Civic Union of the Youth
The Civic Union of the Youth was a youth-oriented Argentine political party founded on September 1, 1889 and dissolved on April 13, 1890 with the establishment of the Civic Union. Soon afterward its leaders originated the most important Argentine political parties of the early 20th Century: the Radical Civic Union, the National Civic Union, the Socialist Party, the Democratic Progressive Party. In 1889 Argentina was in the second year of a severe economic crisis that had caused a sharp drop in wages, increased unemployment, an unprecedented number of strikes. President Julio Argentino Roca was succeeded by his brother-in-law, Miguel Juárez Celman, whose administration was characterized by authoritarian tactics and denunciations of corruption. Among its opponents Celman's government was nicknamed el Unicato, "the Autocracy". In his introduction to Unión Cívica, su origen, organización y tendencias, published in 1890, Dr. Francisco Ramos Mejía described the genesis of the organization: "When did it begin?
It would be difficult, if not impossible, to answer that, because there first arose a vague hope, which grew along with the sentiment of disgust, while Tomás Santa Coloma was preparing the ground with his patriotic solemnities at the Club de Gimnasia y Esgrima, Barroetaveña was raising the alarm with his courageous articles, the faithful were rallying opinion and building to an explosion. ¡Unión Cívica!"On August 20, 1889, Francisco Barroetaveña, a young lawyer from Entre Ríos, published an article in La Nación titled "Tu quoque juventud" — "You too, youth" — in which he challenged the youth who remained loyal to President Celman: This affiliation is nothing more than the renunciation of civic life by the young, in favor of absorption into a superior will that converts them into the mere instruments of the Executive". The article produced a massive response. Diverse groups of youths and students, united only by their discontent towards Celman's government, looked to Berroetaveña for leadership.
They soon organized themselves into a small interest group. Apart from Berroetaveña himself, this group included Modesto Sánchez Viamonte, Carlos Zuberbüler, Carlos Videla, Emilio Gouchon, future president Marcelo T. de Alvear, Juan B. Justo, Manuel A. Montes de Oca, Tomás le Breton, many others. At one of their assemblies they resolved to convoke a great meeting "to awaken the national civic life". On September 1, the great meeting was realized in Buenos Aires's Jardín Florida, attracting an audience of more than three thousand and the presence of the main opposition politicians; the Unión Cívica de la Juventud was founded, its platform approved: it would seek to broaden the spectrum of opposition to the regime of Miguel Juárez Celman and his supporters in the National Autonomist Party. The meeting ended with a march to the Plaza de Mayo; the party was directed by those who seemed the natural leaders of the youth: Barroetaveña, accompanied by Emilio Gouchón, Juan B. Justo, Martín Torino, Marcelo T. de Alvear, Tomás Le Breton, Manuel A. Montes de Oca, among others.
The Civic Union of the Youth established "honorary" affiliations to certain opposition politicians deemed friendly to their cause, including Leandro Alem, Aristóbulo del Valle, Bartolomé Mitre, Pedro Goyena, Vicente Fidel López, Bernardo de Irigoyen. Inspired by the Partido Republicano founded by Leandro Alem and Valle in 1877, members of the Civic Union of the Youth organized themselves into local "civic clubs". On April 13, 1890, in a large meeting at the Buenos Aires Frontón, the Civic Union of the Youth dissolved itself and a new party, the Civic Union, was formed. Leandro Alem was elected president, leaders were drawn from all tendencies within the opposition to the administration of Celman, including Barroetaveña, the Catholic politicians José Manuel Estrada and Pedro Goyena, Aristóbulo del Valle, Bernardo de Irigoyen, Juan B. Justo, Lisandro de la Torre, the influential former President and general Bartolomé Mitre; the Civic Union came into its own after the bloody Revolution of the Park, despite the fact that it had failed to bring about the fall of president Miguel Juárez Celman and his successor, his former vice president Carlos Pellegrini.
Radical Civic Union National Civic Union Revolution of the Park Leandro Alem Barroetaveña, Francisco A.. UNION CIVICA - Su Origen, Organización y Tendencias. Jorge W. Landenberger y Francisco M. Conte, Editores. Cabral, César Augusto. Alem: informe sobre la frustración argentina. Buenos Aires: A. Peña Lillo. Luna, Felix. Yrigoyen. Buenos Aires: Desarrollo. Jitrik, Noé. La Revolución del 90. Buenos Aires: CEAL
Labour Party (UK)
The Labour Party is a centre-left political party in the United Kingdom, described as an alliance of social democrats, democratic socialists and trade unionists. The party's platform emphasises greater state intervention, social justice and strengthening workers' rights; the Labour Party was founded in 1900, having grown out of the trade union movement and socialist parties of the nineteenth century. It overtook the Liberal Party to become the main opposition to the Conservative Party in the early 1920s, forming two minority governments under Ramsay MacDonald in the 1920s and early 1930s. Labour served in the wartime coalition of 1940-1945, after which Clement Attlee's Labour government established the National Health Service and expanded the welfare state from 1945 to 1951. Under Harold Wilson and James Callaghan, Labour again governed from 1964 to 1970 and 1974 to 1979. In the 1990s Tony Blair took Labour closer to the centre as part of his "New Labour" project, which governed the UK under Blair and Gordon Brown from 1997 to 2010.
After Corbyn took over in 2015, the party has moved leftward. Labour is the Official Opposition in the Parliament of the United Kingdom, having won the second-largest number of seats in the 2017 general election; the Labour Party is the largest party in the Welsh Assembly, forming the main party in the current Welsh government. The party is the third largest in the Scottish Parliament. Labour is a member of the Party of European Socialists and Progressive Alliance, holds observer status in the Socialist International, sits with the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats in the European Parliament; the party includes semi-autonomous Scottish and Welsh branches and supports the Social Democratic and Labour Party in Northern Ireland. As of 2017, Labour had the largest membership of any party in Western Europe; the Labour Party originated in the late 19th century, meeting the demand for a new political party to represent the interests and needs of the urban working class, a demographic which had increased in number, many of whom only gained suffrage with the passage of the Representation of the People Act 1884.
Some members of the trades union movement became interested in moving into the political field, after further extensions of the voting franchise in 1867 and 1885, the Liberal Party endorsed some trade-union sponsored candidates. The first Lib–Lab candidate to stand was George Odger in the Southwark by-election of 1870. In addition, several small socialist groups had formed around this time, with the intention of linking the movement to political policies. Among these were the Independent Labour Party, the intellectual and middle-class Fabian Society, the Marxist Social Democratic Federation and the Scottish Labour Party. At the 1895 general election, the Independent Labour Party put up 28 candidates but won only 44,325 votes. Keir Hardie, the leader of the party, believed that to obtain success in parliamentary elections, it would be necessary to join with other left-wing groups. Hardie's roots as a lay preacher contributed to an ethos in the party which led to the comment by 1950s General Secretary Morgan Phillips that "Socialism in Britain owed more to Methodism than Marx".
In 1899, a Doncaster member of the Amalgamated Society of Railway Servants, Thomas R. Steels, proposed in his union branch that the Trade Union Congress call a special conference to bring together all left-wing organisations and form them into a single body that would sponsor Parliamentary candidates; the motion was passed at all stages by the TUC, the proposed conference was held at the Memorial Hall on Farringdon Street on 26 and 27 February 1900. The meeting was attended by a broad spectrum of working-class and left-wing organisations—trades unions represented about one third of the membership of the TUC delegates. After a debate, the 129 delegates passed Hardie's motion to establish "a distinct Labour group in Parliament, who shall have their own whips, agree upon their policy, which must embrace a readiness to cooperate with any party which for the time being may be engaged in promoting legislation in the direct interests of labour." This created an association called the Labour Representation Committee, meant to co-ordinate attempts to support MPs sponsored by trade unions and represent the working-class population.
It had no single leader, in the absence of one, the Independent Labour Party nominee Ramsay MacDonald was elected as Secretary. He had the difficult task of keeping the various strands of opinions in the LRC united; the October 1900 "Khaki election" came too soon for the new party to campaign effectively. Only 15 candidatures were sponsored. Support for the LRC was boosted by the 1901 Taff Vale Case, a dispute between strikers and a railway company that ended with the union being ordered to pay £23,000 damages for a strike; the judgement made strikes illegal since employers could recoup the cost of lost business from the unions. The apparent acquiescence of the Conservative Government of Arthur Balfour to industrial and business interests intensified support for the LRC against a government that appeared to have little concern for the industrial proletariat and its problems. In the 1906 election, the LRC won 29 seats—helped by a secret 1903 pact between Ramsay MacDonald and Liberal Chief Whip Herbert Gladstone that aimed to avoid splitting the opposition vote between Labour and Liberal candidates in the interest of removing the Conservatives from office.
In their first meeting after the election the group's Members of Parliament decided to adop
National Autonomist Party
The National Autonomist Party was a conservative Argentine political party which ruled Argentina during the 1874-1916 period. Created on March 15, 1874 by the union of the Autonomist Party of Adolfo Alsina and the National Party of Nicolás Avellaneda, its principal figure was Julio Argentino Roca, twice president of Argentina. In economic matters it promoted the agricultural exports model, which favored the cattle and cereal producers of the Pampas and was a key in the development of the Argentine Railroad. After the 1890 Revolución del Parque, an opposing movement started inside the PAN opposed to the policies of Roca, which became known as the National Autonomist Party, which proposed and institutional modernization of the country, with goals towards opening up a true democratic system without electoral fraud as a means of perpetuating the party's power. Most preeminent in this political current were Roque Sáenz Peña, Carlos Pellegrini, Ramón J. Cárcano, among others. Under the administration of Roque Sáenz Peña, a law was written to allow for universal suffrage and mandatory, which permitted the free elections of 1916.
Its principal opposition was the Radical Civic Union, created after the 1890 revolution. After the electoral reform of 1912, the presidential elections of 1916, won by the UCR, the PAN disappeared from politics. Presidents from the PAN: Nicolás Avellaneda Julio Argentino Roca Miguel Juárez Celman Carlos Pellegrini Luis Sáenz Peña José Evaristo Uriburu Manuel Quintana José Figueroa Alcorta Roque Sáenz Peña Victorino de la Plaza Following the introduction of the Sáenz Peña Law in 1912, much of PAN would reorganise as the Conservative Party. Another faction would be the descendant of the Democratic Progressive Party which still exists today. In 1931, following the previous year's military coup, the conservatives returned to power under the banner of the National Democratic Party, leading the Concordancia coalition; the traditional conservative forces were politically marginalized following World War II and the rise of Peronism, after 1955 the PDN fell apart. Conservative parties descended. Generation of'80 History of Argentina List of Heads of State of Argentina
Radical Civic Union
The Radical Civic Union is a centrist social-liberal political party in Argentina. The party has been ideologically heterogeneous; the UCR is a member of the Socialist International. Founded in 1891 by radical liberals, it is the oldest political party active in Argentina after the Liberal Party of Corrientes. For many years the party was either in opposition to Peronist governments or illegal during military rule; the UCR's main support comes from the middle class. Throughout its history the party has stood for free elections, supremacy of civilians over the military and liberal democratic values. During the 1970s and 1980s it was perceived as a strong advocate for human rights. By May 2014, the UCR had 14 Senators; the party was a breakaway from the Civic Union, led by Bartolomé Mitre and Leandro Alem. The term'radical' in the party's name referred to its demand for universal male suffrage, considered radical at the time, when Argentina was ruled by an exclusive oligarchy and government power was allocated behind closed doors.
The party unsuccessfully led an attempt to force the early departure of President Miguel Juárez Celman in the Revolution of the Park. A compromise was reached with Juárez Celman's government. Hardliners who opposed this agreement founded the current UCR, led by Alem's nephew, the young and charismatic Hipólito Yrigoyen. In 1893 and 1905 the party led unsuccessful revolutions to overthrow the government. With the introduction of free and confidential voting in elections based on universal adult male suffrage in 1912 the Party managed to win the general elections of 1916, when Hipólito Yrigoyen became president; as well as backing more popular participation, UCR's platform included promises to tackle the country's social problems and eradicate poverty. Yrigoyen's presidency however turned out to be rather dictatorial; the Radical Civic Union remained in power during the next 14 years: Yrigoyen was succeeded by Marcelo T. de Alvear in 1922 and again by himself in 1928. The first coup in Argentina's modern history occurred on September 6, 1930 and ousted an aging Yrigoyen amid an economic crisis resulting from the United States' Great Depression.
From 1930 to 1958 the Radical Civic Union was confined to be the main opposition party, either to the Conservatives and the military during the 1930s and the early 1940s or to the Peronists during the late 1940s and early 1950s. It was only in 1958 that a faction of the party allied with banned Peronists came back to power, led by Arturo Frondizi; the growing tolerance of Frondizi towards his Peronist allies provoked unrest in the army, which ousted the president in March 1962. After a brief military government, presidential elections took place in 1963 with the Peronist Party banned; the outcome saw the candidate of the People's Radical Civic Union Arturo Illia coming first but with only 25% of the votes. Although Argentina experienced during Illia's presidency one of the most successful periods of history in terms of economic performance, the president was ousted by the army in June 1966. Illia's peaceful and ordered style of governing — sometimes considered too "slow" and "boring" - was being criticized at the time.
During the 1970s Peronist government, the Radical Civic Union was the second-most supported party, but this didn't grant the party the role of being the political opposition. In fact, the Peronist government's most important criticisms came from the same Peronist Party; the UCR's leader in those times, Ricardo Balbín, saluted Peron's coffin with the famous sentence "This old adversary salutes a great friend", thus marking the end of the Peronist-radical rivalry that had marked the pace of the Argentine political scene until then. The growing fight between left-wing and right-wing Peronists took the country into chaos and many UCR members were targeted by both factions; the subsequent coup in 1976 ended Peronist rule. During the military regime many members of the UCR were "disappeared", as were members of other parties. Between 1983 and 1989 its leader, Raúl Ricardo Alfonsín, was the first democratically elected president after the military dictatorship headed by generals such as Jorge Videla, Leopoldo Galtieri and Reynaldo Bignone.
Alfonsín was succeeded by Carlos Saúl Menem of the Peronist Justicialist Party. In 1997 the UCR participated in elections in coalition with Front for a Country in Solidarity, itself an alliance of many smaller parties; this strategy brought Fernando de la Rúa to the presidency in the 1999 elections. During major riots triggered by economic reforms implemented by the UCR government, President de la Rúa resigned and fled the country to prevent further turmoil. After three consecutive acting presidents assumed and resigned their duties in the following weeks, Eduardo Duhalde of the PJ took office until new elections could be held. After the 2001 legislative elections it became the second-largest party in the federal Chamber of Deputies, winning 71 of 257 seats, it campaigned in an alliance with the smaller, more leftist FREPASO. The party has subsequently declined markedly and its candidate for President in 2003 gained just 2.34% of the vote, beaten by three Peronis
Feminism in Argentina
Argentine law established a difference between the sexes. The law excluded her from the management of family property; the woman participated in the increase in value of the family property, but received only half the increase. A study in 1919 found great discrimination in the workplace, with women being badly underpaid, having to work long hours with no privileges, receiving less wages than men; this spurred demand for specific laws to protect women's rights. The Female Peronist Party was founded by Eva Perón in the late 1940s. At that time women were not allowed to vote. In the first elections in which women could run for office, 24 were elected to the Argentine Chamber of Deputies, all Peronists, seven female senators were elected, making Argentina the country with the most women representing the government. Following the death of Eva Perón, Delia Parodi, one of those deputies, led the party until the military coup of 1955 Between November 12, 1830 and January 14, 1831—during during the first government of Juan Manuel de Rosas—Uruguayan-born journalist Petrona Rosende de Sierra published what is considered to be the first Argentine publication written by and for women: La Aljaba.
In addition to art and friendship, the newspaper dealt with topics such as the intellectual formation of women, their role in society and their position in relation to men. Rosende de Sierra advocated the adoption of European educational theories, claiming that the government should provide primary and secondary education to women, who must have faith in their own capacity and prove their ability to overcome the resistance to female education. In one of the issues, the writer questioned her readers: "Until when the female sex will be seen plunged into the darkness in which it was locked by the oppressive system of those who denied the simplest knowledges?" Another periodical that argued for women's right to education was La Camelia, edited in 1852 by Rosa Guerra, the principal of a small private girl's school in Buenos Aires. Unlike Rosende de Sierra twenty years earlier, Guerra "believed that women did not need to prove themselves worthy of education, but had a moral and legal right to it".
At the same time, La Camelia warned that women "must not lose their feminine modesty" and avoid coming across as intellectuals as it "could be equated with loose morality." During its brief life, the publication supported dress reform, claiming women dressed as "ornamental dolls". Dress reform was a controversial issue at the time, despite her emphasis on the importance of modesty in dress, Guerra was harshly criticised by influential Catholic women and the Church. In 1854, Guerra started, she was a prolific writer who produced novels, children's books and articles and poetry for the daily newspapers. Despite her liberal politics, Guerra did not depart from the notion of "citizen-training mother" as the main role of women, she believed women were born to suffer for love, with female self-sacrifice being a constant theme in her work. This "romantic concept of womanly martyrdom" was a dominant theme in Argentine women's literature of the mid-19th century, which exalted female virtues at the expense of men's selfishness.
Born in Buenos Aires on June 26, 1819, Juana Manso was a writer, journalist and precursor of feminism in South America. In fact, she is considered by many as the first feminist of Argentina. Manso lived in Rio de Janeiro from 1849 to 1853, where she published The Women's Journal, a periodical modeled on an English magazine of the same name that, "argued against discrimination against women and supported equal education for Latin American women." Back in Buenos Aires, she founded the Ladies' Album, with a similar theme to the Brazilian journal. In her periodicals and novels, Manso advocated her ideas on equality of women, popular education and abolitionism, which were met with resistance by Argentine society, as it remained hostile to any manifestation that meant breaking ties with the colonial era. In a 1853 article titled "The Moral Emancipation of Women", published in the journal The Argentine Enlightenment, Manso wrote: The moral emancipation of women is considered by vulgarity as the apocalypse of the century.
Some run to the dictionary and exclaim: There is no parental authority! Goodbye marital despotism! To emancipate the woman! How! For that junk in the living room, that procreative machine, that golden zero, that frivolous toy, that doll of fashions, will it be a rational being? How! Would she be one day equal to the man in sacred rights that brutality trampled until today without mercy? Unheard-of scandal! What could young people use to pretend the heart of beauties? How after treating women as our property we would have to recognize our equal in it! There will come a day when the code of the peoples will guarantee women the rights of their freedom and their intelligence. Humanity can not be retrograde, her intelligence, will improve the moral faculties and make her exercise the inevitable influence that nature gives her in the great destinies of humanity. Feminism in the country emerged at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century, during the consolidation of the modern Argentine State.
There was not a homogenous feminist movement, rather individual struggles carried out by women inserted in diverse political identities and different social classes. Women from the upper and upp
White is the lightest color and is achromatic. It is the color of fresh snow and milk, is the opposite of black. White objects reflect and scatter all the visible wavelengths of light. White on television and computer screens is created by a mixture of red and green light. In ancient Egypt and ancient Rome, priestesses wore white as a symbol of purity, Romans wore a white toga as a symbol of citizenship. In the Middle Ages and Renaissance a white unicorn symbolized chastity, a white lamb sacrifice and purity, it was the royal color of the Kings of France, of the monarchist movement that opposed the Bolsheviks during the Russian Civil War. Greek and Roman temples were faced with white marble, beginning in the 18th century, with the advent of neoclassical architecture, white became the most common color of new churches and other government buildings in the United States, it was widely used in 20th century modern architecture as a symbol of modernity and simplicity. According to surveys in Europe and the United States, white is the color most associated with perfection, the good, cleanliness, the beginning, the new and exactitude.
White is an important color for all world religions. The Pope, the head of the Roman Catholic Church, has worn white since 1566, as a symbol of purity and sacrifice. In Islam, in the Shinto religion of Japan, it is worn by pilgrims. In Western cultures and in Japan, white is the most common color for wedding dresses, symbolizing purity and virginity. In many Asian cultures, white is the color of mourning; the word white continues Old English hwīt from a Common Germanic *χwītaz reflected in OHG wîz, ON hvítr, Goth. ƕeits. The root is from Proto-Indo-European language *kwid-, surviving in Sanskrit śveta "to be white or bright" and Slavonic světŭ "light"; the Icelandic word for white, hvítur, is directly derived from the Old Norse form of the word hvítr. Common Germanic had the word *blankaz, borrowed into Late Latin as *blancus, which provided the source for Romance words for "white"; the antonym of white is black. Some non-European languages have a wide variety of terms for white; the Inuit language has seven different words for seven different nuances of white.
Sanskrit has specific words for bright white, the white of teeth, the white of sandalwood, the white of the autumn moon, the white of silver, the white of cow's milk, the white of pearls, the white of a ray of sunlight, the white of stars. Japanese has six different words, depending upon brilliance or dullness, or if the color is inert or dynamic. White was one of the first colors used in art; the Lascaux Cave in France contains drawings of bulls and other animals drawn by paleolithic artists between 18,000 and 17,000 years ago. Paleolithic artists used calcite or chalk, sometimes as a background, sometimes as a highlight, along with charcoal and red and yellow ochre in their vivid cave paintings. In ancient Egypt, white was connected with the goddess Isis; the priests and priestesses of Isis dressed only in white linen, it was used to wrap mummies. In Greece and other ancient civilizations, white was associated with mother's milk. In Greek mythology, the chief god Zeus was nourished at the breast of the nymph Amalthea.
In the Talmud, milk was one of four sacred substances, along with wine and the rose. The ancient Greeks saw the world in terms of darkness and light, so white was a fundamental color. According to Pliny the Elder in his Natural History and the other famous painters of ancient Greece used only four colors in their paintings. A plain white toga, known as a toga virilis, was worn for ceremonial occasions by all Roman citizens over the age of 14–18. Magistrates and certain priests wore a toga praetexta, with a broad purple stripe. In the time of the Emperor Augustus, no Roman man was allowed to appear in the Roman forum without a toga; the ancient Romans had two words for white. A man who wanted public office in Rome wore a white toga brightened with chalk, called a toga candida, the origin of the word candidate; the Latin word candere meant to be bright. It was the origin of the words candid. In ancient Rome, the priestesses of the goddess Vesta dressed in white linen robes, a white palla or shawl, a white veil.
They protected the penates of Rome. White symbolized their purity and chastity; the early Christian church adopted the Roman symbolism of white as the color of purity and virtue. It became the color worn by priests during Mass, the color worn by monks of the Cistercian Order, under Pope Pius V, a former monk of the Dominican Order, it became the official color worn by the pope himself. Monks of the Order of Saint Benedict dressed in the white or gray of natural undyed wool, but changed to black, the color of humility and penitence. Postclassical history art, the white lamb became the symbol of the sacrifice of Christ on behalf of mankind. John the Baptist described Christ as the lamb of God; the white lamb was the center of one of the most famous paintings of the Medieval period, the Ghent Altarpiece by Jan van Eyck. White was the symbolic color of the transfiguration; the Gospel of Saint Mark describes Jesus' clothing in this event as "shining, exceeding white as snow." Artists such as Fra Angelico used their skill