The domestic dog is a member of the genus Canis, which forms part of the wolf-like canids, is the most abundant terrestrial carnivore. The dog and the extant gray wolf are sister taxa as modern wolves are not related to the wolves that were first domesticated, which implies that the direct ancestor of the dog is extinct; the dog was the first species to be domesticated and has been selectively bred over millennia for various behaviors, sensory capabilities, physical attributes. Their long association with humans has led dogs to be uniquely attuned to human behavior and they are able to thrive on a starch-rich diet that would be inadequate for other canid species. Dogs vary in shape and colors, they perform many roles for humans, such as hunting, pulling loads, assisting police and military, companionship and, more aiding disabled people and therapeutic roles. This influence on human society has given them the sobriquet of "man's best friend"; the term dog is applied both to the species as a whole, any adult male member of the same.
An adult female is a bitch. An adult male capable of reproduction is a stud. An adult female capable of reproduction is brood mother. Immature males or females are puppies. A group of pups from the same gestation period is called a litter; the father of a litter is a sire. It is possible for one litter to have multiple sires; the mother of a litter is a dam. A group of any three or more adults is a pack. In 1999, a study of mitochondrial DNA indicated that the domestic dog may have originated from multiple grey wolf populations, with the dingo and New Guinea singing dog "breeds" having developed at a time when human populations were more isolated from each other. In the third edition of Mammal Species of the World published in 2005, the mammalogist W. Christopher Wozencraft listed under the wolf Canis lupus its wild subspecies, proposed two additional subspecies: "familiaris Linneaus, 1758 " and "dingo Meyer, 1793 ". Wozencraft included hallstromi – the New Guinea singing dog – as a taxonomic synonym for the dingo.
Wozencraft referred to the mDNA study as one of the guides in forming his decision. The inclusion of familiaris and dingo under a "domestic dog" clade has been noted by other mammalogists; this classification by Wozencraft is debated among zoologists. The origin of the domestic dog includes the dog's evolutionary divergence from the wolf, its domestication, its development into dog types and dog breeds; the dog is a member of the genus Canis, which forms part of the wolf-like canids, was the first species and the only large carnivore to have been domesticated. The dog and the extant gray wolf are sister taxa, as modern wolves are not related to the population of wolves, first domesticated; the genetic divergence between dogs and wolves occurred between 40,000–20,000 years ago, just before or during the Last Glacial Maximum. This timespan represents the upper time-limit for the commencement of domestication because it is the time of divergence and not the time of domestication, which occurred later.
The domestication of animals commenced over 15,000 years ago, beginning with the grey wolf by nomadic hunter-gatherers. The archaeological record and genetic analysis show the remains of the Bonn–Oberkassel dog buried beside humans 14,200 years ago to be the first undisputed dog, with disputed remains occurring 36,000 years ago, it was not until 11,000 years ago that people living in the Near East entered into relationships with wild populations of aurochs, boar and goats. Where the domestication of the dog took place remains debated, with the most plausible proposals spanning Western Europe, Central Asia and East Asia; this has been made more complicated by the recent proposal that an initial wolf population split into East and West Eurasian groups. These two groups, before going extinct, were domesticated independently into two distinct dog populations between 14,000 and 6,400 years ago; the Western Eurasian dog population was and replaced by East Asian dogs introduced by humans at least 6,400 years ago.
This proposal is debated. Domestic dogs have been selectively bred for millennia for various behaviors, sensory capabilities, physical attributes. Modern dog breeds show more variation in size and behavior than any other domestic animal. Dogs are predators and scavengers, like many other predatory mammals, the dog has powerful muscles, fused wrist bones, a cardiovascular system that supports both sprinting and endurance, teeth for catching and tearing. Dogs are variable in height and weight; the smallest known adult dog was a Yorkshire Terrier, that stood only 6.3 cm at the shoulder, 9.5 cm in length along the head-and-body, weighed only 113 grams. The largest known dog was an English Mastiff which weighed 155.6 kg and was 250 cm from the snout to the tail. The tallest dog is a Great Dane; the dog's senses include vision, sense of smell, sense of taste and sensitivity to the earth's magnetic field. Another study suggested; the coats of domestic dogs are of two varieties: "double" being common with dogs originating from colder climates, made up of a coarse guard hair and a soft down hair, or "single", with the topcoat only.
Breeds may have stripe, or "star" of white fur on their chest or underside. Regarding coat appearance or h
Wolves in folklore, religion and mythology
The wolf is a common motif in the foundational mythologies and cosmologies of peoples throughout Eurasia and North America. The obvious attribute of the wolf is its nature of a predator, correspondingly it is associated with danger and destruction, making it the symbol of the warrior on one hand, that of the devil on the other; the modern trope of the Big Bad Wolf is a development of this. The wolf holds great importance in the cultures and religions of the nomadic peoples, both of the Eurasian steppe and North American Plains. In many cultures, the identification of the warrior with the wolf gave rise to the notion of lycanthropy, the mythical or ritual identification of man and wolf. Wolves were sometimes associated with witchcraft in both northern European and some Native American cultures: in Norse folklore, the völva Hyndla and the giantess Hyrrokin are both portrayed as using wolves as mounts, while in Navajo culture, wolves were feared as witches in wolf's clothing; the Tsilhqot'in believed that contact with wolves could cause mental illness and death.
One of the earliest written references to black wolves occurs in the Babylonian epic Gilgamesh, in which the titular character rejects the sexual advances of the goddess Ishtar, reminding her that she had transformed a previous lover, In Proto-Indo-European mythology, the wolf was associated with the warrior class, who would "transform into wolves" upon their initiation. This is reflected in Iron Age Europe in the Tierkrieger depictions from the Germanic sphere, among others; the standard comparative overview of this aspect of Indo-European mythology is McCone According to legend, the establishment of the Lithuanian capital Vilnius began when the grand duke Gediminas dreamt of an iron wolf howling near the hill. Lithuanian goddess Medeina was described as a single, unwilling to get married, though voluptuous and beautiful huntress, she was depicted as a she-wolf with an escort of wolves. In his book From Zalmoxis to Genghis Khan, Mircea Eliade attempted to give a mythological foundation to an alleged special relation between Dacians and the wolves: Dacians might have called themselves "wolves" or "ones the same with wolves", suggesting religious significance.
Dacians draw their name from a legendary ancestor who appeared as a wolf. Dacians had taken their name from a group of fugitive immigrants arrived from other regions or from their own young outlaws, who acted to the wolves circling villages and living from looting; as was the case in other societies, those young members of the community went through an initiation up to a year, during which they lived as a "wolf". Comparatively, Hittite laws referred to fugitive outlaws as "wolves"; the existence of a ritual that provides one with the ability to turn into a wolf. Such a transformation may be related either to lycanthropy itself, a widespread phenomenon, but attested in the Balkans-Carpathian region, or a ritual imitation of the behavior and appearance of the wolf; such a ritual was a military initiation reserved to a secret brotherhood of warriors. To become formidable warriors they would assimilate behavior of the wolf, wearing wolf skins during the ritual. Traces related to wolves as a cult or as totems were found in this area since the Neolithic period, including the Vinča culture artifacts: wolf statues and rudimentary figurines representing dancers with a wolf mask.
The items could indicate warrior initiation rites, or ceremonies in which young people put on their seasonal wolf masks. The element of unity of beliefs about werewolves and lycanthropy exists in the magical-religious experience of mystical solidarity with the wolf by whatever means used to obtain it, but all have a primary event. Norse mythology prominently includes three malevolent wolves, in particular: the giant Fenrisulfr or Fenrir, eldest child of Loki and Angrboda, feared and hated by the Æsir, Fenrisulfr's children, Sköll and Hati. Fenrir is bound by the gods, but is destined to grow too large for his bonds and devour Odin during the course of Ragnarök. At that time, he will have grown so large that his upper jaw touches the sky while his lower touches the earth when he gapes, he will be slain by Odin's son, Viðarr, who will either stab him in the heart or rip his jaws asunder, according to different accounts. Fenrir's two offspring will, according to legend, devour the moon at Ragnarök.
On the other hand, the wolves Geri and Freki were the Norse god Odin's faithful pets who were reputed to be "of good omen."In the Hervarar saga, king Heidrek is asked by Gestumblindi, "What is that lamp which lights up men, but flame engulfs it, wargs grasp after it always." Heidrek knows the answer is the Sun, explaining: "She lights up every land and shines over all men, Skoll and Hatti are called wargs. Those are wolves, one going before the sun, the other after the moon." But wolves served as mounts for more or less dangerous humanoid creatures. For instance, Gunnr's horse was a kenning for "wolf" on the Rök Runestone, in the Lay of Hyndla, the völva Hyndla rides a wolf, to Baldr's funeral, the giantess Hyrrokin arrived on a wolf. Wolf or Wulf is used as a surname, given name, a name among Germanic-speaking peoples. "Wolf" is a component in other Germanic names: Wolfgang Adolf, derived from the Old High German Athalwolf, a composition of athal, or adal, meaning noble, wolf. Rudolf, deriving from two stems: Rod or Hrōð, meaning "fame", olf meaning "wolf".
The Ancient Greeks associated w
The Itelmens are an ethnic group native to the Kamchatka Peninsula in Russia. The Itelmen language is distantly related to Chukchi and Koryak, forming the Chukotko-Kamchatkan language family, but it is now extinct, the vast majority of ethnic Itelmens being native speakers of Russian. A. P. Volodin has published a grammar of the Itelmen language. Native peoples of Kamchatka, collectively referred to as Kamchadals, had a substantial hunter-gatherer and fishing society with up to fifty thousand natives inhabiting the peninsula before they were decimated by the Cossack conquest in the 18th century. So much intermarriage took place between the natives and the Cossacks that Kamchadal now refers to the majority mixed population, while the term Itelmens became reserved for persistent speakers of the Itelmen language. By 1993, there were less than 100 elderly speakers of the language left, but some 2,400 people considered themselves ethnic Itelmen in the 1989 census. By 2002, this number had risen to 3,180, there are attempts at reviving the language.
According to the 2010 census, there were 3,193 Itelmen in Russia. Itelmens resided in the valley of the Kamchatka River in the middle of the peninsula. One of the few sources describing the Itelmen prior to assimilation is that of Georg Wilhelm Steller, who accompanied Vitus Bering on his Great Northern Expedition. Itelmen tended to settle along the various rivers of the Kamchatka Peninsula. At the time of the arrival of the first Cossacks to the peninsula, in the early 1650s, villages numbered between 200 and 300 residents, a number which had dwindled to 40 or 50 at most by the time of the composition of Steller's account in 1744; each village was centered around a single patriarchal household. Young men seeking marriage joined the village of their wife; when a village became too large to sustain itself, it was divided and a portion of the villagers would create a settlement at another point along the same river. Steller describes a great variation of dialects from river to river, as the Itelmen predominantly communicated with communities which shared the river.
Itelmen lived in different houses during the winter seasons. The winter house, inhabited beginning in November, was dug into the soil 3–5 ft in the shape of a rectangle; the walls were covered with sticks and straw to prevent moisture from penetrating the interior. Four beams at the center of the dwelling supported the roof of the house, upon which rafters were laid, connecting the top of the yurt to the earthen walls. Atop the wooden rafters a foot of straw was laid, on top of which the excavated dirt was placed and stamped down. An opening atop the yurt, off to one side of the four posts and supported by the two beams served as a smoke hole and an entrance. Opposite the fireplace, they made a passageway to the outside facing the river, left open only when fires were lit. Different sleeping quarters were demarked by pieces of wood, on which straw mats and reindeer or seal skins were used to sleep. In the summer months, the Itelmen live in raised houses called pehmy; as the ground thaws in the summer, the floors of the winter houses began to flood.
In the summer months, each family in the village lived in their own house, rather than sharing a large house as in winter. These raised homes or balagans as the Cossacks called them, were pyramids on raised platforms, with a door on the south and the north side; the extreme moisture of the climate required the raising of the homes for dry storage. Most villages, in addition to summer and winter houses, contained straw huts built on the ground, which were used for cooking dog food, boiling salt from sea water and rendering fat. Villages were surrounded by an earthen wall or palisades until the arrival of the Russians, after which this practice was banned; the Itelmen subscribed to a polytheistic religion. The creative god was referred to as Kutga. Though he is regarded as the creator of all things, Steller describes a complete lack of veneration for him; the Itelmen attribute the problems and difficulties of life to his stupidity, are quick to scold or curse him. They believed Kutka to be married to an intelligent woman named Chachy, said to have kept him from much foolishness and to have corrected him constantly.
Kutka was believed to have lived on the greatest rivers of the Kamchatka Peninsula, is said to have left a son and daughter for each river, used to explain the great variety of dialects present on the peninsula. The Itelmen worshiped several spirits, who dwelled in the ocean and lived in the form of a fish, they believed. The mountain gods were called gamuli or little souls, who resided in the high mountains volcanoes; the clouds were believed to be inhabited by the god billukai, responsible for thunder and storms. They postulated a devil, called kamma, said to live in a tree outside Nizhnoi village, annually shot up with arrows. In general, labor was clearly divided based on gender, though many tasks were shared; when fishing, the men and women paddled together, however only the men fished while the women performed all related tasks such as cleaning and drying the fish and collecting the eggs. In home construction, men performed all the wood work and carpentry while the women performed the task of thatching the straw roof and cutting the straw with bone sickles made from bear shoulder blades.
The women prepare the whole fish supply, except fermented fish and dog food, left to the men. The women perform all the tasks of gather
Cultural depictions of ravens
Many references to ravens exist in world lore and literature. Most depictions allude to the behaviour of the wide-ranging common raven; because of its black plumage, croaking call and diet of carrion, the raven is associated with loss and ill omen. Yet its symbolism is complex; as a talking bird, the raven represents prophecy and insight. Ravens in stories act as psychopomps, connecting the material world with the world of spirits. French anthropologist Claude Lévi-Strauss proposed a structuralist theory that suggests the raven obtained mythic status because it was a mediator animal between life and death; as a carrion bird, ravens became associated with lost souls. In Swedish folklore, they are the ghosts of murdered people without Christian burials and, in German stories, damned souls; the Raven has appeared in the mythology of many ancient people. Some of the more common stories are from those of Greek, Norse, Pacific Northwest, Roman mythology. In Greek mythology, ravens are associated with the god of prophecy.
They are said to be a symbol of bad luck, were the god's messengers in the mortal world. According to the mythological narration, Apollo sent a white raven, or crow in some versions to spy on his lover, Coronis; when the raven brought back the news that Coronis has been unfaithful to him, Apollo scorched the raven in his fury, turning the animal's feathers black. That's. According to Livy, the Roman general Marcus Valerius Corvus had a raven settle on his helmet during a combat with a gigantic Gaul, which distracted the enemy's attention by flying in his face; the raven is the first species of bird to be mentioned in the Hebrew Bible, ravens are mentioned on numerous occasions thereafter. In the Book of Genesis, Noah releases a raven from the ark after the great flood to test whether the waters have receded. According to the Law of Moses, ravens are forbidden for food, a fact that may have colored the perception of ravens in sources. In the Book of Judges, one of Kings of the Midianites defeated by Gideon is called "Orev" which means "Raven".
In the Book of Kings 17:4-6, God commands the ravens to feed the prophet Elijah. King Solomon is described as having hair as black as a raven in the Song of Songs 5:11. Ravens are an example of God's gracious provision for all his creatures in Psalm 147:9 and Job 38:41. Philo of Alexandria, who interpreted the Bible allegorically, stated that Noah's raven was a symbol of vice, whereas the dove was a symbol of virtue. In the Talmud, the raven is described as having been only one of three beings on Noah's Ark that copulated during the flood and so was punished; the Rabbis believed that the male raven was forced to ejaculate his seed into the female raven's mouth as a means of reproduction. Pirke De-Rabbi Eliezer explains that the reason the raven Noah released from the ark did not return to him was that the raven was feeding on the corpses of those who drowned in the flood. According to the legend of the fourth-century Iberian Christian martyr Saint Vincent of Saragossa, after St. Vincent was executed, ravens protected his body from being devoured by wild animals, until his followers could recover the body.
His body was taken to. A shrine was erected over his grave; the Arab geographer Al-Idrisi noted this constant guard by ravens, for which the place was named by him كنيسة الغراب "Kanīsah al-Ghurāb". King Afonso Henriques had the body of the saint exhumed in 1173 and brought it by ship to Lisbon, still accompanied by the ravens; this transfer of the relics is depicted on the coat of arms of Lisbon. A raven is said to have protected Saint Benedict of Nursia by taking away a loaf of bread poisoned by jealous monks after he blessed it. In the legends about the German Emperor Frederick Barbarossa, depicting him as sleeping along with his knights in a cave in the Kyffhäuser mountain in Thuringia or the Untersberg in Bavaria, it is told that when the ravens cease to fly around the mountain he will awake and restore Germany to its ancient greatness. According to the story, the Emperor's eyes are half closed in sleep, but now and he raises his hand and sends a boy out to see if the ravens have stopped flying.
In the Qur'an's version of the story of Cain and Abel, a raven is mentioned as the creature who taught Cain how to bury his murdered brother, in Al-Ma'ida 5:31. To the Germanic peoples, Odin was associated with ravens. Examples include depictions of figures identified as Odin appear flanked with two birds on a 6th-century bracteate and on a 7th-century helmet plate from Vendel, Sweden. In Norse mythology, Odin is depicted as having two ravens Huginn and Muninn serving as his eyes and ears – Huginn being referred to as thought and Muninn as memory; each day the ravens bring Odin news from Midgard. The Old English word for a raven was hræfn; the raven was a common device used by the Vikings. Ragnar Lothbrok had a raven banner called Reafan, embroidered with the device of a raven, it was said that if this banner fluttered, Lothbrok would carry the day, but if it hung lifeless the battle would be lost. King Harald Hardrada had a raven banner, called Landeythan; the bir
The Tlingit are indigenous peoples of the Pacific Northwest Coast of North America. Their language is the Tlingit language, in which the name means "People of the Tides"; the Russian name Koloshi or the related German name Koulischen may be encountered referring to the people in older historical literature, such as Shelikhov's 1796 map of Russian America. The Tlingit have a matrilineal kinship system, with children considered born into the mother's clan, property and hereditary roles passing through the mother's line, their culture and society developed in the temperate rainforest of the southeast Alaska coast and the Alexander Archipelago. The Tlingit maintained a complex hunter-gatherer culture based on semi-sedentary management of fisheries. An inland group, known as the Inland Tlingit, inhabits the far northwestern part of the province of British Columbia and the southern Yukon Territory in Canada; the greatest territory occupied by the Tlingit extended from the Portland Canal along the present border between Alaska and British Columbia, north to the coast just southeast of the Copper River delta in Alaska.
The Tlingit occupied all of the Alexander Archipelago, except the southernmost end of Prince of Wales Island and its surroundings, where the Kaigani Haida moved just before the first encounters with European explorers. The Coastal Tlingit tribes controlled. Inland, the Tlingit occupied areas along the major rivers that pierce the Coast Mountains and Saint Elias Mountains and flow into the Pacific, including the Alsek, Chilkat and Stikine rivers. With regular travel up these rivers, the Tlingit developed extensive trade networks with Athabascan tribes of the interior, intermarried with them. From this regular travel and trade, a few large populations of Tlingit settled around Atlin and Tagish Lakes, whose headwaters flow from areas near the headwaters of the Taku River. Delineating the modern territory of the Tlingit is complicated because they are spread across the border between the United States and Canada, they lack designated reservations, other complex legal and political concerns make the situation confusing, there is a high level of mobility among the population.
They overlap in territory with various Athabascan peoples, such as the Tahltan and Tagish. In Canada, the modern communities of Atlin, British Columbia, Teslin and Carcross, Yukon have reserves and are the representative Interior Tlingit populations; the territory occupied by the modern Tlingit people in Alaska is not restricted to particular reservations, unlike most tribes in the lower contiguous 48 states. This is the result of the Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act, which established regional corporations throughout Alaska with complex portfolios of land ownership rather than bounded reservations administered by tribal governments; the corporation in the Tlingit region is Sealaska Corporation, which serves the Tlingit as well as the Haida and Tsimshian in Alaska. Tlingit people as a whole participate in the commercial economy of Alaska; as a consequence, they live in American nuclear family households with private ownership of housing and land. Many possess land allotments from Sealaska or from earlier distributions predating ANCSA.
Despite the legal and political complexities, the territory occupied by the Tlingit can be reasonably designated as their modern homeland. Tlingit people today consider the land from around Yakutat south through the Alaskan Panhandle, including the lakes in the Canadian interior, as being Lingít Aaní, the Land of the Tlingit; the extant Tlingit territory can be divided into four major sections, paralleling ecological and cultural divisions: The Southern Tlingit occupy the region south of Frederick Sound, live in the northernmost reaches of the Western Red cedar forest. Northern Tinglit live north of Frederick Sound to Cape Spencer, including Glacier Bay and the Lynn Canal; the Inland Tlingit live along large interior lakes and the drainage of the Taku River as well as in the southern Yukon, subsist in a manner similar to their Athabascan neighbors in the mixed spruce taiga. The Gulf Coast Tlingit live along a narrow strip of coastline backed by steep mountains and extensive glaciers, north of Cape Spencer, along the coast of the Gulf of Alaska to Controller Bay and Kayak Island.
Their territory can be battered by Pacific storms. The trade and cultural interactions between each of these Tlingit groups and their disparate neighbors, the differences in food harvest practices, dialectical differences in language contribute to these identifications; these academic classifications are supported by similar self-identification among the Tlingit. The Tlingit culture is multifaceted and complex, a characteristic of Northwest Pacific Coast people with access to exploited rich resources. In Tlingit culture a heavy emphasis is placed upon family and kinship, on a rich tradition of oratory. Wealth and economic power are important indicators of rank, but so is generosity and proper behavior, all signs of "good breeding" and ties to aristocracy. Art and spirituality are incorporated in nearly all areas of Tlingit culture, with even
Shamanism is a practice that involves a practitioner reaching altered states of consciousness in order to perceive and interact with what they believe to be a spirit world and channel these transcendental energies into this world. A shaman is someone, regarded as having access to, influence in, the world of benevolent and malevolent spirits, who enters into a trance state during a ritual, practices divination and healing; the word "shaman" originates from the Tungusic Evenki language of North Asia. According to ethnolinguist Juha Janhunen, "the word is attested in all of the Tungusic idioms" such as Negidal, Udehe/Orochi, Ilcha, Orok and Ulcha, "nothing seems to contradict the assumption that the meaning'shaman' derives from Proto-Tungusic" and may have roots that extend back in time at least two millennia; the term was introduced to the west after Russian forces conquered the shamanistic Khanate of Kazan in 1552. The term "shamanism" was first applied by Western anthropologists as outside observers of the ancient religion of the Turks and Mongols, as well as those of the neighbouring Tungusic- and Samoyedic-speaking peoples.
Upon observing more religious traditions across the world, some Western anthropologists began to use the term in a broad sense. The term was used to describe unrelated magico-religious practices found within the ethnic religions of other parts of Asia, Africa and completely unrelated parts of the Americas, as they believed these practices to be similar to one another. Mircea Eliade writes, "A first definition of this complex phenomenon, the least hazardous, will be: shamanism ='technique of religious ecstasy'." Shamanism encompasses the premise that shamans are intermediaries or messengers between the human world and the spirit worlds. Shamans are said to treat ailments/illness by mending the soul. Alleviating traumas affecting the soul/spirit restores the physical body of the individual to balance and wholeness; the shaman enters supernatural realms or dimensions to obtain solutions to problems afflicting the community. Shamans may visit other worlds/dimensions to bring guidance to misguided souls and to ameliorate illnesses of the human soul caused by foreign elements.
The shaman operates within the spiritual world, which in turn affects the human world. The restoration of balance results in the elimination of the ailment. Beliefs and practices that have been categorized this way as "shamanic" have attracted the interest of scholars from a wide variety of disciplines, including anthropologists, historians, religious studies scholars and psychologists. Hundreds of books and academic papers on the subject have been produced, with a peer-reviewed academic journal being devoted to the study of shamanism. In the 20th century, many Westerners involved in the counter-cultural movement have created modern magico-religious practices influenced by their ideas of indigenous religions from across the world, creating what has been termed neoshamanism or the neoshamanic movement, it has affected the development of many neopagan practices, as well as faced a backlash and accusations of cultural appropriation and misrepresentation when outside observers have tried to represent cultures to which they do not belong.
The word shamanism derives from the Manchu-Tungus word šaman, meaning'one who knows'. The word "shaman" may have originated from the Evenki word šamán, most from the southwestern dialect spoken by the Sym Evenki peoples; the Tungusic term was subsequently adopted by Russians interacting with the indigenous peoples in Siberia. It is found in the memoirs of the exiled Russian churchman Avvakum; the word was brought to Western Europe in the late 17th century by the Dutch traveler Nicolaes Witsen, who reported his stay and journeys among the Tungusic- and Samoyedic-speaking indigenous peoples of Siberia in his book Noord en Oost Tataryen. Adam Brand, a merchant from Lübeck, published in 1698 his account of a Russian embassy to China; the etymology of the Evenki word is sometimes connected to a Tungus root ša- "to know". This has been questioned on linguistic grounds: "The possibility cannot be rejected, but neither should it be accepted without reservation since the assumed derivational relationship is phonologically irregular."
Other scholars assert that the word comes directly from the Manchu language, as such would be the only used English word, a loan from this language. However, Mircea Eliade noted that the Sanskrit word śramaṇa, designating a wandering monastic or holy figure, has spread to many Central Asian languages along with Buddhism and could be the ultimate origin of the Tungusic word; this proposal has been critiqued since 1917. Ethnolinguist Juha Janhunen regards it as an "anachronism" and an "impossibility", nothing more than a "far-fetched etymology."21st-century anthropologist and archeologist Silvia Tomaskova argues that by the mid-1600s, many Europeans applied the Arabic term shaitan to the non-Christian practices and beliefs of indigenous peoples beyond the Ural Mountains. She suggests that shaman may have entered the various Tungus dialects as a corruption of this term, been told to Christian missionaries, explorers and colonial administrators with whom the people had increasing contact for centuries.
Ethnolinguists did not develop as a discipline nor achieve contact with these communities until the late 19th century, may have mistakenly "read backward" in time for the origin of this word. A shamaness is somet
Koryaks are an indigenous people of the Russian Far East, who live north of the Kamchatka Peninsula in Kamchatka Krai and inhabit the coastlands of the Bering Sea. The cultural borders of the Koryaks include the Anadyr basin in the north; the Koryaks are culturally similar to the Chukchis of extreme northeast Siberia. The Koryak language and Alutor, are linguistically close to the Chukchi language. All of these languages are members of the Chukotko-Kamchatkan language family, they are more distantly related to the Itelmens on the Kamchatka Peninsula. All of these peoples and other, unrelated minorities in and around Kamchatka are known collectively as Kamchadals. Neighbors of the Koryaks include the Evens to the west, the Alutor to the south, the Kerek to the east, the Chukchi to the northeast; the Koryak are split into two groups: the coastal people Nemelan meaning'village dwellers,' due to their living in villages. Their lifestyle is based on marine mammal hunting; the inland Koryak, reindeer herders, are called Chaucu, meaning'rich in reindeer.'
They are more nomadic, following the herds. According to the 2010 census, there were 7,953 Koryaks in Russia; the name Koryak was from the exonym word'Korak,' meaning'with the reindeer' in a nearby group Chukotko-Kamchatkan language. The earliest references to the name'Koryak' were recorded in the writings of the Russian cossack Vladimir Atlasov, who conquered Kamchatka for the Tsar in 1695; the variant name was adopted by Russia in official state documents, hence popularizing it since. The origin of the Koryak is unknown. Anthropologists have speculated that a land bridge connected the Eurasian and North American continent during Late Pleistocene, it is possible. Scientists have suggested that people traveled back and forth between this area and Haida Gwaii before the ice age receded, they theorize that the ancestors of the Koryak had returned to Siberian Asia from North America during this time. Cultural and some linguistic similarity exist between the Koryak; the Koryak once occupied a much larger area of the Russian Far East.
Their overlapping borders extended to the Nivkh areas in Khabarovsk Krai until the Evens arrived, pushed them into their present region. A smallpox epidemic in 1769-1770 and warfare with Russian Cossacks reduced the Koryak population from 10-11,000 in 1700 to 4,800 in 1800. Under the Soviet Union, a Koryak Autonomous Okrug was named for this people. Based on the local referendum in 2005, this was merged with Kamchatka Krai effective July 1, 2007. Families gathered into groups of six or seven, forming bands; the nominal chief had no predominating authority, the groups relied on consensus to make decisions, resembling common small group egalitarianism. The lives of the people in the interior revolved around their main source of food, they used all the parts of its body to make sewing materials and clothing and weapons. The meat was eaten roasted and the blood and milk were drunk or eaten raw; the liver, heart and tongue were considered delicacies. Salmon and other freshwater fish as well as berries and roots played a major part in the diet, as reindeer flesh did not contain some necessary vitamins and minerals, nor dietary fibre, needed to survive in the harsh tundra.
Today the Koryaks buy processed food, such as bread and canned fish. They sell some reindeer each year for money, but can build up their herds due to the large population of reindeer. Clothing was made out of reindeer hides, but nowadays men and women have replaced that with cloth; the men wore baggy pants and a hide shirt, which had a hood attached to it, boots and traditional caps made of reindeer skin. They still use the caps; the women wore the same with a longer shirt reaching to the calves. Today women wear a head cloth and skirt, but wear the reindeer skin robe in cold weather; the Koryak lived in domed shaped tents, called jajanga, or yaranga similar to a tipi of the American Plains Indians, but less vertical. The framework was covered in many reindeer skins. Few families still use the yaranga as dwellings; the centre of the yaranga had a hearth, replaced by an iron stove. Reindeer hide beds are placed to the east in the chum, they used small cupboards to store the families' food and personal items.
The inland Koryak rode reindeer to get around. They fitted a team of reindeer with harnesses and attached them to sleds to transport goods and people when moving camp. Today the Koryak use snowmobiles more than reindeer. Most inter-village transport is by air or boat, although tracked vehicles are used for travel to neighboring villages, they developed snowshoes. Snowshoes are made by lashing reindeer sinew and hide strips to a tennis racket-shaped birch bark or willow hoop; the sinew straps are used to attach the shoe to the foot. Children learned to ride a reindeer and use snowshoes at a young age; the other Koryak were other marine mammals. Koryaks believe in a Supreme Being whom they call by various names: Ñaíñinen, Ináhitela'n, Gichol-Eti'nvila'n, Gi'chola'n, etc, he is considered to reside in Heaven with his family and when he wishes