Sir Horatio Mann, 2nd Baronet
Sir Horatio Mann, 2nd Baronet was a British politician who sat in the House of Commons between 1774 and 1807. He is remembered as a member of a patron of Kent cricket, he was an occasional player but in first-class matches. Mann was the only surviving son of Galfridus Mann, an army clothier, of Boughton Place in Boughton Malherbe and his wife Sarah Gregory, daughter of John Gregory of London, he was educated at Charterhouse School and entered Peterhouse, Cambridge in 1760. His father died on 21 December 1756 and he succeeded to his estates at Boughton and Linton, he inherited over £100,000 from his father. Mann married Lady Lucy Noel, daughter of Baptist Noel, 4th Earl of Gainsborough, on 13 April 1765. Mann had a number of influential friends including John Frederick Sackville, 3rd Duke of Dorset, with whom he shared a keen cricketing rivalry, he owned Boughton Place in Boughton Malherbe and Linton Park in Linton, both near Maidstone, had his family seat at Bourne Park House, near Canterbury. Within its grounds he had his own cricket ground Bourne Paddock which staged many first-class matches in the 1770s and 1780s.
He moved to Dandelion, near Margate, established another ground there, used for some first-class games towards the end of the 18th century. Mann was a member of the Committee of Noblemen and Gentlemen of Kent, Surrey, Sussex and London, he was a member of the committee at The Star and Garter in Pall Mall, which drew up a new revision of the Laws of Cricket on 25 February 1774. Mann was nephew of Sir Horace Mann, 1st Baronet, a British diplomat in Tuscany from 1738 to 1786, he was knighted on 10 June 1772. Mann's ownership of Linton gave him electoral interest at Maidstone. At the 1774 general election he contested Maidstone, having deferred a planned journey abroad for his wife's health, he was returned as Member of Parliament for the seat. In 1775 his uncle made over to him the family estate in return for an annuity, he did go abroad and after visiting France and Austria, returned to England in November 1778. From on he travelled to his uncle in Florence nearly every summer. At the 1780 general election he was again returned for Maidstone at the head of the poll.
He joined Brooks in 1780, was a member of the St. Alban's Tavern group of country gentlemen who tried to reconcile Fox and Pitt, he did not stand in the 1784 general election. Mann was in Florence when his uncle died on 6 November 1786 and succeeded to the baronetcy as second baronet, he acted as chargé d’affaires in Florence for six months. He was angered by the poor recompense he received for his services and returned to Italy in 1788 ostensibly to sort out the financial problems which resulted from running his uncle's establishment. Mann joined the Whig Club in January 1790 and at the following 1790 general election was elected in a contest as MP for Sandwich, he was returned unopposed in 1796 and 1802. By this time he was becoming absent in parliament through ill-health when gout struck him, he avoided a contest and was returned in the 1806 general election, but was defeated in 1807. Mann was described by Samuel Egerton Brydges as a wild, rattling man, who made no impression. In 1811 it was said that his estate would have been the largest in Kent but by his extravagance he reduced his income to not more than £4,000 a year.
He died on 2 April 1814. He had three daughters, his property went to his nephew James Cornwallis. Cornwallis's father wrote soon after "My son has had a great deal of trouble in consequence of succeeding a person ruined; the sums Sir Horace expended are beyond all belief, or rather squandered." Mann is variously called Sir Horace in the sources. Horace was used as a diminutive of Horatio, he was always called Horace in Scores and Biographies, the main source for his cricketing activities. G B Buckley, Fresh Light on 18th Century Cricket, Cotterell, 1935 Ashley Mote, The Glory Days of Cricket, Robson, 1997 John Nyren, The Cricketers of my Time, Robson, 1998 H T Waghorn, The Dawn of Cricket, Electric Press, 1906 A Dictionary of British and Irish Travellers in Italy, 1701–1800, Compiled from the Brinsley Ford Archive by John Ingamells, Yale, 1997
A term limit is a legal restriction that limits the number of terms an officeholder may serve in a particular elected office. When term limits are found in presidential and semi-presidential systems they act as a method of curbing the potential for monopoly, where a leader becomes "president for life"; this is intended to protect a democracy from becoming a de facto dictatorship. Sometimes, there is an lifetime limit on the number of terms an officeholder may serve. Term limits have a long history. Ancient Athens and Ancient Rome, two early classic republics, had term limits imposed on their elected offices as did the city-state of Venice. In ancient Athenian democracy, only offices selected by sortition were subject to term limits. Elected offices were all subject to possible re-election, although they were minoritarian, these positions were more prestigious and those requiring the most experience, such as military generals and the superintendent of springs. In the Roman Republic, a law was passed imposing a limit of a single term on the office of censor.
The annual magistrates—tribune of the plebs, quaestor and consul—were forbidden reelection until a number of years had passed.. There was a term limit of 6 months for a dictator. Many modern presidential republics employ term limits for their highest offices; the United States placed a limit of two terms on its presidency by means of the 22nd Amendment to the Constitution in 1951. There are no term limits for Vice Presidency and Senators, although there have been calls for term limits for those offices. Under various state laws, some state governors and state legislators have term limits. Formal limits in America date back to the 1682 Pennsylvania Charter of Liberties, the colonial frame of government of the same year, authored by William Penn and providing for triennial rotation of the provincial council, the upper house of the colonial legislature.. The Russian Federation has a rule for the head of state that allows the President of Russia to serve more than two terms if not consecutive. For governors of federal subjects, the same two-term limit existed until 2004, but now there are no term limits for governors.
Term limits are common in Latin America, where most countries are presidential republics. Early in the last century, the Mexican revolutionary Francisco Madero popularized the slogan Sufragio Efectivo, no Reelección. In keeping with that principle, members of the Congress of Mexico cannot be reelected for the next immediate term under article 50 and 59 of the Constitution of Mexico, adopted in 1917; the President of Mexico is limited to a single six-year term. This makes every presidential election in Mexico a non-incumbent election. Countries that operate a parliamentary system of government are less to employ term limits on their leaders; this is because such leaders have a set "term" at all: rather, they serve as long as they have the confidence of the parliament, a period which could last for life. Many parliaments can be dissolved for snap elections which means some parliaments can last for mere months while others can continue until their expiration dates; such countries may impose term limits on the holders of other offices—in republics, for example, a ceremonial presidency may have a term limit if the office holds reserve powers.
Term limits may be divided into two broad categories: lifetime. With consecutive term limits, an officeholder is limited to serving a particular number of terms in that particular office. Upon hitting the limit in one office, an officeholder may not run for the same office again. After a set period of time, the clock resets on the limit, the officeholder may run for election to his/her original office and serve up to the limit again. With lifetime limits, once an officeholder has served up to the limit, he/she may never again run for election to that office. Lifetime limits are much more restrictive than consecutive limits. Term limits in the United States Term of office List of political term limits Reelection Real Term Limits: Now More Than Ever, an article by Doug Bandow in favor of term limits Legislative Term Limits: An Overview at the Library of Congress Web Archives, term limits information from the National Conference of State Legislatures
Senate of Canada
The Senate of Canada is the upper house of the Parliament of Canada, along with the House of Commons and the Monarch. The Senate is modelled after the British House of Lords and consists of 105 members appointed by the Governor General on the advice of the Prime Minister. Seats are assigned on a regional basis: four regions—defined as Ontario, the Maritime provinces, the Western provinces—each receive 24 seats, with the remaining portions of the country—Newfoundland and Labrador receiving 6 seats and the three northern territories each assigned the remaining one seat. Senators may serve until they reach the age of 75. While the Senate is the upper house of Parliament and the House of Commons is the lower house, this does not imply the Senate is more powerful than the House of Commons, it entails that its members and officers outrank the members and officers of the Commons in the order of precedence for the purposes of protocol. As a matter of practice and custom, the Commons is the dominant chamber.
The prime minister and Cabinet are responsible to the House of Commons and remain in office only so long as they retain the confidence of the House of Commons. The approval of both chambers is necessary for legislation and, the Senate can reject bills passed by the Commons. Between 1867 and 1987, the Senate rejected fewer than two bills per year, but this has increased in more recent years. Although legislation can be introduced in either chamber, the majority of government bills originate in the House of Commons, with the Senate acting as the chamber of "sober second thought"; the Senate came into existence in 1867, when the Parliament of the United Kingdom passed the British North America Act 1867, uniting the Province of Canada with Nova Scotia and New Brunswick into a single federation, a dominion called Canada. The Canadian parliament was based on the Westminster model. Canada's first prime minister, Sir John A. Macdonald, described it as a body of "sober second thought" that would curb the "democratic excesses" of the elected House of Commons and provide regional representation.
He believed that if the House of Commons properly represented the population, the upper chamber should represent the regions. It was not meant to be more than a brake on the House of Commons. Therefore, it was deliberately made an appointed house, since an elected Senate might prove too popular and too powerful and be able to block the will of the House of Commons; the original Senate chamber was lost to the fire that consumed the Parliament Buildings in 1916. Subsequently, the Senate sat in the mineral room of what is today the Canadian Museum of Nature until 1922, when it relocated to Parliament Hill. With the Centre Block undergoing renovations, temporary chambers have been constructed in the Senate of Canada Building, where the Senate began meeting in 2019. Reform of the Senate has been an issue since its creation, mirrors pre-Confederation debates regarding appointed Legislative Councils in the former colonies; the federal Parliament first considered reform measures in 1874 and the Senate debated reforming itself in 1909.
There were minor changes in 1965, when the mandatory retirement age for new Senators was set at 75 years and, in 1982, when the Senate was given a qualified veto over certain constitutional amendments. There have been at least 28 major proposals for constitutional Senate reform since the early 1970s and all have failed. Discussion of reforming the appointment mechanism resurfaced alongside the Quiet Revolution and the rise of Western alienation with the chief goal of making the Senate better represent the provinces in parliament, it was suggested that provincial governments should appoint senators, as was done in the United States before the Seventeenth Amendment to the United States Constitution. Others suggested that senators should be members of provincial legislatures, similar to the Bundesrat of Germany; the discussions suggested redistributing Senate seats to the growing western provinces Formal suggestions for equality of seats between provinces occurred in 1981. Schemes to create an elected Senate did not gain widespread support until after 1980, when Parliament enacted the National Energy Program in the wake of the energy crises of the 1970s.
Many Western Canadians called for a "Triple-E Senate", standing for elected and effective. They believed that allowing equal representation of the provinces, regardless of population, would protect the interests of the smaller provinces and outlying regions; the Meech Lake Accord, a series of constitutional amendments proposed by Prime Minister Brian Mulroney, would have required the federal government to choose a senator from a list of persons nominated by the provincial government. Before the failure of the Meech Lake accord, Alberta had passed the Senatorial Selection Act of 1987, which provided for the direct election of Alberta senators; the first of such elections was held in 1989. The results of these elections are non-binding, only prime ministers Brian Mulroney and Stephen Harper have appointed senators that had won these elections; the Charlottetown Accord, involved a provision under which the Senate would include an equal number of senators from each province, each elected either by the majority in the relevant provincial legislature or by the majority of voters in the province.
This accord was defeated in the referendum held in 1992. Prime Minister Stephen Harper was an advocate of
Horatio Walpole, 4th Earl of Orford known as Horace Walpole, was an English writer, art historian, man of letters and Whig politician. He had Strawberry Hill House built in Twickenham, south-west London, reviving the Gothic style some decades before his Victorian successors, his literary reputation rests on the first Gothic novel, The Castle of Otranto, his Letters, which are of significant social and political interest. They have been published by Yale University Press in 48 volumes, he was the son of Sir Robert Walpole. As Horace Walpole was childless, on his death his barony of Walpole descended to his cousin of the same surname, created the new Earl of Orford. Walpole was born in London, the youngest son of British Prime Minister Sir Robert Walpole and his wife Catherine. Like his father, he received early education in Bexley. Walpole's first friends were his cousins Francis and Henry Conway, to whom Walpole became attached Henry. At Eton he formed with Charles Lyttelton and George Montagu the "Triumvirate", a schoolboy confederacy.
More important were another group of friends dubbed the "Quadruple Alliance": Walpole, Thomas Gray, Richard West and Thomas Ashton. At Cambridge Walpole came under the influence of an unorthodox theologian. Walpole came to accept the sceptical nature of Middleton's attitude to some essential Christian doctrines for the rest of his life, including a hatred of superstition and bigotry. Walpole left without taking a degree. In 1737 Walpole's mother died. According to one biographer his love for his mother "was the most powerful emotion of his entire life...the whole of his psychological history was dominated by it". Walpole did not have any serious relationships with women. Walpole's sexual orientation has been the subject of speculation, he never married, engaging in a succession of unconsummated flirtations with unmarriageable women, counted among his close friends a number of women such as Anne Seymour Damer and Mary Berry named by a number of sources as lesbian. Many contemporaries described him as effeminate.
Biographers such as Timothy Mowl explore his possible homosexuality, including a passionate but unhappy love affair with the 9th Earl of Lincoln. Some previous biographers such as Lewis and Robert Wyndham Ketton-Cremer, have interpreted Walpole as asexual. Walpole's father secured for him three sinecures which afforded him an income: in 1737 he was appointed Inspector of the Imports and Exports in the Custom House, which he resigned to become Usher of the Exchequer, which gave him at first £3900 per annum but this increased over the years. Upon coming of age he became Comptroller of the Pipe and Clerk of the Estreats which gave him an income of £300 per annum. Walpole decided to go travelling with Thomas Gray and wrote a will whereby he left Gray all his belongings. In 1744 Walpole wrote in a letter to Conway. Walpole went on the Grand Tour with Gray, but as Walpole recalled in life: "We had not got to Calais before Gray was dissatisfied, for I was a boy, he, though infinitely more a man, was not enough to make allowances".
They left Dover on 29 March and arrived at Calais that day. They travelled through Boulogne and Saint-Denis, arriving at Paris on 4 April. Here they met many aristocratic Englishmen. In early June they left Paris for Rheims in September going to Dijon, Dauphiné, Aix-les-Bains and back to Lyons. In October they left for Italy, arriving in Turin in November going to Genoa, Parma, Modena, in December arriving at Florence. Here he struck up a friendship with Horace Mann, an assistant to the British Minister at the Court of Tuscany. In Florence he wrote Epistle from Florence to Thomas Ashton, Esq. Tutor to the Earl of Plymouth, a mixture of Whig history and Middleton's teachings. In February 1740 Walpole and Gray left for Rome with the intention of witnessing the papal conclave upon the death of Pope Clement XII. Walpole wanted to attend fashionable parties and Gray wanted to visit all the antiquities. At social occasions in Rome he saw the Old Pretender James Francis Edward Stuart and his two sons, Charles Edward Stuart and Henry Stuart, although there is no record of them conversing.
Walpole and Gray returned to Florence in July. However, Gray disliked the idleness of Florence as compared to the educational pursuits in Rome, an animosity grew between them leading to an end to their friendship. On their way back to England they had a furious argument. Gray went to Venice. In life Walpole admitted that the fault lay with himself: I was too young, too fond of my own diversions, nay, I do not doubt, too much intoxicated by indulgence and the insolence of my situation, as a Prime Minister's son, not to have been inattentive and insensible to the feelings of one I thought below me. Walpole visited Venice, Antibes, Toul
William Lyon Mackenzie King
William Lyon Mackenzie King commonly known as Mackenzie King, was the dominant Canadian political leader from the 1920s through the 1940s. He served as the tenth prime minister of Canada in 1921–1926, 1926–1930 and 1935–1948, he is best known for his leadership of Canada throughout the Second World War when he mobilized Canadian money and volunteers to support Britain while boosting the economy and maintaining morale on the home front. A Liberal with 21 years and 154 days in office, he was the longest-serving prime minister in Canadian history. Trained in law and social work, he was keenly interested in the human condition, played a major role in laying the foundations of the Canadian welfare state. King acceded to the leadership of the Liberal Party in 1919. Taking the helm of a party bitterly torn apart during the First World War, he reconciled factions, unifying the Liberal Party and leading it to victory in the 1921 election, his party was out of office during the harshest days of the Great Depression in Canada, 1930–35.
He handled complex relations with the Prairie Provinces, while his top aides Ernest Lapointe and Louis St. Laurent skillfully met the demands of French Canadians. During the Second World War, he avoided the battles over conscription and ethnicity that had divided Canada so in the First World War. Though few major policy innovations took place during his premiership, he was able to synthesize and pass a number of measures that had reached a level of broad national support. Scholars attribute King's long tenure as party leader to his wide range of skills that were appropriate to Canada's needs, he understood the workings of labour. Keenly sensitive to the nuances of public policy, he was a workaholic with a shrewd and penetrating intelligence and a profound understanding of the complexities of Canadian society. A modernizing technocrat who regarded managerial mediation as essential to an industrial society, he wanted his Liberal Party to represent liberal corporatism to create social harmony. King worked to bring compromise and harmony to many competing and feuding elements, using politics and government action as his instrument.
He led his party for 29 years, established Canada's international reputation as a middle power committed to world order. King's biographers agree on the personal characteristics, he lacked the charisma of such contemporaries as Franklin Roosevelt, Winston Churchill, or Charles de Gaulle. He lacked a commanding oratorical skill. Cold and tactless in human relations, he had many political allies but few close personal friends, he never lacked a hostess whose charm could substitute for his chill. He kept secret his beliefs in spiritualism and use of mediums to stay in contact with departed associates and with his mother, allowed his intense spirituality to distort his understanding of Adolf Hitler throughout the late 1930s. A survey of scholars in 1997 by Maclean's magazine ranked King first among all Canada's prime ministers, ahead of Sir John A. Macdonald and Sir Wilfrid Laurier; as historian Jack Granatstein notes, "the scholars expressed little admiration for King the man but offered unbounded admiration for his political skills and attention to Canadian unity."
On the other hand, political scientist Ian Stewart in 2007 found that Liberal activists have but a dim memory of him. King was born in Ontario, to John King and Isabel Grace Mackenzie, his maternal grandfather was William Lyon Mackenzie, first mayor of Toronto and leader of the Upper Canada Rebellion in 1837. His father was a lawyer, a professor at Osgoode Hall Law School. King had three siblings, he attended Berlin High School. Tutors were hired to teach him more politics, math and French, his father was a lawyer with a struggling practice in a small city, never enjoyed financial security. His parents lived a life of shabby gentility, employing servants and tutors they could scarcely afford, although their financial situation improved somewhat following a move to Toronto around 1890, where King lived with them for several years in a duplex located on Beverley Street while studying at the University of Toronto. King became a lifelong practising Presbyterian with a dedication to applying Christian virtues to social issues in the style of the Social Gospel.
He never favoured socialism. King earned five university degrees, he obtained three degrees from the University of Toronto: B. A. 1895, LL. B. 1896 and M. A. 1897. B. in 1896 from Osgoode Hall Law School. While studying in Toronto he met a wide circle of friends, he was an early member and officer of the Kappa Alpha Society, which included a number of these individuals. It encouraged debate on political ideas, he met Arthur Meighen, a future political rival. King was concerned with issues of social welfare and was influenced by the settlement house movement pioneered by Toynbee Hall in London, England, he played a central role in fomenting a students' strike at the university in 1895. He was in close touch, behind the scenes, with Vice-Chancellor William Mulock, for whom the strike provided a chance to embarrass his rivals Chancellor Edward Blake and President Jam
United States Senate
The United States Senate is the upper chamber of the United States Congress, which along with the United States House of Representatives—the lower chamber—comprises the legislature of the United States. The Senate chamber is located in the north wing of the Capitol, in Washington, D. C; the composition and powers of the Senate are established by Article One of the United States Constitution. The Senate is composed of senators; each state, regardless of its population size, is represented by two senators who serve staggered terms of six years. There being at present 50 states in the Union, there are presently 100 senators. From 1789 until 1913, senators were appointed by legislatures of the states; as the upper chamber of Congress, the Senate has several powers of advice and consent which are unique to it. These include the approval of treaties, the confirmation of Cabinet secretaries, Supreme Court justices, federal judges, flag officers, regulatory officials, other federal executive officials and other federal uniformed officers.
In addition to these, in cases wherein no candidate receives a majority of electors for Vice President, the duty falls to the Senate to elect one of the top two recipients of electors for that office. Furthermore, the Senate has the responsibility of conducting the trials of those impeached by the House; the Senate is considered both a more deliberative and more prestigious body than the House of Representatives due to its longer terms, smaller size, statewide constituencies, which led to a more collegial and less partisan atmosphere. The presiding officer of the Senate is the Vice President of the United States, President of the Senate. In the Vice President's absence, the President Pro Tempore, customarily the senior member of the party holding a majority of seats, presides over the Senate. In the early 20th century, the practice of majority and minority parties electing their floor leaders began, although they are not constitutional officers; the drafters of the Constitution created a bicameral Congress as a compromise between those who felt that each state, since it was sovereign, should be represented, those who felt the legislature must directly represent the people, as the House of Commons did in Great Britain.
This idea of having one chamber represent people while the other gives equal representation to states regardless of population, was known as the Connecticut Compromise. There was a desire to have two Houses that could act as an internal check on each other. One was intended to be a "People's House" directly elected by the people, with short terms obliging the representatives to remain close to their constituents; the other was intended to represent the states to such extent as they retained their sovereignty except for the powers expressly delegated to the national government. The Senate was thus not designed to serve the people of the United States equally; the Constitution provides that the approval of both chambers is necessary for the passage of legislation. First convened in 1789, the Senate of the United States was formed on the example of the ancient Roman Senate; the name is derived from Latin for council of elders. James Madison made the following comment about the Senate: In England, at this day, if elections were open to all classes of people, the property of landed proprietors would be insecure.
An agrarian law would soon take place. If these observations be just, our government ought to secure the permanent interests of the country against innovation. Landholders ought to have a share in the government, to support these invaluable interests, to balance and check the other, they ought to be so constituted. The Senate, ought to be this body. Article Five of the Constitution stipulates that no constitutional amendment may be created to deprive a state of its equal suffrage in the Senate without that state's consent; the District of Columbia and all other territories are not entitled to representation allowed to vote in either House of the Congress. The District of Columbia elects two "shadow U. S. Senators", but they are officials of the D. C. City Government and not members of the U. S. Senate; the United States has had 50 states since 1959, thus the Senate has had 100 senators since 1959. The disparity between the most and least populous states has grown since the Connecticut Compromise, which granted each state two members of the Senate and at least one member of the House of Representatives, for a total minimum of three presidential electors, regardless of population.
In 1787, Virginia had ten times the population of Rhode Island, whereas today California has 70 times the population of Wyoming, based on the 1790 and 2000 censuses. This means some citizens are two orders of magnitude better represented in the Senate than those in other states. Seats in the House of Representatives are proportionate to the population of each state, reducing the disparity of representation. Before the adoption of the Seventeenth Amendment in 1913, senators were elected by the individual state legislatures. Problems with repeated vacant seats due to the inability of a legislature to elect senators, intrastate political struggles, bribery and intimidation had led to a growing movement to amend the Constitution to allow for the direct election of senators; the party composition of the Senate during the 116th Congress: Art
Australian House of Representatives
The House of Representatives is the lower house of the bicameral Parliament of Australia, the upper house being the Senate. Its composition and powers are established in Chapter I of the Constitution of Australia; the term of members of the House of Representatives is a maximum of three years from the date of the first sitting of the House, but on only one occasion since Federation has the maximum term been reached. The House is always dissolved earlier alone but sometimes in a double dissolution of both Houses. Elections for members of the House of Representatives are held in conjunction with those for the Senate. A member of the House may be referred to as a "Member of Parliament", while a member of the Senate is referred to as a "Senator"; the government of the day and by extension the Prime Minister must achieve and maintain the confidence of this House in order to gain and remain in power. The House of Representatives consists of 150 members, elected by and representing single member districts known as electoral divisions.
The number of members is not fixed but can vary with boundary changes resulting from electoral redistributions, which are required on a regular basis. The most recent overall increase in the size of the House, which came into effect at the 1984 election, increased the number of members from 125 to 148, it reduced to 147 at the 1993 election, returned to 148 at the 1996 election, has been 150 since the 2001 election, will increase to 151 at the 2019 Australian federal election. Each division elects one member using full-preference Instant-runoff voting; this was put in place after the 1918 Swan by-election, which Labor unexpectedly won with the largest primary vote and the help of vote splitting in the conservative parties. The Nationalist government of the time changed the lower house voting system from first-past-the-post to full-preference preferential voting, effective from the 1919 general election; this system has remained in place since, allowing the Coalition parties to safely contest the same seats.
The Commonwealth of Australia Constitution Act of 1900 established the House of Representatives as part of the new system of dominion government in newly federated Australia. The House is presided over by the Speaker. Members of the House are elected from single member electorates. One vote, one value legislation requires all electorates to have the same number of voters with a maximum 10% variation. However, the baseline quota for the number of voters in an electorate is determined by the number of voters in the state in which that electorate is found; the electorates of the smallest states and territories have more variation in the number of voters in their electorates, with larger seats like Fenner containing more than double the electors of smaller seats like Lingiari. Meanwhile, all the states except Tasmania have electorates within the same 10% tolerance, with most electorates holding 85,000 to 105,000 voters. Federal electorates have their boundaries redrawn or redistributed whenever a state or territory has its number of seats adjusted, if electorates are not matched by population size or if seven years have passed since the most recent redistribution.
Voting is by the'preferential system' known as instant-runoff voting. A full allocation of preferences is required for a vote to be considered formal; this allows for a calculation of the two-party-preferred vote. Under Section 24 of the Constitution, each state is entitled to members based on a population quota determined from the "latest statistics of the Commonwealth." These statistics arise from the census conducted under the auspices of section 51. Until its repeal by the 1967 referendum, section 127 prohibited the inclusion of Aboriginal people in section 24 determinations as including the Indigenous peoples could alter the distribution of seats between the states to the benefit of states with larger Aboriginal populations. Section 127, along with section 25 and the race power, have been described as racism built into Australia's constitutional DNA, modifications to prevent lawful race-based discrimination have been proposed; the parliamentary entitlement of a state or territory is established by the Electoral Commissioner dividing the number of the people of the Commonwealth by twice the number of Senators.
This is known as the "Nexus Provision". The reasons for this are twofold, to maintain a constant influence for the smaller states and to maintain a constant balance of the two Houses in case of a joint sitting after a double dissolution; the population of each state and territory is divided by this quota to determine the number of members to which each state and territory is entitled. Under the Australian Constitution all original states are guaranteed at least five members; the Federal Parliament itself has decided that the Australian Capital Territory and the Northern Territory should have at least one member each. According to the Constitution, the powers of both Houses are nearly equal, with the consent of both Houses needed to pass legislation; the difference relates to taxation legislation. In practice, by convention, the person who can control a majority of votes in the lower house is invited by the Governor-General to form the Government. In practice that means that the leader of the party with a majority of members in the House becomes the Prime Minister, who can nominate other elected members of the government party in both the House and the Senate to become ministe