Kurdish nationalism holds that the Kurdish people are deserving of a sovereign nation that would be partitioned out of areas in Turkey, northern Iraq, Syria based on the promised nation of Kurdistan under the Treaty of Sèvres. Early Kurdish nationalism had its roots in the days of the Ottoman Empire, within which Kurds were a significant ethnic group. With the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire, the Kurdish-majority territories were divided between the newly formed states of Iraq and Turkey, making Kurds a significant ethnic minority in each state. Kurdish nationalist movements have long been suppressed by Turkey and the Arab-majority states of Iraq and Syria, all of whom fear loss of territory to a potential independent Kurdistan. Kurds from Iran are loyal to the nationalistic movement and this was demonstrated in Iraqi Kurdistans indepenedence referendum in 2017 where thousands of Iranian Kurds risked arrest to march and celebrate waving the banned Kurdish flag. Since the 1970s, Iraqi Kurds have pursued the goal of greater autonomy and outright independence against the Ba'ath Party regimes, which responded with brutal repression including the massacre of 182,000 Kurds in the Anfal genocide.
Since the 1980s, the Kurdish–Turkish conflict led by Kurdish armed groups challenged the Turkish state, which responded with martial law. After the 1991 uprisings in Iraq, Iraqi Kurds were protected against the armies of Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein by NATO-enforced no-fly zones, allowing them considerable autonomy and self-government outside the control of the Iraqi central government. After the 2003 invasion of Iraq that ousted dictator Saddam Hussein, Iraqi Kurdistan became an autonomous region, enjoying a great measure of self-governance but stopping short of full independence. Kurdish nationalism has long been promoted by the worldwide Kurdish diaspora; the Kurdish nationalist struggle first emerged in the late 19th century when a unified movement demanded the establishment of a Kurdish state. Revolts did occur sporadically but only decades after the Ottoman centralist policies of the 19th century began did the first modern Kurdish nationalist movement emerge with uprising led by a Kurdish landowner and head of the powerful Shemdinan family, Sheikh Ubeydullah.
In 1880, demanded political autonomy or outright independence for Kurds and the recognition of a Kurdistan state without interference from Turkish or Persian authorities. The uprising against Qajar Persia and the Ottoman Empire was suppressed by the Ottomans and Ubeydullah, along with other notables, were exiled to Istanbul; the Kurdish nationalist movement that emerged following World War I and end of the Ottoman Empire was reactionary to the changes taking place in mainstream Turkey radical secularization which the Muslim Kurds abhorred, centralization of authority which threatened the power of local chieftains and Kurdish autonomy, rampant Turk ethnonationalism in the new Turkish Republic which threatened to marginalize them. Western powers fighting the Turks promised the Kurds they would act as guarantors for Kurdish freedom, a promise they subsequently broke. One particular organization, the Kürdistan Teali Cemiyeti was central to the forging of a distinct Kurdish identity, it took advantage of period of political liberalization in during the Second Constitutional Era of Turkey to transform a renewed interest in Kurdish culture and language into a political nationalist movement based on ethnicity.
This emphasis on Kurds as a distinct ethnicity was encouraged by around the start of the 20th century Russian anthropologists who suggested that the Kurds were a European race based on physical characteristics and their language, part of the Indo-European language group. While these researchers had ulterior political motives their findings were embraced and still accepted today by many. During the open government of the 1950s, Kurds gained political office and started working within the framework of the Turkish Republic to further their interests but this move towards integration was halted with the 1960 Turkish coup d'état; the 1970s saw an evolution in Kurdish nationalism as Marxist political thought influenced a new generation of Kurdish nationalists opposed to the local feudal authorities, a traditional source of opposition to authority they would form the militant separatist Partiya Karkeren Kurdistan, or Kurdistan Workers Party in English. Under the millet system, Kurds' primary form of identification was religious with Sunni Islam being the top in the hierarchy.
While the Ottoman Empire embarked on a modernization and centralization campaign known as the Tanzimat, Kurdish regions retained much of their autonomy and tribal chiefs their power. The Sublime Porte made little attempt to alter the traditional power structure of "segmented, agrarian Kurdish societies" – agha and tribal chief; because of the Kurds' geographical position at the southern and eastern fringe of the empire and the mountainous topography of their territory, in addition to the limited transportation and communication system, agents of the state had little access to Kurdish provinces and were forced to make informal agreements with tribal chiefs. This bolstered the Kurds' autonomy. In 1908, the Young Turks come to power asserting a radical form of Turkish ethnic identity and closed Ottoman associations and non-Turkish schools, they launched a cam
Kurdistan Socialist Democratic Party
Kurdistan Socialist Democratic Party is a political party in Iraqi Kurdistan. The first leader was Saleh Yousefi after 1981. After 1992, the party was led by Mahmoud Othman; the party is led by Mohammed Haji Mahmood. It is a splinter of the Kurdistan Democratic Party. In the 2013 Iraqi Kurdistan parliamentary election the party got 12,501 votes and it won one seat in the Kurdistan National Assembly; the Kurdistan Socialist Democratic Party has a paramilitary wing of Peshmerga soldiers under the direct command of party leader Mohammed Haji Mahmood, whose nom de guerre is "Kaka Hama". The party's forces have fought in the Iraqi Civil War against the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant in the region south of Kirkuk, they took part in the Mosul offensive. Among the party fighters killed in combat against ISIL was Mohammed Haji Mahmood's son Atta
The Fatah Alliance sometimes translated as the Conquest Alliance, is a political coalition in Iraq formed to contest the 2018 general election. The main components are groups involved in the Popular Mobilization Forces, a state-sponsored umbrella organization made up of Iraqi Shiite Muslims who fought alongside the Iraqi Army to defeat ISIL from 2014 to 2017, it is led by the leader of the Badr Organization. Reported components of the alliance include the Badr Organisation, Asa'ib Ahl al-Haq, Kata'ib Hezbollah and Kata'ib al-Imam Ali; the Badr Organisation, headed by Hadi Al-Amiri, was part of the ruling State of Law Coalition and announced their withdrawal in December 2017. Asa'ib Ahl al-Haq split from the Sadrist Movement in 2004, it has been one of the main Iraqi armed groups active in the Syrian Civil War. They have received funding and training from Iran's Quds Force and, like many Sadrists, are reported to have religious allegiance to the Iranian Grand Ayatollah Kazem al-Haeri, they formed a political wing, the Al-Sadiquon Bloc, to contest the 2014 general election, where they won one seat.
They were expected to win 37 seats in the parliament in 2018 elections, according to one opinion poll. Alliance towards Reforms Victory Alliance
Council of Representatives of Iraq
The Council of Representatives is the unicameral legislature of the Republic of Iraq. It is composed of 329 seats and meets in Baghdad inside the Green Zone. An elected Iraqi parliament first formed following the establishment of a constitutional monarchy in 1925; the 1925 constitution called for a bicameral parliament whose lower house, the Chamber of Deputies or Council of Representatives would be elected based on universal manhood suffrage. The upper house, the Senate was appointed by the king. Sixteen elections took place between 1925 and the coup of 1958. On January 17, 1953 elections for the Chamber of Deputies took place. Following controversy over the implementation of the so-called Baghdad Pact, Prime Minister Nuri Pasha as-Said called for elections the following year, in early 1954. As-Said dissolved the assembly shortly thereafter and began to rule by decree, but opposition forced him to hold a third election within three years; the second 1954 election was corrupt, with as-Said's political enemies banned from running, widespread voter coercion.
The assembly was suspended yet again, in 1958 a military coup deposed as-Said and the monarchy, abolished the parliament. The 1970 constitution created a republic with an elected National Assembly. However, elections for the Assembly did not take place until June 1980, under Iraq's new military president, Saddam Hussein. Several more elections took place between 1989 and 2003; the new Assembly was a figurehead that would rubber stamp the president's decrees. Elections for its members were not considered fair by the international community. Only members of Hussein's own Baath Party were elected. In 2003, Saddam Hussein was forcibly removed from power by the United States of America, the United Kingdom and their allies during the Iraq War. In March 2004 a governing council set up by the Coalition Provisional Authority signed an interim constitution which called for the election of a transitional National Assembly no than the end of January 2005; this Assembly would draft a permanent constitution which would be submitted to approval by the Iraqi people in a general referendum.
Elections for this transitional National Assembly took place on January 30, 2005. The United Iraqi Alliance Party won the majority of seats with 48% of the popular vote resulting in 140 seats. Eighty-five members of the assembly were women. Talks between the UIA and other parties to form a coalition government began soon after the election; the assembly had its first meeting on March 16, 2005. After weeks of negotiations between the dominant political parties, on April 4, 2005, Sunni Arab Hajim al-Hassani was chosen as speaker; the Assembly elected Jalal Talabani to head the Presidency Council on April 6, approved the selection of Ibrahim al-Jaafari and his cabinet on April 28. Under the permanent constitution approved on October 15, 2005, legislative authority is vested in two bodies, the Council of Representatives and the Council of Union; the Council of Representatives consists of 325 members elected for four years, with two sessions in each annual term. The Council passes federal laws, oversees the executive, ratifies treaties, approves nominations of specified officials.
It elects the president of the republic, who selects a prime minister from the majority coalition in the Council. Elections for the Council of Representatives were held on December 15, 2005; the Council first met on March 16, 2006 one year after the first meeting of the transitional assembly. The Council of Representatives of Iraq has the same name in Arabic as the lower legislative houses of Bahrain, Morocco and Yemen, as the unicameral legislatures of Lebanon and Tunisia. However, a number of different English terms are used to refer to these bodies; the Council of Union, or Federation Council, will consist of representatives from Iraq's regions and governorates. Its precise composition and responsibilities are not defined in the constitution and will be determined by the Council of Representatives. On, April 12, 2007, Mohammed Awad, a political party member of the Iraqi National Dialogue Council, was killed at the convention centre canteen of the parliament building, 22 were wounded, in the 2007 Iraqi Parliament Bombing.
A group of Sunni lawmakers boycotted parliament in a June 2007 protest of the removal of the speaker, Mahmoud al-Mashhadani, after a series of controversial actions. They returned in July after the speaker was re-instated with the understanding that he would resign after a few sessions. A group of Shiite members returned in July after a boycott which gained them an investigation into the bombing of a Shiite mosque, along with reconstruction and improved security; the parliament was under pressure from the United States to pass legislation dealing with members of the Baath party, distribution of oil revenues, regional autonomy, constitutional reform, by September 2007. The Iraqi cabinet approved a draft elections law in September 2009. However, it took ten delays for the law to pass in the Council of Representatives; the main areas of dispute concerned the "open list" electoral system and the voters roll in Kirkuk Governorate, which Arab and Turkmen parties alleged had been manipulated by the Kurdistan Regional Government of
Ali Bapir called Mamosta Ali Bapir and Sheikh Ali Bapir is a Kurdish Islamic intellectual and politician in Iraqi Kurdistan. He is the founder of Kurdistan Islamic Group. Born 1961 in the Peshdar region, Iraqi Kurdistan, he is most well known for his moderate religious views and his modern interpretation of Islam, which calls for coexistence in a democratic society. He has written more than 140 books on politics, society and Kurdistan. In 2009 Iraqi general elections for Council of Representatives, he was one of the top 10 candidates with most votes all over the country, his party has good relations with European Union countries, the United States and other countries in the region. He is the leader of the Kurdistan Islamic Group, a major Islamic party in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq. In 2002, he broke away from the Kurds' main Islamic group, he and his private army of around 10,000 fighters set up camp near the Kurdish village of Khurmal in the foothills of the Zagros Mountains along the Iranian border.
Next door was the camp of Ansar al Islam, an extremist group believed to have links to the Al Qaeda terrorist network. U. S. forces struck Bapir's compound with Tomahawk missiles on March 22, 2003, killing dozens of his loyalists and throwing his movement into disarray just as Hussein's Iraq was collapsing. After the war, Bapir pressed the U. S. to compensate families of those killed in the attack. He was invited to talk it over at the U. S. compound near the Kurdish resort town of Dokan. But instead of meeting with officials on July 10, 2003, he and his entourage were stopped at a checkpoint and bundled into helicopters. Bapir was taken to Baghdad and Camp Cropper, the high-security prison where Hussein was held until his execution in late December, he says. He lost 30 pounds. An alarmed doctor persuaded his captors to treat him better, he said. A pained expression washes over his face. "I don't like to talk about this," he says. "This was a bad time." He was confined to an 8-foot-square cell. For nearly a year, his only human contact was with interrogators from the CIA, FBI, Pentagon and British intelligence, who accused him of planning attacks on coalition forces, of supporting Ansar al Islam and of consorting with violent elements of the former regime.
After the scandal erupted over prisoner abuse at Abu Ghraib, prison conditions improved. Bapir was allowed to speak with his wife on the phone and talk with fellow prisoners. A British interrogator told him that the Americans in Iraq were convinced that he was innocent of all charges and that he had been detained on false accusations. Bapir has long said he desires a relationship with the West, but his suspected links to Ansar al Islam, a radical group with ties to al-Qaida have made his overtures suspect. Bapir and 3,000 to 5,000 of his followers live in the village of Khurmal in northeastern Iraq, their territory bordered mountains and a hamlets controlled by Ansar. About 200 Ansar families live in Khurmal and many of Ansar's guerrillas would appear nightly in the village to take refuge from battles with the Washington-backed militia controlled by the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan. Bapir denied that his band of armed men, numbering about 1,000, supported Ansar, but the PUK, which gave Bapir hundreds of thousands of dollars a year in hopes that his group would abandon its radical tendencies, determined before the U.
S. invasion of Iraq that Komaly Islami was too aligned with Ansar. U. S. forces widened the scope of its cruise-missile attacks to include several of Bapir's compounds in the foothills near Khurmal. Ali Bapir has stated his political party's position in relation to other Islamic groups. Our policy is that we enter into cooperation with all Islamic groups. We seek such fraternal relations with Islamic parties and organizations, Islamist figures, groups that follow a Salafi tradition or a Sufi or a scientific tradition. In the Komala Islami, we believe that the group must be open-minded and seek fraternity with all those who call or act for Islam. If we see a mistake, we will try to correct it through dialogue and by creating a fraternal atmosphere." In the Iraqi legislative election of January 2005, it decided to run independently from the main Kurdish coalition. It received over two seats in the transitional National Assembly of Iraq. After the elections, the party agreed to join the Kurdish alliance's National Assembly caucus.
At the same time, it won 85,237 votes and 6 Kurdish National Assembly seats in the Kurdistan election on the same day. In the Local elections, that day they won 18,781 votes and 1 seat in Hawler as well as 53,088 votes and 3 seats in Silemani. In the Iraqi legislative election of December 2005 they decided to join the Kurdish coalition and were allocated one seat. In the Iraqi Kurdistan legislative election, 2009 they formed a coalition with the Kurdistan Islamic Union, Kurdistan Socialist Democratic Party and the Future Party, called the Service and Reform List; the list came third in the election winning 13 seats. In the Iraqi legislative election, 2010 they formed their own independent list, they received 2 seats. Kurdistan Islamic Group is an Islamist movement in Iraqi Kurdistan. Established by Ali Bapir in May 2001. Bapir is a former lead
The Victory Alliance, is an Islamist Iraqi political alliance established by former Iraqi Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi. The alliance was founded on 14 December 2017 by former Iraqi Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi. Although a coalition was created between the Conquest Alliance and the Victory Alliance, on 15 January the Conquest Alliance withdrew because they would not have gained as many seats and some groups involved in the Victory Alliance were alleged to be involved in corruption. Alliance towards Reforms Fatah Alliance National Wisdom Movement State of Law Coalition Official Website
Orange is the colour between yellow and red on the spectrum of visible light. Human eyes perceive orange when observing light with a dominant wavelength between 585 and 620 nanometres. In painting and traditional colour theory, it is a secondary colour of pigments, created by mixing yellow and red, it is named after the fruit of the same name. The orange colour of carrots, sweet potatoes and many other fruits and vegetables comes from carotenes, a type of photosynthetic pigment; these pigments convert the light energy that the plants absorb from the sun into chemical energy for the plants' growth. The hues of autumn leaves are from the same pigment after chlorophyll is removed. In Europe and America, surveys show that orange is the colour most associated with amusement, the unconventional, warmth, energy, danger and aroma, the autumn and Allhallowtide seasons, as well as having long been the national colour of the Netherlands and the House of Orange, it serves as the political colour of Christian democracy political ideology and most Christian democratic political parties.
In Asia it is an important symbolic colour of Hinduism. The colour orange is named after the appearance of the ripe orange fruit; the word comes from the Old French orange, from the old term for the fruit, pomme d'orange. The French word, in turn, comes from the Italian arancia, based on Arabic nāranj, derived from the Sanskrit naranga; the first recorded use of orange as a colour name in English was in 1512, in a will now filed with the Public Record Office. Prior to this word being introduced to the English-speaking world, saffron existed in the English language. Crog referred to the saffron colour, so that orange was referred to as ġeolurēad for reddish orange, or ġeolucrog for yellowish orange. Alternatively, orange things were sometimes described as red such as red deer, red hair, the Red Planet and robin redbreast. In ancient Egypt, artists used an orange mineral pigment called realgar for tomb paintings, as well as other uses, it was used by Medieval artists for the colouring of manuscripts.
Pigments were made in ancient times from a mineral known as orpiment. Orpiment was an important item of trade in the Roman Empire and was used as a medicine in China although it contains arsenic and is toxic, it was used as a fly poison and to poison arrows. Because of its yellow-orange colour, it was a favourite with alchemists searching for a way to make gold, in both China and the West. Before the late 15th century, the colour orange without the name. Portuguese merchants brought the first orange trees to Europe from Asia in the late 15th and early 16th century, along with the Sanskrit naranga, which became part of several European languages: "naranja" in Spanish, "laranja" in Portuguese, "orange" in English; the House of Orange-Nassau was one of the most influential royal houses in Europe in the 16th and 17th centuries. It originated in 1163 the tiny Principality of Orange, a feudal state of 108 square miles north of Avignon in southern France; the Principality of Orange took its name not from the fruit, but from a Roman-Celtic settlement on the site, founded in 36 or 35 BC and was named Arausio, after a Celtic water god.
The family of the Prince of Orange adopted the name and the colour orange in the 1570s. The colour came to be associated with Protestantism, due to participation by the House of Orange on the Protestant side in the French Wars of Religion. One member of the house, William I of Orange, organised the Dutch resistance against Spain, a war that lasted for eighty years, until the Netherlands won its independence; the House's arguably most prominent member, William III of Orange, became King of England in 1689, after the downfall of the Catholic James II. Due to William III, orange became an important political colour in Europe. William was a Protestant, as such he defended the Protestant minority of Ireland against the majority Roman Catholic population; as a result, the Protestants of Ireland were known as Orangemen. Orange became one of the colours of the Irish flag, symbolising the Protestant heritage, his rebel flag became the forerunner of The Netherland's modern flag. When the Dutch settlers of South Africa rebelled against the British in the late 19th century, they organised what they called the Orange Free State.
In the United States, the flag of the City of New York has an orange stripe, to remember the Dutch colonists who founded the city. William of Orange is remembered as the founder of the College of William & Mary, Nassau County in New York is named after the House of Orange-Nassau. In the 18th century orange was sometimes used to depict the robes of Pomona, the goddess of fruitful abundance. Oranges themselves became more common in northern Europe, thanks to the 17th century invention of the heated greenhouse, a building type which became known as an orangerie; the French artist Jean-Honoré Fragonard depicted an allegorical figure of "inspiration" dressed in orange. In 1797 a French scientist Louis Vauquelin discovered the mineral crocoite, or lead chromate, which led in 1809 to the invention of the synthetic pigment chrome orange. Other synthetic pigments, cobalt red, cobalt yellow, cobalt orange, the last made from cadmium sulfide plus cadmium selenide, soon followed; these new pigments, plus the invention of the