Al-Sadiqoun Bloc or just Al-Sadiqoun is a Shia political / electoral coalition in Iraq led by Adnan Fihan Moussa Cheri. Al-Sadiqoun is a political wing of the Shia Asa'ib Ahl al-Haq, a Shia anti-American grouping with alleged Iranian patronage. Asa'ib Ahl al-Haq leader Qais al-Khazali declared the intention of his group of taking part in the 2014 Iraqi Parliamentary elections as a political bloc under the name of Al-Sadiqoun Bloc. Adnan Fihan Moussa Cheri was named leader of the bloc. Al-Sadiqoun Bloc offered its candidates under electoral listing #218; however an electoral meeting of estimated 10,000 supporters of Al-Sadiqoun was marred by violence as a series of bombs exploded at the campaign rally held at the Industrial Stadium in eastern Baghdad killing at least 37 people and wounding scores of others, according to Iraqi police. The Shia group organizers had planned to announce at the rally the names of its candidates for the parliamentary election; the Al-Sadiqoun Bloc ended up winning just one seat out of the total 328 seats in the Iraqi Parliament in 2014 with its successful candidate elected from the Baghdad Governorate
Kurdistan or Greater Kurdistan is a defined geo-cultural historical region wherein the Kurdish people form a prominent majority population and Kurdish culture and national identity have been based. Kurdistan encompasses the northwestern Zagros and the eastern Taurus mountain ranges; the territory corresponds to Kurdish irredentist claims. Contemporary use of the term refers to the following areas: southeastern Turkey, northern Iraq, northwestern Iran, northern Syria; some Kurdish nationalist organizations seek to create an independent nation state consisting of some or all of these areas with a Kurdish majority, while others campaign for greater autonomy within the existing national boundaries. Iraqi Kurdistan first gained autonomous status in a 1970 agreement with the Iraqi government, its status was re-confirmed as an autonomous entity within the federal Iraqi republic in 2005. There is a province by the name Kurdistan in Iran. Kurds fighting in the Syrian Civil War were able to take control of large sections of northern Syria as government forces, loyal to President Bashar al-Assad, withdrew to fight elsewhere.
Having established their own government, they called for autonomy in a federal Syria after the war. The exact origins of the name Kurd are unclear; the suffix -stan is Persian for region. Literal translation "Region of Kurds". "Kurdistan" was formerly spelled Curdistan. One of the ancient names of Kurdistan is Corduene. Various groups, among them the Guti, Hurrians and Armenians, lived in this region in antiquity; the original Mannaean homeland was situated east and south of the Lake Urmia centered around modern-day Mahabad. The region came under Persian rule during the reign of Cyrus the Great and Darius I; the Kingdom of Corduene, which emerged from the declining Seleucid Empire, was located to the south and south-east of Lake Van between Persia and Mesopotamia and ruled northern Mesopotamia and southeastern Anatolia from 189 BC to AD 384 as vassals of the vying Parthian and Roman Empire. Corduene became a vassal state of the Roman Republic in 66 BC and remained allied with the Romans until AD 384.
After 66 BC, it passed another 5 times between Persia. Corduene was situated to the east of Tigranocerta, that is, to the east and south of present-day Diyarbakır in south-eastern Turkey; some historians have correlated a connection between Corduene with the modern names of Kurds and Kurdistan. Some of the ancient districts of Kurdistan and their corresponding modern names: Corduene or Gordyene Sophene Zabdicene or Bezabde Basenia Moxoene Nephercerta Artemita One of the earliest records of the phrase land of the Kurds is found in an Assyrian Christian document of late antiquity, describing the stories of Assyrian saints of the Middle East, such as Abdisho; when the Sasanian Marzban asked Mar Abdisho about his place of origin, he replied that according to his parents, they were from Hazza, a village in Assyria. However they were driven out of Hazza by pagans, settled in Tamanon, which according to Abdisho was in the land of the Kurds. Tamanon lies just north of the modern Iraq-Turkey border, while Hazza is 12 km southwest of modern Erbil.
In another passage in the same document, the region of the Khabur River is identified as land of the Kurds. According to Al-Muqaddasi and Yaqut al-Hamawi, Tamanon was located on the south-western or southern slopes of Mount Judi and south of Cizre. Other geographical references to the Kurds in Syriac sources appear in Zuqnin chronicle, writings of Michael the Syrian and Bar hebraeus, they mention city of Qardu and country of Qardawaye. In the tenth and eleventh centuries, several Kurdish principalities emerged in the region: in the north the Shaddadids and the Rawadids, in the east the Hasanwayhids and the Annazids and in the west the Marwanids to the south of Diyarbakır and north of Jazira. Kurdistan in the Middle Ages was a collection of semi-independent and independent states called emirates, it was nominally under indirect religious influence of Khalifs or Shahs. A comprehensive history of these states and their relationship with their neighbors is given in the text of Sharafnama, written by Prince Sharaf al-Din Bitlisi in 1597.
The emirates included Baban, Soran and Garmiyan in the south. The earliest medieval attestation of the toponym Kurdistan is found in a 12th-century Armenian historical text by Matteos Urhayeci, he described a battle near Siverek in 1062 as to have taken place in Kurdistan. The second record occurs in the prayer from the colophon of an Armenian manuscript of the Gospels, written in 1200. A use of the term Kurdistan is found in Empire of Trebizond documents in 1336 and in Nuzhat-al-Qulub, written by Hamdollah Mostowfi in 1340. According to Sharafkhan Bitlisi in his Sharafnama, the boundaries of the Kurdish land begin at the Strait of Hormuz in the Persian Gulf and stretch on an line to the end of Malatya and Marash. Evliya Çelebi, who traveled in Kurdistan between 1640 and
Islamism is a concept whose meaning has been debated in both public and academic contexts. The term can refer to diverse forms of social and political activism advocating that public and political life should be guided by Islamic principles or more to movements which call for full implementation of sharia, it is used interchangeably with the terms political Islam or Islamic fundamentalism. In academic usage, the term Islamism does not specify what vision of "Islamic order" or sharia are being advocated, or how their advocates intend to bring them about. In Western mass media it tends to refer to groups whose aim is to establish a sharia-based Islamic state with implication of violent tactics and human rights violations, has acquired connotations of political extremism. In the Muslim world, the term has positive connotations among its proponents. Different currents of Islamist thought include advocating a "revolutionary" strategy of Islamizing society through exercise of state power, alternately a "reformist" strategy to re-Islamizing society through grass-roots social and political activism.
Islamists may emphasize the implementation of sharia. Graham Fuller has argued for a broader notion of Islamism as a form of identity politics, involving "support for identity, broader regionalism, revitalization of the community." Some authors hold the term "Islamic activism" to be synonymous and preferable to "Islamism", Rached Ghannouchi writes that Islamists prefer to use the term "Islamic movement" themselves. Central and prominent figures in twentieth-century Islamism include Hasan al-Banna, Sayyid Qutb, Abul Ala Maududi, Ruhollah Khomeini. Most Islamist thinkers emphasize peaceful political processes, which are supported by the majority of contemporary Islamists. Others, Sayyid Qutb in particular, called for violence, his followers are considered Islamic extremists, although Qutb denounced the killing of innocents. According to Robin Wright, Islamist movements have "arguably altered the Middle East more than any trend since the modern states gained independence", redefining "politics and borders".
Following the Arab Spring, some Islamist currents became involved in democratic politics, while others spawned "the most aggressive and ambitious Islamist militia" to date, ISIS. The term Islamism, which denoted the religion of Islam, first appeared in the English language as Islamismus in 1696, as Islamism in 1712; the term appears in the U. S. Supreme Court decision in In Re Ross. By the turn of the twentieth century the shorter and purely Arabic term "Islam" had begun to displaced it, by 1938, when Orientalist scholars completed The Encyclopaedia of Islam, Islamism seems to have disappeared from English usage; the term "Islamism" acquired its contemporary connotations in French academia in the late 1970s and early 1980s. From French, it began to migrate to the English language in the mid-1980s, in recent years has displaced the term Islamic fundamentalism in academic circles; the new use of the term "Islamism" at first functioned as "a marker for scholars more to sympathize" with new Islamic movements.
A 2003 article in the Middle East Quarterly states: In summation, the term Islamism enjoyed its first run, lasting from Voltaire to the First World War, as a synonym for Islam. Enlightened scholars and writers preferred it to Mohammedanism. Both terms yielded to Islam, the Arabic name of the faith, a word free of either pejorative or comparative associations. There was no need for any other term, until the rise of an ideological and political interpretation of Islam challenged scholars and commentators to come up with an alternative, to distinguish Islam as modern ideology from Islam as a faith... To all intents and purposes, Islamic fundamentalism and Islamism have become synonyms in contemporary American usage; the Council on American–Islamic Relations complained in 2013 that the Associated Press's definition of "Islamist"—a "supporter of government in accord with the laws of Islam who view the Quran as a political model"—had become a pejorative shorthand for "Muslims we don't like". Mansoor Moaddel, a sociologist at Eastern Michigan University, criticized it as "not a good term" because "the use of the term Islamist does not capture the phenomena, quite heterogeneous."
The AP Stylebook entry for Islamist as of 2013 read as follows: "An advocate or supporter of a political movement that favors reordering government and society in accordance with laws prescribed by Islam. Do not use as a synonym for Islamic fighters, extremists or radicals, who may or may not be Islamists. Where possible, be specific and use the name of militant affiliations: al-Qaida-linked, Taliban, etc; those who view the Quran as a political model encompass a wide range of Muslims, from mainstream politicians to militants known as jihadi." Islamism has been defined as: "the belief that Islam should guide social and political as well as personal life", a form of "religionized politics"
Iraqi Kurdistan called the Kurdistan Region of Iraq by the Iraqi constitution, is an autonomous region located in northern Iraq. It is referred to as Southern Kurdistan, as Kurds consider it to be one of the four parts of Greater Kurdistan, which includes parts of southeastern Turkey, northern Syria, northwestern Iran; the region is governed by the Kurdistan Regional Government, with the capital being Erbil. Kurdistan is a parliamentary democracy with its own regional Parliament. Masoud Barzani, elected as president in 2005, was re-elected in 2009. In August 2013 the parliament extended his presidency for another two years, his presidency concluded on 19 August 2015 after the political parties failed to reach an agreement over extending his term. The new Constitution of Iraq defines the Kurdistan Region as a federal entity of Iraq, establishes Kurdish and Arabic as Iraq's joint official languages; the four governorates of Duhok, Erbil and Halabja comprise around 46,861 square kilometres and have a population of 5.9 million.
In 2014, during the 2014 Iraq Crisis, Iraqi Kurdistan's forces took over much of the disputed territories of Northern Iraq. The establishment of the Kurdistan Region dates back to the March 1970 autonomy agreement between the Kurdish opposition and the Iraqi government after years of heavy fighting. However, that agreement failed to be implemented and by 1974 Northern Iraq plunged into the Second Iraqi–Kurdish War, another part of the Iraqi–Kurdish conflict between the Kurds and the Arab-dominated government of Iraq. Further, the 1980–88 Iran–Iraq War the Iraqi Army's Al-Anfal Campaign, devastated the population and environment of Iraqi Kurdistan. Following the 1991 uprising of Kurds in the north and Shia Arabs in the south against Saddam Hussein, Iraqi Kurdistan's military forces, the Peshmerga, succeeded in pushing out the main Iraqi forces from the north. Despite significant casualties and the crisis of Kurdish refugees in bordering regions of Iran and Turkey, the Peshmerga success and the Western establishment of the northern Iraqi no-fly zone following the First Gulf War in 1991 created the basis for Kurdish self-rule and facilitated the return of refugees.
As Kurds continued to fight government troops, Iraqi forces left Kurdistan in October 1991, leaving the region with de facto autonomy. In 1992, the major political parties in the region, the Kurdistan Democratic Party and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan, established the semi-autonomous Kurdistan Regional Government; the 2003 invasion of Iraq and subsequent political changes led to the ratification of a new constitution in 2005. The name Kurdistan means "Land of the Kurds"; the suffix -stan is Persian for "place of" or "country". In English translations of the Constitution of Iraq, it is called "Kurdistan", four times in the phrase "region of Kurdistan" and once in the phrase "Kurdistan region"; the regional government calls it the "Kurdistan Region". The full name of the government is the "Kurdistan Regional Government", abbreviated "KRG". Kurds refer to the region as Başûrê Kurdistanê or Başûrî Kurdistan, referring to its geographical location within the whole of Kurdistan. During the Baath Party administration in the 1970s and 1980s, the region was called the "Kurdish Autonomous Region".
The Kurdistan Region is mountainous, with the highest point being a 3,611 m point known locally as Cheekha Dar. Mountains in Iraqi Kurdistan include the Zagros, Sinjar Mountains, Hamrin Mountains, Mount Nisir and Qandil mountains. There are many rivers running through the region, distinguished by its fertile lands, plentiful water, picturesque nature; the Great Zab and the Little Zab flow from the east to the west in the region. The Tigris river enters Iraqi Kurdistan from Turkish Kurdistan; the mountainous nature of Iraqi Kurdistan, the difference of temperatures in its various parts, its wealth of waters make it a land of agriculture and tourism. The largest lake in the region is Lake Dukan. There are several smaller lakes, such as Darbandikhan Lake and Duhok Lake; the western and southern parts of the Kurdistan Region are not as mountainous as the east. Instead, it is rolling plains vegetated by sclerophyll scrubland. Vegetation in the region includes, oaks, platanus, olive trees, hawthorn, oriental plane, cherry plum, rose hips, pistachio trees, pear, mountain ash and Turkish pines.
The desert in the south is steppe and would feature xeric plants such as palm trees, date palm, poa, white wormwood and chenopodiaceae. Animals found in the region include the Syrian brown bear, wild boar, gray wolf, golden jackal, Indian crested porcupine, red fox, goitered gazelle, Eurasian otter, striped hyena, Persian fallow deer, onager and the Euphrates softshell turtle. Bird species include, the see-see partridge, Menetries's warbler, western jackdaw, Red-billed chough, hooded crow, European nightjar, rufous-tailed scrub robin, masked shrike and the pale rockfinch. Due to its latitude and altitude, Iraqi Kurdistan is cooler and much wetter than the rest of Iraq. Most areas in the region fall within the Mediterranean climate zone, with areas to the southwest being semi-arid. Due to the summers being less extreme, thousands of tourists from the hotter parts of Iraq come to visit the region in t
Iraq the Republic of Iraq, is a country in Western Asia, bordered by Turkey to the north, Iran to the east, Kuwait to the southeast, Saudi Arabia to the south, Jordan to the southwest and Syria to the west. The capital, largest city, is Baghdad. Iraq is home to diverse ethnic groups including Arabs, Assyrians, Shabakis, Armenians, Mandeans and Kawliya. Around 95% of the country's 37 million citizens are Muslims, with Christianity, Yarsan and Mandeanism present; the official languages of Iraq are Kurdish. Iraq has a coastline measuring 58 km on the northern Persian Gulf and encompasses the Mesopotamian Alluvial Plain, the northwestern end of the Zagros mountain range and the eastern part of the Syrian Desert. Two major rivers, the Tigris and Euphrates, run south through Iraq and into the Shatt al-Arab near the Persian Gulf; these rivers provide Iraq with significant amounts of fertile land. The region between the Tigris and Euphrates rivers known as Mesopotamia, is referred to as the cradle of civilisation.
It was here that mankind first began to read, create laws and live in cities under an organised government—notably Uruk, from which "Iraq" is derived. The area has been home to successive civilisations since the 6th millennium BC. Iraq was the centre of the Akkadian, Sumerian and Babylonian empires, it was part of the Median, Hellenistic, Sassanid, Rashidun, Abbasid, Mongol, Safavid and Ottoman empires. The country today known as Iraq was a region of the Ottoman Empire until the partition of the Ottoman Empire in the 20th century, it was made up of three provinces, called vilayets in the Ottoman language: Mosul Vilayet, Baghdad Vilayet, Basra Vilayet. In April 1920 the British Mandate of Mesopotamia was created under the authority of the League of Nations. A British-backed monarchy joining these vilayets into one Kingdom was established in 1921 under Faisal I of Iraq; the Hashemite Kingdom of Iraq gained independence from the UK in 1932. In 1958, the monarchy was overthrown and the Iraqi Republic created.
Iraq was controlled by the Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party from 1968 until 2003. After an invasion by the United States and its allies in 2003, Saddam Hussein's Ba'ath Party was removed from power, multi-party parliamentary elections were held in 2005; the US presence in Iraq ended in 2011, but the Iraqi insurgency continued and intensified as fighters from the Syrian Civil War spilled into the country. Out of the insurgency came a destructive group calling itself ISIL, which took large parts of the north and west, it has since been defeated. Disputes over the sovereignty of Iraqi Kurdistan continue. A referendum about the full sovereignty of Iraqi Kurdistan was held on 25 September 2017. On 9 December 2017, then-Iraqi Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi declared victory over ISIL after the group lost its territory in Iraq. Iraq is a federal parliamentary republic consisting of one autonomous region; the country's official religion is Islam. Culturally, Iraq has a rich heritage and celebrates the achievements of its past in both pre-Islamic as well as post-Islamic times and is known for its poets.
Its painters and sculptors are among the best in the Arab world, some of them being world-class as well as producing fine handicrafts, including rugs and carpets. Iraq is a founding member of the UN as well as of the Arab League, OIC, Non-Aligned Movement and the IMF; the Arabic name العراق al-ʿIrāq has been in use since before the 6th century. There are several suggested origins for the name. One dates to the Sumerian city of Uruk and is thus of Sumerian origin, as Uruk was the Akkadian name for the Sumerian city of Urug, containing the Sumerian word for "city", UR. An Arabic folk etymology for the name is "well-watered. During the medieval period, there was a region called ʿIrāq ʿArabī for Lower Mesopotamia and ʿIrāq ʿAjamī, for the region now situated in Central and Western Iran; the term included the plain south of the Hamrin Mountains and did not include the northernmost and westernmost parts of the modern territory of Iraq. Prior to the middle of the 19th century, the term Eyraca Arabic was used to describe Iraq.
The term Sawad was used in early Islamic times for the region of the alluvial plain of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers, contrasting it with the arid Arabian desert. As an Arabic word, عراق means "hem", "shore", "bank", or "edge", so that the name by folk etymology came to be interpreted as "the escarpment", viz. at the south and east of the Jazira Plateau, which forms the northern and western edge of the "al-Iraq arabi" area. The Arabic pronunciation is. In English, it is either or, the American Heritage Dictionary, the Random House Dictionary; the pronunciation is heard in US media. In accordance with the 2005 Constitution, the official name of the state is the "Republic of Iraq". Between 65,000 BC and 35,000 BC northern Iraq was home to a Neanderthal culture, archaeological remains of which have been discovered at Shanidar Cave This same region is the location of a number of pre-Neolithic cemeteries, dating from 11,000 BC. Since 10,000 BC, Iraq was one of centres of a Caucasoid Neolithic culture (k
A political spectrum is a system of classifying different political positions upon one or more geometric axes that represent independent political dimensions. Most long-standing spectra include a left wing, which referred to seating arrangements in the French parliament after the Revolution. On a left–right spectrum and socialism are regarded internationally as being on the left, Liberalism can mean different things in different contexts: sometimes on the left; those with an intermediate outlook are sometimes classified as centrists. That said and neoliberals are called centrists too. Politics that rejects the conventional left–right spectrum is known as syncretic politics, though the label tends to mischaracterize positions that have a logical location on a two-axis spectrum because they seem randomly brought together on a one-axis left-right spectrum. Political scientists have noted that a single left–right axis is insufficient for describing the existing variation in political beliefs and include other axes.
Though the descriptive words at polar opposites may vary in popular biaxial spectra the axes are split between socio-cultural issues and economic issues, each scaling from some form of individualism to some form of communitarianism. The terms right and left refer to political affiliations originating early in the French Revolutionary era of 1789–1799 and referred to the seating arrangements in the various legislative bodies of France; as seen from the Speaker's seat at the front of the Assembly, the aristocracy sat on the right and the commoners sat on the left, hence the terms right-wing politics and left-wing politics. The defining point on the ideological spectrum was the Ancien Régime. "The Right" thus implied support for aristocratic or royal interests and the church, while "The Left" implied support for republicanism and civil liberties. Because the political franchise at the start of the revolution was narrow, the original "Left" represented the interests of the bourgeoisie, the rising capitalist class.
Support for laissez-faire commerce and free markets were expressed by politicians sitting on the left because these represented policies favorable to capitalists rather than to the aristocracy, but outside parliamentary politics these views are characterized as being on the Right. The reason for this apparent contradiction lies in the fact that those "to the left" of the parliamentary left, outside official parliamentary structures represent much of the working class, poor peasantry and the unemployed, their political interests in the French Revolution lay with opposition to the aristocracy and so they found themselves allied with the early capitalists. However, this did not mean that their economic interests lay with the laissez-faire policies of those representing them politically; as capitalist economies developed, the aristocracy became less relevant and were replaced by capitalist representatives. The size of the working class increased as capitalism expanded and began to find expression through trade unionist, socialist and communist politics rather than being confined to the capitalist policies expressed by the original "left".
This evolution has pulled parliamentary politicians away from laissez-faire economic policies, although this has happened to different degrees in different countries those with a history of issues with more authoritarian-left countries, such as the Soviet Union or China under Mao Zedong. Thus the word "Left" in American political parlance may refer to "liberalism" and be identified with the Democratic Party, whereas in a country such as France these positions would be regarded as more right-wing, or centrist overall, "left" is more to refer to "socialist" or "social-democratic" positions rather than "liberal" ones. For a century, social scientists have considered the problem of how best to describe political variation. In 1950, Leonard W. Ferguson analyzed political values using ten scales measuring attitudes toward: birth control, capital punishment, communism, law, theism, treatment of criminals and war. Submitting the results to factor analysis, he was able to identify three factors, which he named religionism and nationalism.
He defined religionism as belief in God and negative attitudes toward birth control. This system was derived empirically, as rather than devising a political model on purely theoretical grounds and testing it, Ferguson's research was exploratory; as a result of this method, care must be taken in the interpretation of Ferguson's three factors, as factor analysis will output an abstract factor whether an objectively real factor exists or not. Although replication of the nationalism factor was inconsistent, the finding of religionism and humanitarianism had a number of replications by Ferguson and others. Shortly afterward, Hans Eysenck began researching political attitudes in Great Britain, he believed that there was something similar about the National Socialists on the one hand and the communists on the other, despite their opposite positions on the left–right axis. As Hans Eysenck described in his 1956 book Sense and
The Badr Organization known as the Badr Brigades or Badr Corps, is an Iraqi political party headed by Hadi Al-Amiri. The Badr Brigade was the Iran-officered military wing of the Iran-based Shia Islamic party, Supreme Council for Islamic Revolution in Iraq, formed in 1982. Since the 2003 invasion of Iraq most of Badr's fighters have entered the new Iraqi army and police force. Politically, Badr Brigade and SCIRI were considered to be one party since 2003, but have now unofficially separated with the Badr Organization now an official Iraqi political party. Badr Brigade forces, their Iranian commanders, have come to prominence in 2014 fighting the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant in Iraq, it is a part of the Popular Mobilization Forces. The organization was formed in Iran in 1982 as the military wing of the Supreme Council for Islamic Revolution in Iraq, it was led by Iranian officers. It consisted of several thousand Iraqi exiles and defectors who fought alongside Iranian troops in the Iran–Iraq War.
The group was directed by Iran. They returned to Iraq in 1991 during the 1991 Iraqi uprising to fight against Saddam Hussein, focusing on the Shia holy cities of Najaf and Karbala, they retreated back into Iran. In 1995, during the Kurdish Civil War, Iran deployed 5,000 Badr fighters to Iraqi Kurdistan. Returning to Iraq following the 2003 coalition invasion, the group changed its name from brigade to organization in response to the attempted voluntary disarming of Iraqi militias by the Coalition Provisional Authority, it is however believed the organization is still active as a militia within the security forces and it has been accused of running a secret prison and sectarian killings during the Iraqi Civil War. Because of their opposition to Saddam Hussein, the Badr Brigade was seen as a U. S. asset in the fight against Baathist partisans. After the fall of Baghdad, Badr forces joined the newly reconstituted army and Interior Ministry in significant numbers; the Interior Ministry was controlled by SCIRI and many Badr members became part of the Interior Ministry run Wolf Brigade.
The Iraqi Interior Minister, Bayan Jabr, was a former leader of Badr Brigade militia. In 2006 the United Nations human rights chief in Iraq, John Pace, said that hundreds of Iraqis were being tortured to death or executed by the Interior Ministry under SCIRI's control. According to a 2006 report by the Independent newspaper:'Mr Pace said the Ministry of the Interior was "acting as a rogue element within the government", it is controlled by the Supreme Council for Islamic Revolution in Iraq. Another is the Mehdi Army of the young cleric Moqtada al-Sadr, part of the Shia coalition seeking to form a government after winning the mid-December election. Many of the 110,000 policemen and police commandos under the ministry's control are suspected of being former members of the Badr Brigade. Not only counter-insurgency units such as the Wolf Brigade, the Scorpions and the Tigers, but the commandos and the highway patrol police have been accused of acting as death squads; the paramilitary commandos, dressed in garish camouflage uniforms and driving around in pick-up trucks, are dreaded in Sunni neighbourhoods.
People whom they have arrested have been found dead several days with their bodies bearing obvious marks of torture.' Following ISIL's successful Anbar campaign and June 2014 offensive, the Badr Organization mobilized and won a series of battles against ISIL, including the Liberation of Jurf Al Sakhar and lift the Lifting of the Siege of Amirli. In early February 2015 the group, operating from its base at Camp Ashraf, fought in Diyala Governorate against ISIL. Over 100 militia were killed in the fighting including 25 in Al Mansouryah. Badr's leader, Hadi Al-Amiri, said his militiamen were committed to the safety of Sunnis, but deep mutual suspicions remained in the light of recent sectarian killings and suspicion that some Sunni tribes were allied with IS; the Badr Corps consists of infantry, artillery, anti-aircraft, commando units with an estimated strength of between 10,000 and 50,000 men. Private militias in Iraq List of armed groups in the Iraqi Civil War List of armed groups in the Syrian Civil War Holy Shrine Defender Michele Norris & Ivan Watson, "Profile: Opposition Group Claiming to Represent Iraqi Shias Enters Northern Iraq," All Things Considered, NPR.
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