended to be the fulfilment of a plan described by Adolf Hitler in his book Mein Kampf; the main gist of the plan was for all of Eastern Europe to become part of a Greater Germany, the German Lebensraum. On the evening of 26 December, two known Polish criminals, Marian Prasuła and Stanisław Dąbek, killed two German non-commissioned officers from Baubataillon 538. After learning of it, the acting commander of the Ordnungspolizei in Warsaw, colonel Max Daume ordered an immediate reprisal, consisting of a series of arrests of random Polish males, aged 16 to 70, found in the region where the killings occurred.
After a kangaroo court presided over by Major General Friedrich Wilhelm Wenzl, 114 of the 120 people arrested - who had no knowledge of the recent killings, many of whom were roused from their beds - were sentenced to death. They were not given the opportunity to plead their case. Of the 114, one managed to escape, 7 were shot but not killed and managed to escape and 107 were shot dead; the dead included one professional military officer, one journalist, two Polish-American citizens and a 12-year-old boy. Some of the executed were not locals, but visiting their families for Christmas, it was one of the earliest massacres to occur in occupied Poland. It was one of the first instances of the large scale implementation by Germany of the doctrine of collective responsibility in the General Government in Poland since the end of the invasion in September. Soon after the massacre, a Polish youth resistance organization, "Wawer", was created, it was part of the Szare Szeregi, its first act was to create a series of graffiti in Warsaw around the Christmas of 1940, commemorating the massacre.
Members of the AK Wawer "Small Sabotage" unit painted "Pomścimy Wawer" on Warsaw walls. At first they painted the whole text to save time they shortened it to two letters, P and W, they invented Kotwica -"Anchor" - the symbol, a combination of these 2 letters, was easy and fast to paint. Next kotwica gained more meanings - Polska Walcząca, it stands for Wojsko Polskie and Powstanie Warszawskie. "Kotwica" became a patriotic symbol of defiance against the occupiers and was painted on building walls everywhere. On 3 March 1947, the Polish Supreme National Tribunal for the Trial of War Criminals sentenced Max Daume to death. Wilhelm Wenzel was extradited to Poland by the Soviets in 1950 and executed in November 1951. There is now a monument in Wawer commemorating the massacre. List of massacres in Poland Chronicles of Terror Jan Bijata, Książka i Wiedza, Warszawa 1973 Collection of testimonies concerning Wawer massacre in'Chronicles of Terror' database
Sabotage is a deliberate action aimed at weakening a polity, effort, or organization through subversion, disruption, or destruction. One who engages in sabotage is a saboteur. Saboteurs try to conceal their identities because of the consequences of their actions. Any unexplained adverse condition might be sabotage. Sabotage is sometimes called tampering, tinkering, malicious pranks, malicious hacking, a practical joke, or the like to avoid needing to invoke legal and organizational requirements for addressing sabotage. A popular but false account of the origin of the term's present meaning is the story that less wealthy workers in France, who wore not leather but wooden shoes, used to throw these sabots into the machines to disrupt production; this account is not supported by the etymology. Rather, the French source word means to "walk noisily", as was done by sabot-wearing labourers, who interrupted production by means of labor disputes, not damage. One of its first appearances in French literature is in the Dictionnaire du Bas-Langage ou manières de parler usitées parmi le peuple of D'Hautel, edited in 1808.
The verb "saboter" is found in 1873–1874 in the Dictionnaire de la langue française of Émile Littré. But it is at the end of the 19th century that it began to be used with the meaning of "deliberately and maliciously destroying property" or "working slower". In 1897, Émile Pouget, a famous syndicalist and anarchist wrote "action de saboter un travail" in Le Père Peinard and in 1911 he wrote a book entitled Le Sabotage. At the inception of the Industrial Revolution, skilled workers such as the Luddites used sabotage as a means of negotiation in labor disputes. Labor unions such as the Industrial Workers of the World have advocated sabotage as a means of self-defense and direct action against unfair working conditions; the IWW was shaped in part by the industrial unionism philosophy of Big Bill Haywood, in 1910 Haywood was exposed to sabotage while touring Europe: The experience that had the most lasting impact on Haywood was witnessing a general strike on the French railroads. Tired of waiting for parliament to act on their demands, railroad workers walked off their jobs all across the country.
The French government responded by drafting the strikers into the army and ordering them back to work. Undaunted, the workers carried their strike to the job, they could not seem to do anything right. Perishables sat for weeks and forgotten. Freight bound for Paris was misdirected to Marseille instead; this tactic — the French called it "sabotage" — won the strikers their demands and impressed Bill Haywood. For the IWW, sabotage's meaning expanded to include the original use of the term: any withdrawal of efficiency, including the slowdown, the strike, working to rule, or creative bungling of job assignments. One of the most severe examples was at the construction site of the Robert-Bourassa Generating Station in 1974, in Québec, when workers used bulldozers to topple electric generators, damaged fuel tanks, set buildings on fire; the project was delayed a year, the direct cost of the damage estimated at $2 million CAD. The causes were not clear, but three possible factors have been cited: inter-union rivalry, poor working conditions, the perceived arrogance of American executives of the contractor, Bechtel Corporation.
Certain groups turn to destruction of property to stop environmental destruction or to make visible arguments against forms of modern technology they consider detrimental to the environment. The U. S. Federal Bureau of Investigation and other law enforcement agencies use the term eco-terrorist when applied to damage of property. Proponents argue that since property cannot feel terror, damage to property is more described as sabotage. Opponents, by contrast, point out that property operators can indeed feel terror; the image of the monkey wrench thrown into the moving parts of a machine to stop it from working was popularized by Edward Abbey in the novel The Monkey Wrench Gang and has been adopted by eco-activists to describe destruction of earth damaging machinery. From 1992 to late 2007 a radical environmental activist movement known as ELF or Earth Liberation Front engaged in a near constant campaign of decentralized sabotage of any construction projects near wild lands and extractive industries such as logging and the burning down of a ski resort of Vail Colorado.
ELF used sabotage tactics in loose coordination with other environmental activist movements to physically delay or destroy threats to wild lands as the political will developed to protect the targeted wild areas that ELF engaged. In war, the word is used to describe the activity of an individual or group not associated with the military of the parties at war, such as a foreign agent or an indigenous supporter, in particular when actions result in the destruction or damaging of a productive or vital facility, such as equipment, dams, public services, storage plants or logistic routes. Prime examples of such sabotage are the events of the Kingsland Explosion. Like spies, saboteurs who conduct a military operation in civilian clothes or enemy uniforms behind enemy lines are subject to prosecution and criminal penalties instead of detention as prisoners of war, it is common for a government in power during war or supporters of the war policy to use the term loosely against opponents of the war.
German nationalists spoke of a stab in the back having cost them the loss of World War I. A modern form of sabotage is the distribution of software intended to damage specific industrial systems. For example, the U. S. Central Intelligence Agency is alleged to have sabotaged a Siberian p
An anchor is a device made of metal, used to connect a vessel to the bed of a body of water to prevent the craft from drifting due to wind or current. The word derives from Latin ancora, which itself comes from the Greek ἄγκυρα. Anchors can either be permanent. Permanent anchors are used in the creation of a mooring, are moved. Vessels carry one or more temporary anchors, which may be of different weights. A sea anchor is a drogue, not in contact with the seabed, it is used to control a drifting vessel, or to limit the speed of a sailing yacht running "under bare poles" in a storm. Anchors achieve holding power either by "hooking" into the seabed, or sheer mass, or a combination of the two. Permanent moorings use large masses resting on the seabed. Semi-permanent mooring anchors and large ship's anchors derive a significant portion of their holding power from their mass, while hooking or embedding in the bottom. Modern anchors for smaller vessels have metal flukes which hook on to rocks on the bottom or bury themselves in soft seabed.
The vessel is attached to a combination of these. The ratio of the length of rode to the water depth is known as the scope. A 10:1 scope gives the greatest holding power, but allows for much more drifting due to the longer amount of cable paid out. Anchoring with sufficient scope and/or heavy chain rode brings the direction of strain close to parallel with the seabed; this is important for light, modern anchors designed to bury in the bottom, where scopes of 5:1 to 7:1 are common, whereas heavy anchors and moorings can use a scope of 3:1, or less. Some modern anchors, such as the Ultra will hold with a scope of 3:1. Since all anchors that embed themselves in the bottom require the strain to be along the seabed, anchors can be broken out of the bottom by shortening the rope until the vessel is directly above the anchor. If necessary, motoring around the location of the anchor helps dislodge it. Anchors are sometimes fitted with a tripping line attached to the crown, by which they can be unhooked from rocks or coral.
The term aweigh is not resting on the bottom. This is linked to the term to weigh anchor, meaning to lift the anchor from the sea bed, allowing the ship or boat to move. An anchor is described as aweigh when it has been broken out of the bottom and is being hauled up to be stowed. Aweigh should not be confused with under way, which describes a vessel, not moored to a dock or anchored, whether or not the vessel is moving through the water; the earliest anchors were rocks, many rock anchors have been found dating from at least the Bronze Age. Pre-European Maori waka used one or more hollowed stones, tied with flax ropes, as anchors. Many modern moorings still rely on a large rock as the primary element of their design. However, using pure mass to resist the forces of a storm only works well as a permanent mooring; the ancient Greeks used baskets of stones, large sacks filled with sand, wooden logs filled with lead. According to Apollonius Rhodius and Stephen of Byzantium, anchors were formed of stone, Athenaeus states that they were sometimes made of wood.
Such anchors held the vessel by their weight and by their friction along the bottom. Iron was afterwards introduced for the construction of anchors, an improvement was made by forming them with teeth, or "flukes", to fasten themselves into the bottom; this is the iconic anchor shape most familiar to non-sailors. This form has been used since antiquity; the Roman Nemi ships of the 1st century AD used this form. The Viking Ladby ship used a fluked anchor of this type, made of iron; the Admiralty Pattern anchor, or "Admiralty" known as a "Fisherman", consists of a central shank with a ring or shackle for attaching the rode. At the other end of the shank there are two arms, carrying the flukes, while the stock is mounted to the shackle end, at ninety degrees to the arms; when the anchor lands on the bottom, it will fall over with the arms parallel to the seabed. As a strain comes onto the rode, the stock will dig into the bottom, canting the anchor until one of the flukes catches and digs into the bottom.
The Admiralty Anchor is a reinvention of a classical design, as seen in one of the Nemi ship anchors. This basic design remained unchanged for centuries, with the most significant changes being to the overall proportions, a move from stocks made of wood to iron stocks in the late 1830s and early 1840s. Since one fluke always protrudes up from the set anchor, there is a great tendency of the rode to foul the anchor as the vessel swings due to wind or current shifts; when this happens, the anchor may be pulled out of the bottom, in some cases may need to be hauled up to be re-set. In the mid-19th century, numerous modifications were attempted to alleviate these problems, as well as improve holding power, including one-armed mooring anchors; the most successful of these patent anchors, the Trotman Anchor, introduced a pivot where the arms jo