Sinjar Resistance Units
The Şengal Resistance Units called King Peacock, is a Yazidi militia formed in Iraq in 2007 to protect the Yazidi community in Iraq in the wake of attacks by Iraqi insurgents. It is the second largest Yazidi militia, after the Protection Force of Sinjar. However, it is much more active than the HPŞ in fighting against the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant. Together with its newly founded all-women offshoot, the Êzîdxan Women's Units, the Peshmerga-aligned HPŞ, in October 2015 it founded the all-Yazidi joint command umbrella structure Sinjar Alliance. YBŞ and YJÊ consider themselves under the umbrella of the Kurdistan Communities Union and are operating in concert with People's Defence Forces of the Kurdistan Workers' Party. Shammar militias have supported YBŞ; the Sinjar Resistance Units took part in the August 2014 Northern Iraq offensive, killing at least 22 Islamic State fighters and destroying five armoured vehicles in the vicinity of the Sinjar Mountains. Hundreds of Yazidis received training from People's Protection Units instructors at the Serimli military base in Qamishli, before being sent back to the Mount Sinjar frontlines.
These forces were re-branded as the "Sinjar Resistance Units". Its commander Sheikh. There have been increased tensions between the Kurdistan Regional Government. KRG forces fled Mount Sinjar when the Islamic State first attacked, leaving many Yazidis resentful and distrustful. In October 2015, the YBŞ participated in the foundation of the Sinjar Alliance as an all-Yazidi joint commando umbrella structure. Besides their all-women offshoot, the Êzîdxan Women's Units, the Peshmerga-aligned Protection Force of Sinjar and other independent Yazidi units committed to the united Yazidi front. Under the joint command of the Sinjar Alliance, the Sinjar Resistance Units took part in the November 2015 Sinjar offensive. In 2017, the KDP-aligned media outlets claimed that around 800 members had left the YBŞ, 400 of them joined Peshmerga. December 2014 Sinjar offensive Ezidkhan List of armed groups in the Iraqi Civil War Genocide of Yazidis by ISIL
Iraqi Kurdistan called the Kurdistan Region of Iraq by the Iraqi constitution, is an autonomous region located in northern Iraq. It is referred to as Southern Kurdistan, as Kurds consider it to be one of the four parts of Greater Kurdistan, which includes parts of southeastern Turkey, northern Syria, northwestern Iran; the region is governed by the Kurdistan Regional Government, with the capital being Erbil. Kurdistan is a parliamentary democracy with its own regional Parliament. Masoud Barzani, elected as president in 2005, was re-elected in 2009. In August 2013 the parliament extended his presidency for another two years, his presidency concluded on 19 August 2015 after the political parties failed to reach an agreement over extending his term. The new Constitution of Iraq defines the Kurdistan Region as a federal entity of Iraq, establishes Kurdish and Arabic as Iraq's joint official languages; the four governorates of Duhok, Erbil and Halabja comprise around 46,861 square kilometres and have a population of 5.9 million.
In 2014, during the 2014 Iraq Crisis, Iraqi Kurdistan's forces took over much of the disputed territories of Northern Iraq. The establishment of the Kurdistan Region dates back to the March 1970 autonomy agreement between the Kurdish opposition and the Iraqi government after years of heavy fighting. However, that agreement failed to be implemented and by 1974 Northern Iraq plunged into the Second Iraqi–Kurdish War, another part of the Iraqi–Kurdish conflict between the Kurds and the Arab-dominated government of Iraq. Further, the 1980–88 Iran–Iraq War the Iraqi Army's Al-Anfal Campaign, devastated the population and environment of Iraqi Kurdistan. Following the 1991 uprising of Kurds in the north and Shia Arabs in the south against Saddam Hussein, Iraqi Kurdistan's military forces, the Peshmerga, succeeded in pushing out the main Iraqi forces from the north. Despite significant casualties and the crisis of Kurdish refugees in bordering regions of Iran and Turkey, the Peshmerga success and the Western establishment of the northern Iraqi no-fly zone following the First Gulf War in 1991 created the basis for Kurdish self-rule and facilitated the return of refugees.
As Kurds continued to fight government troops, Iraqi forces left Kurdistan in October 1991, leaving the region with de facto autonomy. In 1992, the major political parties in the region, the Kurdistan Democratic Party and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan, established the semi-autonomous Kurdistan Regional Government; the 2003 invasion of Iraq and subsequent political changes led to the ratification of a new constitution in 2005. The name Kurdistan means "Land of the Kurds"; the suffix -stan is Persian for "place of" or "country". In English translations of the Constitution of Iraq, it is called "Kurdistan", four times in the phrase "region of Kurdistan" and once in the phrase "Kurdistan region"; the regional government calls it the "Kurdistan Region". The full name of the government is the "Kurdistan Regional Government", abbreviated "KRG". Kurds refer to the region as Başûrê Kurdistanê or Başûrî Kurdistan, referring to its geographical location within the whole of Kurdistan. During the Baath Party administration in the 1970s and 1980s, the region was called the "Kurdish Autonomous Region".
The Kurdistan Region is mountainous, with the highest point being a 3,611 m point known locally as Cheekha Dar. Mountains in Iraqi Kurdistan include the Zagros, Sinjar Mountains, Hamrin Mountains, Mount Nisir and Qandil mountains. There are many rivers running through the region, distinguished by its fertile lands, plentiful water, picturesque nature; the Great Zab and the Little Zab flow from the east to the west in the region. The Tigris river enters Iraqi Kurdistan from Turkish Kurdistan; the mountainous nature of Iraqi Kurdistan, the difference of temperatures in its various parts, its wealth of waters make it a land of agriculture and tourism. The largest lake in the region is Lake Dukan. There are several smaller lakes, such as Darbandikhan Lake and Duhok Lake; the western and southern parts of the Kurdistan Region are not as mountainous as the east. Instead, it is rolling plains vegetated by sclerophyll scrubland. Vegetation in the region includes, oaks, platanus, olive trees, hawthorn, oriental plane, cherry plum, rose hips, pistachio trees, pear, mountain ash and Turkish pines.
The desert in the south is steppe and would feature xeric plants such as palm trees, date palm, poa, white wormwood and chenopodiaceae. Animals found in the region include the Syrian brown bear, wild boar, gray wolf, golden jackal, Indian crested porcupine, red fox, goitered gazelle, Eurasian otter, striped hyena, Persian fallow deer, onager and the Euphrates softshell turtle. Bird species include, the see-see partridge, Menetries's warbler, western jackdaw, Red-billed chough, hooded crow, European nightjar, rufous-tailed scrub robin, masked shrike and the pale rockfinch. Due to its latitude and altitude, Iraqi Kurdistan is cooler and much wetter than the rest of Iraq. Most areas in the region fall within the Mediterranean climate zone, with areas to the southwest being semi-arid. Due to the summers being less extreme, thousands of tourists from the hotter parts of Iraq come to visit the region in t
Organization of Iranian Kurdistan Struggle
The Revolutionary Khabat Organization of the Iranian Kurdistan called Khabat is a Kurdish nationalist opposition group in Iran which seeks autonomy for Iranian Kurdistan. After the Iranian Revolution, many political organizations with different beliefs appeared in Iran and Iranian Kurdistan. In these conditions, a group of Kurdish -known politicians formed a political organization; the party was formed to fight and liberate the Kurds in Iran against Iran's current Islamic government. The party in its third Congress explaining its connection to religion and explains in its program that the party is a democratic party that respects the importance of religion in society. On August 27, 1980, it was decided to establish the Organization of the Nationalistic and Islamic Khabat of the Iranian Kurdistan. Organization Khabats’ goal for Iranian Kurdistan is Self-determination and a secular democratic system in Iran. Organization Khabat is active for: Emancipation of women in society without any discrimination Freedom for every religion and ideologies Freedom of speech and mass media Kurdish language should be allowed at school, university and in public and administration as a first language Integration of all Kurdish Territory in Iranian Kurdistan Governors should be elected by Kurdish people and represent interest of Kurdish Nation The right of the peoples of Kurdistan to self-government Religion should not be implemented for discrimination of people Democratic education system Modern infrastructure Free financial system Protection of poor people financially and Motivate sociality for modernization of cultural attitude Komalah Kurdistan Democratic Party of Iran sazmanixebat.org Khabat - Azadi bo Kurdistan Organization of Iranien Kurdistan Struggle
Kurdistan Conservative Party
The Kurdistan Conservative Party is led by Zaid Surchi. The List is dominated by the Surchi family. On 16 June 1996 KDP forces clashed with fighters from the Surchi family's home villages, killing Hussein Surchi, Zaid's uncle; the PUK supported the Conservative Party during the short-lived conflict. The Surchi tribe is found in Erbil and Mosul. For the 2009 Iraqi Kurdistan legislative election, the Kurdistan Conservative Party List was given the electoral lot number 61
A political spectrum is a system of classifying different political positions upon one or more geometric axes that represent independent political dimensions. Most long-standing spectra include a left wing, which referred to seating arrangements in the French parliament after the Revolution. On a left–right spectrum and socialism are regarded internationally as being on the left, Liberalism can mean different things in different contexts: sometimes on the left; those with an intermediate outlook are sometimes classified as centrists. That said and neoliberals are called centrists too. Politics that rejects the conventional left–right spectrum is known as syncretic politics, though the label tends to mischaracterize positions that have a logical location on a two-axis spectrum because they seem randomly brought together on a one-axis left-right spectrum. Political scientists have noted that a single left–right axis is insufficient for describing the existing variation in political beliefs and include other axes.
Though the descriptive words at polar opposites may vary in popular biaxial spectra the axes are split between socio-cultural issues and economic issues, each scaling from some form of individualism to some form of communitarianism. The terms right and left refer to political affiliations originating early in the French Revolutionary era of 1789–1799 and referred to the seating arrangements in the various legislative bodies of France; as seen from the Speaker's seat at the front of the Assembly, the aristocracy sat on the right and the commoners sat on the left, hence the terms right-wing politics and left-wing politics. The defining point on the ideological spectrum was the Ancien Régime. "The Right" thus implied support for aristocratic or royal interests and the church, while "The Left" implied support for republicanism and civil liberties. Because the political franchise at the start of the revolution was narrow, the original "Left" represented the interests of the bourgeoisie, the rising capitalist class.
Support for laissez-faire commerce and free markets were expressed by politicians sitting on the left because these represented policies favorable to capitalists rather than to the aristocracy, but outside parliamentary politics these views are characterized as being on the Right. The reason for this apparent contradiction lies in the fact that those "to the left" of the parliamentary left, outside official parliamentary structures represent much of the working class, poor peasantry and the unemployed, their political interests in the French Revolution lay with opposition to the aristocracy and so they found themselves allied with the early capitalists. However, this did not mean that their economic interests lay with the laissez-faire policies of those representing them politically; as capitalist economies developed, the aristocracy became less relevant and were replaced by capitalist representatives. The size of the working class increased as capitalism expanded and began to find expression through trade unionist, socialist and communist politics rather than being confined to the capitalist policies expressed by the original "left".
This evolution has pulled parliamentary politicians away from laissez-faire economic policies, although this has happened to different degrees in different countries those with a history of issues with more authoritarian-left countries, such as the Soviet Union or China under Mao Zedong. Thus the word "Left" in American political parlance may refer to "liberalism" and be identified with the Democratic Party, whereas in a country such as France these positions would be regarded as more right-wing, or centrist overall, "left" is more to refer to "socialist" or "social-democratic" positions rather than "liberal" ones. For a century, social scientists have considered the problem of how best to describe political variation. In 1950, Leonard W. Ferguson analyzed political values using ten scales measuring attitudes toward: birth control, capital punishment, communism, law, theism, treatment of criminals and war. Submitting the results to factor analysis, he was able to identify three factors, which he named religionism and nationalism.
He defined religionism as belief in God and negative attitudes toward birth control. This system was derived empirically, as rather than devising a political model on purely theoretical grounds and testing it, Ferguson's research was exploratory; as a result of this method, care must be taken in the interpretation of Ferguson's three factors, as factor analysis will output an abstract factor whether an objectively real factor exists or not. Although replication of the nationalism factor was inconsistent, the finding of religionism and humanitarianism had a number of replications by Ferguson and others. Shortly afterward, Hans Eysenck began researching political attitudes in Great Britain, he believed that there was something similar about the National Socialists on the one hand and the communists on the other, despite their opposite positions on the left–right axis. As Hans Eysenck described in his 1956 book Sense and
Kurdish nationalism holds that the Kurdish people are deserving of a sovereign nation that would be partitioned out of areas in Turkey, northern Iraq, Syria based on the promised nation of Kurdistan under the Treaty of Sèvres. Early Kurdish nationalism had its roots in the days of the Ottoman Empire, within which Kurds were a significant ethnic group. With the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire, the Kurdish-majority territories were divided between the newly formed states of Iraq and Turkey, making Kurds a significant ethnic minority in each state. Kurdish nationalist movements have long been suppressed by Turkey and the Arab-majority states of Iraq and Syria, all of whom fear loss of territory to a potential independent Kurdistan. Kurds from Iran are loyal to the nationalistic movement and this was demonstrated in Iraqi Kurdistans indepenedence referendum in 2017 where thousands of Iranian Kurds risked arrest to march and celebrate waving the banned Kurdish flag. Since the 1970s, Iraqi Kurds have pursued the goal of greater autonomy and outright independence against the Ba'ath Party regimes, which responded with brutal repression including the massacre of 182,000 Kurds in the Anfal genocide.
Since the 1980s, the Kurdish–Turkish conflict led by Kurdish armed groups challenged the Turkish state, which responded with martial law. After the 1991 uprisings in Iraq, Iraqi Kurds were protected against the armies of Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein by NATO-enforced no-fly zones, allowing them considerable autonomy and self-government outside the control of the Iraqi central government. After the 2003 invasion of Iraq that ousted dictator Saddam Hussein, Iraqi Kurdistan became an autonomous region, enjoying a great measure of self-governance but stopping short of full independence. Kurdish nationalism has long been promoted by the worldwide Kurdish diaspora; the Kurdish nationalist struggle first emerged in the late 19th century when a unified movement demanded the establishment of a Kurdish state. Revolts did occur sporadically but only decades after the Ottoman centralist policies of the 19th century began did the first modern Kurdish nationalist movement emerge with uprising led by a Kurdish landowner and head of the powerful Shemdinan family, Sheikh Ubeydullah.
In 1880, demanded political autonomy or outright independence for Kurds and the recognition of a Kurdistan state without interference from Turkish or Persian authorities. The uprising against Qajar Persia and the Ottoman Empire was suppressed by the Ottomans and Ubeydullah, along with other notables, were exiled to Istanbul; the Kurdish nationalist movement that emerged following World War I and end of the Ottoman Empire was reactionary to the changes taking place in mainstream Turkey radical secularization which the Muslim Kurds abhorred, centralization of authority which threatened the power of local chieftains and Kurdish autonomy, rampant Turk ethnonationalism in the new Turkish Republic which threatened to marginalize them. Western powers fighting the Turks promised the Kurds they would act as guarantors for Kurdish freedom, a promise they subsequently broke. One particular organization, the Kürdistan Teali Cemiyeti was central to the forging of a distinct Kurdish identity, it took advantage of period of political liberalization in during the Second Constitutional Era of Turkey to transform a renewed interest in Kurdish culture and language into a political nationalist movement based on ethnicity.
This emphasis on Kurds as a distinct ethnicity was encouraged by around the start of the 20th century Russian anthropologists who suggested that the Kurds were a European race based on physical characteristics and their language, part of the Indo-European language group. While these researchers had ulterior political motives their findings were embraced and still accepted today by many. During the open government of the 1950s, Kurds gained political office and started working within the framework of the Turkish Republic to further their interests but this move towards integration was halted with the 1960 Turkish coup d'état; the 1970s saw an evolution in Kurdish nationalism as Marxist political thought influenced a new generation of Kurdish nationalists opposed to the local feudal authorities, a traditional source of opposition to authority they would form the militant separatist Partiya Karkeren Kurdistan, or Kurdistan Workers Party in English. Under the millet system, Kurds' primary form of identification was religious with Sunni Islam being the top in the hierarchy.
While the Ottoman Empire embarked on a modernization and centralization campaign known as the Tanzimat, Kurdish regions retained much of their autonomy and tribal chiefs their power. The Sublime Porte made little attempt to alter the traditional power structure of "segmented, agrarian Kurdish societies" – agha and tribal chief; because of the Kurds' geographical position at the southern and eastern fringe of the empire and the mountainous topography of their territory, in addition to the limited transportation and communication system, agents of the state had little access to Kurdish provinces and were forced to make informal agreements with tribal chiefs. This bolstered the Kurds' autonomy. In 1908, the Young Turks come to power asserting a radical form of Turkish ethnic identity and closed Ottoman associations and non-Turkish schools, they launched a cam