In political science, a revolution is a fundamental and sudden change in political power and political organization which occurs when the population revolts against the government due to perceived oppression or political incompetence. In book V of the Politics, the Ancient Greek philosopher Aristotle described two types of political revolution: Complete change from one constitution to another Modification of an existing constitution. Revolutions have occurred through human history and vary in terms of methods and motivating ideology, their results include major changes in culture and socio-political institutions in response to perceived overwhelming autocracy or plutocracy. Scholarly debates about what does not constitute a revolution center on several issues. Early studies of revolutions analyzed events in European history from a psychological perspective, but more modern examinations include global events and incorporate perspectives from several social sciences, including sociology and political science.
Several generations of scholarly thought on revolutions have generated many competing theories and contributed much to the current understanding of this complex phenomenon. Notable revolutions during centuries include the creation of the United States through the American Revolutionary War, the French Revolution, the 1848 European Revolutions, the Russian Revolution in 1917, the Chinese Revolution of the 1940s, the Cuban Revolution in 1959; the word "revolucion" is known in French from the 13th century, "revolution" in English by the late fourteenth century, with regard to the revolving motion of celestial bodies. "Revolution" in the sense of representing abrupt change in a social order is attested by at least 1450. Political usage of the term had been well established by 1688 in the description of the replacement of James II with William III; this incident was termed the "Glorious Revolution". There are many different typologies of revolutions in social literature. Alexis de Tocqueville differentiated between.
One of several different Marxist typologies divides revolutions into. Mark Katz identified six forms of revolution. Revolution by osmosis, e.g. the gradual Islamization of several countries. These categories are not mutually exclusive. Katz cross-classified revolutions as follows. Aspiring revolutions, which follow the Central revolution subordinate or puppet revolutions rival revolutions, e.g. communist Yugoslavia, China after 1969A further dimension to Katz's typology is that revolutions are either against or for. In the latter cases, a transition period is necessary to decide on the direction taken. Other types of revolution, created for other typologies, include the social revolutions; the term revolution has been used to denote great changes outside the political sphere. Such revolutions are recognized as having transformed in society, culture and technology much more than political systems; some can be global. One of the classic examples of the usage of the word revolution in such context is the Industrial Revolution, or the Commercial Revolution.
Note that such revolutions fit the "slow revolution" definition of Tocqueville. A similar example is the Digital Revolution. Most the word "revolution" is employed to denote a change in social and political institutions. Jeff Goodwin gives two definitions of a revolution. First, a broad one, including any and all instances in which a state or a political regime is overthrown and thereby transformed by a popular movement in an irregular, extraconstitutional and/or violent fashion. Second, a narrow one, in which revolutions entail not only mass mobilization and regime change, but more or less rapid and fundamental social, economic and/or cultural change, during or soon after the struggle for state power. Jack Goldstone defines a revolution as an effort to transform the political institutions and the justifications for political authority in society, accompanied by formal or informal mass
Mutiny of Álzaga
The Mutiny of Álzaga was an ill-fated attempt to remove Santiago de Liniers as viceroy of the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata. It took place on January 1, 1809, it was led by the merchant Martín de Álzaga; the troops of Cornelio Saavedra, head of the Regiment of Patricians, defeated it and kept Liniers in power. Liniers and Álzaga were heroes of the resistance against the British invasions of the Río de la Plata, afterward Liniers was designated as viceroy, replacing Rafael de Sobremonte. Álzaga sought that role as well, attempted to remove Liniers from power. The chance came when the Peninsular War took place in Spain, with the king Ferdinand VII being taken prisoner by Napoleon. Álzaga's ally, Francisco Javier de Elío, created a Junta in the city of Montevideo, Álzaga attempted to do the same. For this end he tried to promote rulings that Liniers would be to reject, such as the designation of Bernardino Rivadavia as ensign, or new designations of members of the Buenos Aires Cabildo, full of enemies of Liniers.
However, the viceroy reluctantly agreed to both things. The members of the Cabildo decided to go on with their plan anyway, they gathered a group of sympathizers in the Plaza, the bulk of the Cabildo, the priest of the city, the Real Audience and the Consulate appeared at the Fort, requesting Liniers's resignation. Liniers was ready to sign it, but Saavedra dispersed the rioters and stopped the formalization of the resignation. Liniers thought. Saavedra argued that the rioters were not the population and asked him to look at the Plaza, now filled with supporters of Liniers, thus he stayed in power. As a consequence of the failure of the mutiny, the leaders of it were judged and imprisoned at Carmen de Patagones; the peninsular military groups that supported it were disbanded, remaining only the ones composed by Criollos, who increased their political power in the city. Historian Bartolomé Mitre explained the mutiny of Álzaga and the May Revolution as related events, with the former being an antecedent of the later.
This approach was rejected by Vicente Fidel López, who described Álzaga as pro-Spanish, decided monarchist and keeper of the Spanish integrity against the goals of the Criollos. He interpreted the events as mere domestic policy, a dispute about, more loyal to the king, deemed Álzaga as counter-revolutionary for acting against the goals of the factions that would prevail in the May Revolution a year later. Historians would accept López's version as canonical; the mutiny was studied by Enrique de Gandía and Enrique Williams Álzaga, who described it as a clear independentist attempt: Álzaga would have been seeking to remove Liniers and replace him with a Junta, with the purpose of declaring full independence in the case the Spanish government failed in Europe. Ernesto Palacio thought that, instead of a victory of Criollos over Peninsulars, it was a victory of conformism and conservatism over a revolutionary will. Scenna, Miguel Ángel. Mariano Moreno. Buenos Aires: H. Garetto Editor. ISBN 978-987-1494-05-4
Retroversion of the sovereignty to the people
The Retroversion of the sovereignty to the people, which challenged the legitimacy of the colonial authorities, was the principle underlying the Spanish American Independence processes. Thus, in both Spain and Spanish America, this principle was a predecessor to the concept of popular sovereignty expressed in most constitutional systems throughout the world, whereby the people delegate governmental functions in their leaders while retaining the actual sovereignty. In 1808, the Spanish King Ferdinand VII had been imprisoned by the Napoleonic Empire and subsequently replaced by Joseph Bonaparte; the Seven-Part Code recognized the right of "good and honest" persons to form Juntas in absence of the king. In Spain, resistant governing juntas were formed, claiming sovereignty in the absence of the legitimate King. Following the 1810 disbanding of the central governing Supreme Central and Governing Junta of the Kingdom, Spanish American peoples assumed, in turn, their right to appoint new local authorities, recovered the tradition of the open cabildos.
But the Seven-Part Code implied that the territory was still under the sovereignty of the King and that the Juntas were only a temporary fix. The principle of retroversion of sovereignty added the twist that, in such a case, sovereignty would return to the peoples, who would have a right to reject the authority of the king and appoint new authorities; the principle of retroversion of sovereignty was premised on the basis that the Spanish territories in America were a personal possession of the king of Spain, not a colony of Spain. Only the king could rule over them, either directly or through viceroys appointed by himself; this principle existed, justified the fact that Spain and Spanish America had different laws. Scholars of the Laws of the Indies had argued that they were two different realms, united under one same crown. With the Abdications of Bayonne and imprisonment of Ferdinand VII by Napoleon during the Peninsular war and the absence of a legitimate successor, the criterion was used to justify self-government in Spain.
But the Junta of Seville had no authority to send or appoint viceroys in America, Americans had instead the same rights as Spaniards to govern themselves as the rightful king was absent. The principle was employed by many independentist movements in South America of that time, such as the Chuquisaca Revolution or the May Revolution; the American new entities adopted the principle of consentimiento. This meant that they felt free to reject any decision they had been taken without their consent. Open cabildo School of Salamanca Francisco Suárez
Siege of Montevideo (1812–14)
The event known as Second Siege of Montevideo took place between 1812 and 1814, when the patriotic troops led by José Rondeau besieged the city of Montevideo, still held by Spanish loyalists under the leadership of Gaspar de Vigodet. The siege marked the end of the Spanish presence in present-day Uruguay. During this whole period and just like in the failed first siege of Montevideo, supplied from over the sea, the city held out, until May 17, 1814; the naval victories of Admiral William Brown, cut off the supply route and the city faced starvation. By the end of June, Vigodet was forced to surrender Montevideo to General Carlos María de Alvear. Battle of Cerrito Dissolution of the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata Gaspar de Vigodet José Rondeau
Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata
The Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata was the last to be organized and the shortest-lived of the Viceroyalties of the Spanish Empire in America. The Viceroyalty was established in 1776 from several former Viceroyalty of Perú dependencies that extended over the Río de la Plata Basin the present-day territories of Argentina, Bolivia and Uruguay, extending inland from the Atlantic Coast; the colony of Spanish Guinea depended administratively on the Viceroyalty of Rio de la Plata. Buenos Aires, located on the western shore of the Río de la Plata estuary flowing into the Atlantic Ocean, opposite the Portuguese outpost of Colonia del Sacramento, was chosen as the capital. Considered one of the late Bourbon Reforms, the organization of this viceroyalty was motivated on both commercial grounds, as well as on security concerns brought about by the growing interest of competing foreign powers in the area; the Spanish Crown wanted to protect its territory against the Kingdom of Portugal. But these Enlightenment reforms proved counterproductive, or too late, to quell the colonies' demands.
The entire history of this Viceroyalty was marked by growing domestic unrest and political instability. Between 1780 and 1782, the Rebellion of Túpac Amaru II inspired a violent Aymara-led revolt across the Upper Peru highlands, demonstrating the great resentment against colonial authorities by both the mestizo and indigenous populations. Twenty-five years the Criollos, native-born people of the colony defended against two successive British attempts to conquer Buenos Aires and Montevideo; this enhanced their sense of power at a time when Spanish troops were unable to help. In 1809, the Criollo elite revolted against colonial authorities at La Paz and Chuquisaca, establishing revolutionary governments, juntas. Although short-lived, these provided a theoretical basis for the legitimacy of the locally based governments, which proved decisive at the 1810 May Revolution events deposing Viceroy Cisneros at Buenos Aires; the revolution spread except for Paraguay and Upper Peru. Meanwhile, the Governor of Montevideo Francisco Javier de Elío, appointed as a new Viceroy by the Cortes of Cádiz in 1811, declared the Buenos Aires Junta seditious.
However, after being defeated at Las Piedras, he retained control only of Colonia del Sacramento and Montevideo. He departed by ship to Spain on 18 November and resigned as Viceroy in January 1812. By 1814, as the revolutionary patriots entered Montevideo, following a two-year-long siege, the Viceroyalty was finished as government of the region. In 1680, Manuel Lobo, Portuguese governor of Rio de Janeiro, created the Department of Colonia and founded Colónia do Sacramento; the fort was developed as the department's capital. Lobo's chief objective was to secure the Portuguese expansion of Brazil beyond the 1494 Treaty of Tordesillas, which had defined areas of influence in the Americas between the Iberian nations. From 1580 to 1640, Spain had controlled Portugal and thus all of its territories in America. In 1681 José de Garro attacked and seized the new fort for Spain. On 7 May 1681, under the Provisional Treaty of Lisbon, it was ceded to Portugal; the Viceroyalty of Peru was requiring all commerce to go through the port of Lima, on the Pacific Ocean.
This policy failed to develop the potential of Buenos Aires as an Atlantic port, adding months to the transport of goods and commodities in each direction. It resulted in encouraging widespread contraband activities in the eastern region in Asunción, Buenos Aires and Montevideo. Under these conditions, Viceroy Manuel de Amat y Junyent issued a decree for the former Governor of the Río de la Plata Pedro Antonio de Cevallos to found the new viceroyalty in August 1776; the ruling was resisted by the elite of Lima. The Cabildo of the Captaincy General of Chile requested the King be excluded from the new viceroyalty, accepted; the Cuyo region, with its main city Mendoza, was split from the Captaincy General of Chile. Leaders in Santiago resented this action as the Cuyo region had been settled by Spanish colonists from Chile; the Portuguese prime minister Marquis of Pombal encouraged the occupation of territory, awarded to the Spanish in the Treaty of Paris, following the British defeat of France in the Seven Years' War.
King Charles III reacted to the advantageous conditions: France was bound to be an ally as a guarantor of the treaty, Great Britain, due to its own colonial problems with revolution in the Thirteen Colonies in North America, maintained neutrality on the issues between Portugal and Spain. Pedro de Cevallos conquered Colonia del Sacramento and the Santa Catarina islands after a siege of three days, gaining the First Treaty of San Ildefonso. With it, the Portuguese left the Banda Oriental for Spain. In exchange Spain ceded them the area of Rio Grande do Sul. Cevallos ended his military actions at this point and started working with government, but he was soon replaced by Juan José Vertiz y Salcedo; the viceroyalty was tasked with promoting local production of linen and hemp as export commodity crops, to supply the Spanish cloth industries that the Bourbons sought to favor. The conditions imposed by Spain on
Bolivia the Plurinational State of Bolivia is a landlocked country located in western-central South America. The capital is Sucre; the largest city and principal industrial center is Santa Cruz de la Sierra, located on the Llanos Orientales a flat region in the east of Bolivia. The sovereign state of Bolivia is a constitutionally unitary state, divided into nine departments, its geography varies from the peaks of the Andes in the West, to the Eastern Lowlands, situated within the Amazon Basin. It is bordered to the north and east by Brazil, to the southeast by Paraguay, to the south by Argentina, to the southwest by Chile, to the northwest by Peru. One-third of the country is within the Andean mountain range. With 1,098,581 km2 of area, Bolivia is the fifth largest country in South America, the 27th largest in the world and the largest landlocked country in the Southern Hemisphere; the country's population, estimated at 11 million, is multiethnic, including Amerindians, Europeans and Africans.
The racial and social segregation that arose from Spanish colonialism has continued to the modern era. Spanish is the official and predominant language, although 36 indigenous languages have official status, of which the most spoken are Guarani and Quechua languages. Before Spanish colonization, the Andean region of Bolivia was part of the Inca Empire, while the northern and eastern lowlands were inhabited by independent tribes. Spanish conquistadors arriving from Cuzco and Asunción took control of the region in the 16th century. During the Spanish colonial period Bolivia was administered by the Royal Audiencia of Charcas. Spain built its empire in large part upon the silver, extracted from Bolivia's mines. After the first call for independence in 1809, 16 years of war followed before the establishment of the Republic, named for Simón Bolívar. Over the course of the 19th and early 20th century Bolivia lost control of several peripheral territories to neighboring countries including the seizure of its coastline by Chile in 1879.
Bolivia remained politically stable until 1971, when Hugo Banzer led a coup d'état which replaced the socialist government of Juan José Torres with a military dictatorship headed by Banzer. Banzer's regime cracked down on leftist and socialist opposition and other forms of dissent, resulting in the torture and deaths of a number of Bolivian citizens. Banzer was ousted in 1978 and returned as the democratically elected president of Bolivia from 1997 to 2001. Modern Bolivia is a charter member of the UN, IMF, NAM, OAS, ACTO, Bank of the South, ALBA and USAN. For over a decade Bolivia has had one of the highest economic growth rates in Latin America, it is a developing country, with a medium ranking in the Human Development Index, a poverty level of 38.6%, one of the lowest crime rates in Latin America. Its main economic activities include agriculture, fishing and manufacturing goods such as textiles, refined metals, refined petroleum. Bolivia is rich in minerals, including tin and lithium. Bolivia is named after Simón Bolívar, a Venezuelan leader in the Spanish American wars of independence.
The leader of Venezuela, Antonio José de Sucre, had been given the option by Bolívar to either unite Charcas with the newly formed Republic of Peru, to unite with the United Provinces of Rio de la Plata, or to formally declare its independence from Spain as a wholly independent state. Sucre opted to create a brand new state and on 6 August 1825, with local support, named it in honor of Simón Bolívar; the original name was Republic of Bolívar. Some days congressman Manuel Martín Cruz proposed: "If from Romulus comes Rome from Bolívar comes Bolivia"; the name was approved by the Republic on 3 October 1825. In 2009, a new constitution changed the country's official name to "Plurinational State of Bolivia" in recognition of the multi-ethnic nature of the country and the enhanced position of Bolivia's indigenous peoples under the new constitution; the region now known as Bolivia had been occupied for over 2,500 years. However, present-day Aymara associate themselves with the ancient civilization of the Tiwanaku culture which had its capital at Tiwanaku, in Western Bolivia.
The capital city of Tiwanaku dates from as early as 1500 BC when it was a small, agriculturally based village. The community grew to urban proportions between AD 600 and AD 800, becoming an important regional power in the southern Andes. According to early estimates, the city covered 6.5 square kilometers at its maximum extent and had between 15,000 and 30,000 inhabitants. In 1996 satellite imaging was used to map the extent of fossilized suka kollus across the three primary valleys of Tiwanaku, arriving at population-carrying capacity estimates of anywhere between 285,000 and 1,482,000 people. Around AD 400, Tiwanaku went from being a locally dominant force to a predatory state. Tiwanaku expanded its reaches into the Yungas and brought its culture and way of life to many other cultures in Peru and Chile. Tiwanaku was not a violent culture in many respects. In order to expand its reach, Tiwanaku exercised great political astuteness, creating colonies, fostering trade agree