A pendhapa or pandhapa is a fundamental element of Javanese architecture. Either square or rectangular in plan, it is open on all sides and provides shelter from the sun and rain, but allows breeze and indirect light; the word pendhapa is cognate to the Sanskrit word mandapa. The Dutch writer Multatuli in his colonial reformist novel Max Havelaar described the pendhapa thus: "After a broad-brimmed hat, an umbrella, or a hollow tree, a'pendoppo' is the most simple representation of the idea'roof'."Derived from ancient Javanese architectural elements, pendhapa are common ritual spaces intended for ceremony, for a variety of purposes such as receiving guests in the compounds of wealthy Javanese, as cottage industry work spaces. Pendhapa can be constructed as a stand-alone structure or, attached to a walled inner structure, may form the front part of a traditional Javanese house; the oldest surviving images of ancient Java vernacular architecture appears in Borobudur reliefs, among others the stepped roof type pendhapa.
They once sheltered the institutions of ancient Javanese kingdoms, such as law courts, clergy and for public appearances of the king and his ministers. In 9th century Ratu Boko complex near Prambanan, there is traces of square elevated stone bases with umpaks, stones with hole to put wooden pillars on it; the similar structures can be found in 14th century Trowulan dated from Majapahit era, where square brick bases with umpak stones suggest that some pendopos once stood there. Because the pillars and the roof was made from wooden organic material, no trace of the pendhapa roof remains; the pendhapa with faithful Majapahit brick-base style can be found in 16th century Kraton Kasepuhan, Cirebon, as well as 17th century Kota Gede, Yogyakarta. These evidences suggests, they remain fundamental components of Javanese kraton with European influences being incorporated since the 18th century. The majority of pendhapa are constructed from timber but masonry versions are in existence such as used in the Kraton Kanoman in Cirebon.
Wealthy modern day home builders, in attempting to design homes that draw on traditional Javanese experience of space, have dismantle, transported and re-assembled pendhapa forming modern-traditional hybrid homes. Joglo Indonesian architecture Kraton Schoppert, P. Damais, S. Java Style, 1997, Didier Millet, Paris, 207 pages, ISBN 962-593-232-1
Rumah adat are traditional houses built in any of the vernacular architecture styles of Indonesia. The traditional houses and settlements of the several hundreds ethnic groups of Indonesia are varied and all have their own specific history. Ethnic groups in Indonesia are associated with their own distinctive form of rumah adat; the houses are at the centre of a web of customs, social relations, traditional laws, taboos and religions that bind the villagers together. The house provides the main focus for the family and its community, is the point of departure for many activities of its residents. Villagers build their own homes, or a community pools its resources for a structure built under the direction of a master builder or carpenter; the vast majority of Indonesians no longer live in rumah adat, the numbers have declined due to economic and social changes. With few exceptions, the peoples of the Indonesian archipelago share a common Austronesian ancestry or Sundaland, a sunken area in South East Asia, traditional homes of Indonesia share a number of characteristics such as timber construction and elaborate roof structures.
The earliest Austronesian structures were communal longhouses on stilts, with steep sloping roofs and heavy gables, as seen in the Batak rumah adat and the Torajan Tongkonan. Variations on the communal longhouse principle are found among the Dayak people of Borneo, as well as the Mentawai people; the norm is for a post and lintel structural system that take load straight to the ground with either wooden or bamboo walls that are non-load bearing. Traditionally, rather than nails and tenon joints and wooden pegs are used. Natural materials - timber, bamboo and fibre - make up rumah adat. Hardwood is used for piles and a combination of soft and hard wood is used for the house's upper non-load bearing walls, are made of lighter wood or thatch; the thatch material can be sugar palm leaves, alang alang grass and rice straw. Traditional dwellings have developed to respond to natural environmental conditions Indonesia's hot and wet monsoon climate; as is common throughout South East Asia and the South West Pacific, most rumah adat are built on stilts, with the exception of Java and other houses of Eastern Indonesia.
Building houses off the ground on stilts serve a number of purposes: it allows breezes to moderate the hot tropical temperatures. The inclined roof allows the heavy tropical rain to sheet off, large overhanging eaves keep water out of the house and provide shade in the heat. In hot and humid low-lying coastal regions, homes can have many windows providing good cross-ventilation, whereas in cooler mountainous interior areas, homes have a vast roof and few windows. Examples of rumah adat include: Batak architecture includes the boat-shaped jabu homes of the Toba Batak people, with dominating carved gables and dramatic oversized roof, are based on an ancient model; the Minangkabau of West Sumatra build the rumah gadang, distinctive for their multiple gables with upsweeping ridge ends. The homes of Nias peoples include the omo sebua chiefs' houses built on massive ironwood pillars with towering roofs. Not only are they impregnable to attack in former tribal warfare, but flexible nail-less construction provide proven earthquake durability.
Rumah Melayu Malay traditional houses built on stilts of Sumatra and Malay Peninsula. The Riau region is characterised by villages built on stilts over waterways. Sundanese imah take basic form of gabled roof called kampung style roof, made of thatched materials with weaved bamboo wall and structure built on short stilts; the more elaborate overhanging gabled. Unlike most South East Asian vernacular homes, Javanese omah are not built on piles, have become the Indonesian vernacular style most influenced by European architectural elements; the Bubungan Tinggi, with their steeply pitched roofs, are the large homes of Banjarese royalty and aristocrats in South Kalimantan. Traditional Balinese homes are a collection of individual open structures within a high-walled garden compound; the Sasak people of Lombok build lumbung, pile-built bonnet-roofed rice barns, that are more distinctive and elaborate than their houses. Dayak people traditionally live in communal longhouses; the houses can exceed 300 m in length, in some cases forming a whole village.
The Toraja of the Sulawesi highlands are renowned for their tongkonan, houses built on piles and dwarfed by massive exaggerated-pitch saddle roofs. Rumah adat on Sumba have distinctive thatched "high hat" roofs and are wrapped with sheltered verandahs; the Papuan Dani traditionally live in small family compounds composed of several circular huts known as honay with thatched dome roofs. Rumah Adat The numbers of rumah adat are decreasing across Indonesia; this trend dates from the colonial period, with the Dutch viewing traditional architecture as unhygienic, with big roofs that sheltered rats. Multi-family homes were viewed with suspicion by religious authorities, as were those aspects of the rumah adat linked to traditional belief. In parts of the Indies, colonial authorities embarked on vigorous demolition programmes
Kraton Ngayogyakarta Hadiningrat
The Kraton Ngayogyakarta Hadiningrat is a palace complex in the city of Yogyakarta, Yogyakarta Special Region, Indonesia. It is the seat of the reigning Sultan of his family; the complex is a center of Javanese culture, contains a museum displaying royal artifacts. It is guarded by the Yogyakarta Kraton Guards; the complex was built in 1755 -- 1756 for the first Sultan of Yogyakarta. It was one of the monarch's first acts after the signing of the Treaty of Giyanti, which recognized the creation of the Sultanate of Yogyakarta under the Dutch East India Company. A banyan forest, protected from flooding by its location between two rivers, was chosen as the site for the palace. On 20 June 1812, Stamford Raffles led a 1,200-strong British force to attack the walled royal city of Yogyakarta. Although they outnumbered the British, the Javanese were unprepared for the attack. Yogyakarta fell in one day, the palace was sacked and burned. A total of £15,000 in gold and currency was looted, it was the first attack on a Javanese court, the sultanate was subjugated to colonial authority.
Most of the current palace was built by Sultan Hamengkubuwono VIII, was rebuilt after earthquakes in 1876 and 2006. The palace's chief architect was Sultan Hamengkubuwono I, his architectural expertise was appreciated by the Dutch scientist Theodoor Gautier Thomas Pigeaud and Lucien Adam, who considered him a worthy successor of Pakubuwono II. The palace layout, which followed the basic design of the old city of Yogyakarta, was completed in 1755-1756; the complex consists of a courtyard covered with sand from the south coast, a main building and a secondary building. The buildings are separated by a wall with a regol in semar tinandu style; the palace door is made of thick teak. Behind a gate in Javanese architecture is an insulating wall, sometimes with a distinctive, traditional ornament; the wooden buildings of the complex have a traditional Javanese architectural style, decorated with flora, fauna, or nature motifs. Foreign influences are seen; the buildings are of joglo construction. The trapezoidal joglo roof is covered with red or gray shingles, tiles, or zinc.
It is supported by secondary pillars. Pillars are dark green or black, with yellow, light-green, red or gold highlights. Other wooden building elements match the pillars in color. For the stone pedestal, the black color is combined with gold ornamentation. White dominates the walls of the complex; the floor made of white marble or patterned tiles, is higher than the sandy courtyard. Some buildings have a higher main floor. Other buildings have a square stone for the sultan's throne; each building is classified by use. The main-class building has more ornamentation than the lower-class buildings, which have simple ornamentation or none at all. A kraton is a palace. Keraton is the living quarters of the royal family. Tamarind and Spanish cherry trees line the road from Krapyak Hunting House to the palace, which runs from Tugu Yogyakarta to the palace. Tugu Yogyakarta, on the north side of the old city, symbolizes "unification between the king and the people", it symbolizes the final unity of the creator and his subjects.
The Gate Donopratoro represents "a good person is someone, generous and knows how to control his lust", the two Dwarapala statues represent good and evil. The palace'sartifacts are believed to have the power to repulse evil; the palace hosts gamelan, dance and wayang performances. The Kraton Ngayogyakarta Hadiningrat was the second pit stop in The Amazing Race 19. List of monarchs of Java Fort Vredeburg Gedung Agung Taman Sari List of palaces in Indonesia Brongtodiningrat, K. P. H; the Royal Palace of Yogyakarta: Its Architecture and Its Meaning, Yogyakarta: Karaton Museum Yogyakarta, OCLC 12847099. Dwiyanto, Kraton Yogyakarta: Sejarah, Nasionalisme & Teladan Perjuangan, Yogyakarta: Paradigma Indonesia, ISBN 978-979-17834-0-8. Media related to Kraton of Yogyakarta at Wikimedia Commons Kraton Yogyakarta Hadinigrat at Yogyakarta government official website KratonJogja.com, created by Gadjah Mada University Kraton Yogya
Cirebon is a port city on the north coast of the Indonesian island of Java. It is located in the province of West Java near the provincial border with Central Java 297 km east of Jakarta, at 6°43′S 108°34′E; the administrative area of Cirebon is small in extent, its dense suburbs sprawl into the surrounding regency. The seat of a former Sultanate, the city's West and Central Java border location have seen its history influenced by both Sundanese and Javanese culture as well as Arab and Chinese; the sultanate court lies near the modern day city of Cirebon on West Java's north coast. Throughout the 16th and 17th centuries, the sultanate thrived and became the region's centre of trade and commerce, as well as served as an Islamic learning and dissemination centre; the sultanate split into four royal houses, starting in 1677. Today there are four kratons in Cirebon. According to the manuscript Purwaka Caruban Nagari, in 15th century Cirebon started as a small fishing village named Muara Jati. At that time the port of Muara Jati attracted foreign traders.
The port master at that time is Ki Gedeng Alang-Alang whose appointed by the king of Galuh kingdom located inland in Kawali, Ciamis. He moved the port to Lemahwungkuk, 5 kilometres southward; as the new settlement leader, Ki Gedeng Alang-Alang was bestowed the title "Kuwu Cerbon". A 15th century prince from Pajajaran, Prince Walangsungsang, converted to Islam, was appointed as the Adipati of Cirebon with the title Cakrabumi, he declared independence from Sunda and Galuh. The establishment of Cirebon Sultanate marked the first Islamic rule in Western Java, that grew from modest fishing village of Muara Jati to a busy port of Java northern coast. Cirebon grew as one of the independent sultanates under the leadership of Sunan Gunungjati, in the early 16th century. After the Sunda Kingdom collapsed, The Sultanates of Banten and Mataram fought control over Cirebon, which declared its allegiance to Sultan Agung of Mataram, but the his grandson Amangkurat II ceded the city to the Dutch in the 1677. A treaty in 1705 saw the Cirebon area west of Cisanggarung River became a Dutch protectorate jointly administered by three sultans whose courts rivalled those of Central Java.
The Dutch authorities established the Cirebon Residence which composed of present-day Cirebon and Kuningan. During the time of the Dutch "Culture System" a flourishing trade in colonial cash crops attracted many Chinese entrepreneurs and the Chinese influence is still evident in the batik for which Cirebon is famous. Cirebon suffered a famine in 1844 triggered by a combination of drought and the shift from subsistence agriculture to cash crops indigo and sugarcane, enforced by Dutch's Cultivation system. Being on the border of Sundanese and Javanese cultural regions, many of Cirebon's residents speak a dialect, a mix of Sundanese and Javanese, known as Jawareh, it is thought that the word "Cirebon" derives from the Javanese word, meaning "mixed": a reference to the city's mix of Sundanese, Javanese and Arabic cultural elements. Alternatively, it could be derived from the Sundanese words "ci" and "rebon".. Cirebon is divided into five subdistricts: Harjamukti Kejaksan Kesambi Lemahwungkuk Pekalipan The city's population was 298,224 at the Indonesia Census of 2010.
As with other coastal cities in Indonesia, a large population of ethnic Chinese has flocked into the city as a result of long-term Chinese immigration since the 17th century. Significant suburbs lie within densely populated Cirebon Regency, the official metropolitan area encompasses this entire regency as well as the city. Although surrounded by Sundanese-speaking areas in West Java, linguists have stated that Cirebon are inside its own Cirebonese language area. In addition, this is supported by a large portion of the Cirebon people referring to themselves as "Wong Cirebon", to their language as "Basa Cirebon". Cirebonese language is related to Javanese and Banyumasan with dialects such as the Jawareh and Dermayon. Cirebon itself is known as Grage in the Cirebon dialect of Javanese language, which came from the words "Negara Gede", meaning "Great Kingdom." As a port city, Cirebon attracts visitors and settlers from elsewhere in Indonesia and from other nations as well. Cirebon culture was described as Java Pasisiran culture, similar to the cultures of Banten and Semarang, with notable mixtures of Sundanese, Arabic-Islamic, European influences.
Batik textiles from Cirebon Cirebon batik with vivid colors with motifs and patterns, that demonstrate Chinese and local influences, are well known. Chinese influences can be seen in Cirebon's culture, most notably the Cirebon batik Megamendung pattern that resembles Chinese cloud imagery; the Trusmi area is the production center of Cirebon batik. Cirebon Glass Painting is another aspect of Cirebon crafts; the imagery in glass painting is derived from wayang theme to Islamic calligraphy. The Tari Topeng Cirebon, or Cirebon
Sultanate of Ternate
The Sultanate of Ternate is one of the oldest Muslim kingdoms in Indonesia, established by Baab Mashur Malamo in 1257. It reached its Golden Age during the reign of Sultan Baabullah and encompassed most of the eastern part of Indonesia and a part of southern Philippines. Ternate was a major producer of a regional power from the 15th to 17th centuries; the dynasty founded by Baab Mashur Malamo continues to the present, as does the Sultanate itself, although it no longer holds any political power. The sultanate was named the Kingdom of Gapi, but changed the name to be based on that of its capital, Ternate. Ternate and neighbouring Tidore were the world's single major producer of cloves, upon which their rulers became among the wealthiest and most powerful sultans in the Indonesian region. Much of their wealth, was wasted fighting each other. Up until the Dutch completed the colonisation of Maluku in the 19th century, the Sultans of Ternate ruled empires that claimed at least nominal influence as far as Ambon and Papua.
In part as a result of its trade-dependent culture, Ternate was one of the earliest places in the region to which Islam spread coming from Java in the late 15th century. The faith was restricted to Ternate's small ruling family, spread only to the rest of the population; the royal family of Ternate converted to Islam during the reign of King Marhum. The peak of Ternate's power came near the end of the 16th century, under Sultan Baabullah, when it had influence over most of the eastern part of Sulawesi, the Ambon and Seram area, Timor island, parts of southern Mindanao and as well as parts of Papua, it engaged in fierce competition for control of its periphery with the nearby Sultanate of Tidore. According to historian Leonard Andaya, Ternate's "dualistic" rivalry with Tidore is a dominant theme in the early history of the Maluku Islands; the first Europeans to stay on Ternate were part of the Portuguese expedition of Francisco Serrão out of Malacca, shipwrecked near Seram and rescued by local residents.
Sultan Bayanullah of Ternate heard of their stranding and, seeing a chance to ally himself with a powerful foreign nation, he brought them to Ternate in 1512. The Portuguese were permitted to build a fort on the island, today known as Kastella, construction of which began in 1522, but relations between the Ternateans and Portuguese were strained from the start. An outpost far from Europe only attracted the most desperate and avaricious, such that the poor behaviour of the Portuguese, combined with feeble attempts at Christianisation, strained relations with Ternate's Muslim ruler. In 1535 Sultan Tabariji was sent to Goa by the Portuguese, he changed his name to Dom Manuel. After being declared innocent of the charges against him he was sent back to re-assume his throne, he had though bequeathed the island of Ambon to Jordão de Freitas. Following the murder of Sultan Hairun at the hands of the Portuguese, the Ternateans expelled the Portuguese in 1575 after a five-year siege. Ambon became the new centre for Portuguese activities in Maluku.
European power in the region was weak and Ternate became an expanding, fiercely Islamic and anti-Portuguese state under the rule of Sultan Baab Ullah and his son Sultan Said. Spanish forces captured the former Portuguese fort from the Ternatese in 1606, deporting the Ternate Sultan and his entourage to Manila. In 1607 the Dutch came back to Ternate, where with the help of Ternateans they built a fort in Malayo; the island was divided between the two powers: the Spaniards were allied with Tidore and the Dutch with their Ternaten allies. For the Ternaten rulers, the Dutch were a useful, if not welcome, presence that gave them military advantages against Tidore and the Spanish. Under Sultan Hamzah, Ternate expanded its territory and strengthened its control over the periphery. Dutch influence over the kingdom was limited, though Hamzah and his grandnephew and successor, Sultan Mandar Syah did concede some regions to the Dutch East India Company in exchange for help controlling rebellions there.
The Spaniards abandoned Maluku in 1663. Desiring to restore Ternate to its former glory and expel the western power, Sultan Sibori of Ternate declared war to the Dutch, but the power of Ternate had reduced over the years, he lost and was forced to concede more of his lands to the Dutch by a treaty in 1683. By this treaty, Ternate became a vassal. However, the Sultans of Ternate and its people were never under Dutch control until its annexation in 1914. In the 18th century Ternate was the site of a VOC governorship, which attempted to control all trade in the northern Moluccas. By the 19th century, the spice trade had declined substantially. Hence the region was less central to the Netherlands colonial state, but the Dutch maintained a presence in the region to prevent another colonial power from occupying it. After the VOC was nationalised by the Dutch government in 1800, Ternate became part of the Government of the Moluccas. Ternate was occupied by British forces in 1810 before being returned to Dutch control in 1817.
In 1824 it became the capital of a residency covering Halmahera, the entire west coast of New Guinea, the central east coast of Sulawesi. By 1867 all of Dutch-occupied New Guinea had been ad
Saka guru, or soko guru in Javanese, is the four main posts which supported certain Javanese buildings, e.g. the pendopo, the house proper and the mosque. The saka guru is the most fundamental element in Javanese architecture because it supports the entire roof of the building; because of its importance, the saka guru is treated with certain rituals. The saka guru construction is employed in buildings that are constructed with a joglo-type or tajug-type roofs; the joglo type roof is only reserved for the house of the nobles, while the tajug-type roof is used to support sacred buildings e.g. mosques or temples. In Javanese architecture, walls are boundaries of room and the exterior with no structural purposes; the main structural columns/posts of a Javanese house supports directly the roof and not the wall. Each of these four main posts sits on top of an umpak, three-dimensional trapezoidal stone which acts as a transition between the post and foundation. Umpak size varies from 20 x 20 cm2 to more than a square meter, depending on the dimension of the posts, which ranges between 12 x 12 cm2 to 40 x 40 cm2.
Umpak prevents the wooden post from the infiltration of groundwater, reduces the horizontal forces caused by earthquakes. During the construction of the saka guru, the northeast umpak is the first stone to be placed on site; this umpak is designed to look like the padma flower. The next umpak to be placed is the southeast umpak, followed by northwest, the southwest; the wooden posts are always placed according to the direction of tree growth. After the saka guru is erected, in the evening an offering ceremony is held; each wooden post of the saka guru has pens at both ends. The first beam to be set is the pengeret the second beam blandar is set on top of the pengeret; the two beams lock together. Each wooden post of the saka guru contains a hole at the upper portion, to be filled by the pen of secondary beams; the first beam is known as sunduk which contains a pen known as purus wedokan. The pen purus wedokan contains a hole which will be locked by a pen of a second beam after it is inserted into the saka guru.
The second beam is known as kili. The structural element of kili and sunduk' stabilizes the saka guru structure; the Javanese term for pen is purus meaning the male sex organ. Upon the completion of all the plug-in procedure, the saka guru is stable and can support the roof on top of it. Two or three parallel beams join the post at its top; the posts may directly support roof trusses or roof beams. In the case of joglo, the main posts are topped by two sets of inward stepped wooden piles, tumpang sari, outward stepped piles, elar; the number of steps in a tumpang sari reveals the status of the owner. The usur-duduk is hip rafter running from an external corner to the ridge, called traditionally as molo. Saka guru consists of guru. According to the Javanese text of Kawruh Kalang, the guru or "teacher" is a title given to the four wooden beams, while saka or "post" is for the four main posts, thus the whole configuration is known as sakaguru, or more sakaning guru or saka ingkang nyanggi guru. In Indonesian language, the term saka guru is used to signifies a fundamental principle.
For example, "the Indonesian Cooperative is the saka guru of the National Economy". The space beneath the saka guru was considered a important sacred space. In modern day, the area has no specific usage, but traditionally, this area was where incense was burnt once a week to honor the rice goddess Sri; the space below the tumpang sari is the place where the bride and bridegroom are seated during their marriage ceremony. Javanese traditional house Pendopo
Sultan is a position with several historical meanings. It was an Arabic abstract noun meaning "strength", "authority", "rulership", derived from the verbal noun سلطة sulṭah, meaning "authority" or "power", it came to be used as the title of certain rulers who claimed full sovereignty in practical terms, albeit without claiming the overall caliphate, or to refer to a powerful governor of a province within the caliphate. The adjective form of the word is "sultanic", the dynasty and lands ruled by a sultan are referred to as a sultanate; the term is distinct from king, despite both referring to a sovereign ruler. The use of "sultan" is restricted to Muslim countries, where the title carries religious significance, contrasting the more secular king, used in both Muslim and non-Muslim countries. A feminine form of sultan, used by Westerners, is Sultana or Sultanah and this title has been used for some Muslim women monarchs and sultan's mothers and chief consorts; however and Ottoman Turkish uses sultan for imperial lady, as Turkish grammar—which is influenced by Persian grammar—uses the same words for both women and men.
However, this styling misconstrues the roles of wives of sultans. In a similar usage, the wife of a German field marshal might be styled Frau Feldmarschall; the female leaders in Muslim history are known as "sultanas". However, the wife of the sultan in the Sultanate of Sulu is styled as the "panguian" while the sultan's chief wife in many sultanates of Indonesia and Malaysia are known as "permaisuri", "Tunku Ampuan", "Raja Perempuan", or "Tengku Ampuan"; the queen consort in Brunei is known as Raja Isteri with the title of Pengiran Anak suffixed, should the queen consort be a royal princess. In recent years, "sultan" has been replaced by "king" by contemporary hereditary rulers who wish to emphasize their secular authority under the rule of law. A notable example is Morocco, whose monarch changed his title from sultan to king in 1957; these are secondary titles, either lofty'poetry' or with a message, e.g.: Mani Sultan = Manney Sultan - a subsidiary title, part of the full style of the Maharaja of Travancore Sultan of Sultans - the sultanic equivalent of the style King of Kings Certain secondary titles have a devout Islamic connotation.
Sultanic Highness - a rare, hybrid western-Islamic honorific style used by the son, daughter-in-law and daughters of Sultan Hussein Kamel of Egypt, who bore it with their primary titles of Prince or Princess, after 11 October 1917. They enjoyed these titles for life after the Royal Rescript regulating the styles and titles of the Royal House following Egypt's independence in 1922, when the sons and daughters of the newly styled king were granted the title Sahib us-Sumuw al-Malaki, or Royal Highness. Ghaznavid Sultanate. Sultans of Great Seljuk Seljuk Sultanate of Rum Sultans of the Ottoman Empire, the Osmanli Elisu Sultanate and a few others. A Sultan ranked below a Khan. in Syria: Ayyubid Sultans Mamluk Sultans in present-day Yemen, various small sultanates of the former British Aden Protectorate and South Arabia: Audhali, Haushabi, Lahej, Lower Aulaqi, Lower Yafa, Mahra, Qu'aiti, Upper Aulaqi, Upper Yafa and the Wahidi sultanates in present-day Saudi Arabia: Sultans of Nejd Sultans of the Hejaz Oman – Sultan of Oman, on the southern coast of the Arabian peninsula, still an independent sultanate, since 1744 in Algeria: sultanate of Tuggurt in Egypt: Ayyubid Sultans Mamluk Sultans in Morocco, until Mohammed V changed the style to Malik on 14 August 1957, maintaining the subsidiary style Amir al-Mu´minin in Sudan: Darfur Dar al-Masalit Dar Qimr Funj Sultanate of Sinnar Kordofan in Chad: Bagirmi Wada'i, successor state to Birgu Dar Sila Ajuran Sultanate, in southern Somalia and eastern Ethiopia Adal Sultanate, in northwestern Somalia, southern Djibouti, the Somali, Oromia and Afar regions of Ethiopia Majeerteen Sultanate, in northern Somalia Isaaq Sultanate, in northern Somalia Sultanate of the Geledi, in southern Somalia Sultanate of Aussa, in northeastern Ethiopia Sultanate of Harar, in eastern Ethiopia Sultanate of Hobyo, in central Somalia Sultanate of Ifat, in northern Somalia and eastern Ethiopia Sultanate of Mogadishu, in south-central Somalia Sultanate of Showa, in central Ethiopia Warsangali Sultanate, in northern Somalia Bimaal Sultanate, in south eastern Somalia centred in Merka Angoche Sultanate, on the Mozambiquan coast various sultans on the Comoros.
Sultanate of Zanzibar: two incumbents since the de