Etruscan society is known through the memorial and achievemental inscriptions on monuments of Etruscan civilization tombs. This information emphasizes family data; some contractual information is available from various sources. The Roman and Greek historians had more to say of Etruscan government; the population described by the inscriptions owned the tombs in which their relatives interred them and were interred in turn. These were the work of craftsmen who must have gone to considerable expense, for which they must have been paid; the interment chambers were stocked with furniture, luxury items and jewelry, which are unlikely to have been available to the ordinary citizen. The sarcophagi were ornate, each one a work of art; the society of the tombs therefore was that of the aristocrats. While alive they occupied magistracies recorded in the inscriptions, their magisterial functions are obscure now. The Etruscans did not always own sufficient wealth to support necropolises for their chief men and stock them with expensive items to be smashed and thrown away.
People of the Villanovan culture lived in poor huts concomitant with subsistence agriculture and owned plain and simple implements. Their simple ware is known as bucchero, plain black undecorated pots. In the 8th century BC, the orientalizing period began, a time of influx of luxuriously living Greeks, they brought their elegant architectural methods with them. Yet the rise of Etruscan civilization cannot be explained by immigrants from Greece; the Etruscans became a maritime power. By the 7th century they had imported methods and materials from the eastern Mediterranean and were leaving written inscriptions. Groups of Villanovan villages were now consolidated into Etruscan cities. Elaborate tomb cities began to appear; the princely tombs were not of individuals. The inscriptional evidence shows that families were interred there over long periods, marking the growth of the aristocratic family as a fixed institution, parallel to the gens at Rome and even its model, it is not an Etruscan original. The Etruscans could have used any model of the eastern Mediterranean.
That the growth of this class is related to the new acquisition of wealth through trade is unquestioned. The wealthiest cities were located near the coast; the Etruscan name of the family was lautn. At the center of the lautn was the married couple, tusurthir; the Etruscans were a monogamous society. The lids of large numbers of sarcophagi are adorned with sculpted couples, smiling, in the prime of life, reclining next to each other or with arms around each other; the bond was a close one by social preference It is possible that Greek and Roman attitudes to the Etruscans were based on a misunderstanding of the place of women within their society. In both Greece and Republican Rome, respectable women were confined to the house and mixed-sex socialising did not occur, thus the freedom of women within Etruscan society could have been misunderstood as implying their sexual availability. It is worth noting that a number of Etruscan tombs carry funerary inscriptions in the form'X son of and', indicating the importance of the mother's side of the family.
Etruscan naming conventions are complex and appear to reveal different stages in the development of names. The stages apply only to aristocratic names, attested in the inscriptions. Whether the ordinary people followed suit or were in the earliest stage remains unknown. Everyone at all times had a praenomen, or first name, a simple descendant of an ancient name, or a compound comprising a meaningful expression, they were marked for gender: larth/lartha, arnth/arntia. There is no evidence; some names were female. As in Proto-Indo-European, individual males were further distinguished by a patronymic, which could be formed in a few different ways: the genitive case: larth arnthal, "Larth son of Arnth." The genitive case with clan, "son": larth clan arnthal. The nominative case formed from the genitive with a patronymic suffix: -isa, -sa, -sla, which the Bonfantes regard as a suffixed demonstrative pronoun: arnth larthal-isa. Females were further identified with either the husband's name or the son's name in patronymic construction.
Unlike the Indo-Europeans, the girls had a same construction. Sometimes males are identified with a matronymic, thus leaving some doubt as to whether early Etruscan society was patrilinear; the men were dominant. These names and conventions must have prevailed in the Villanovan culture; the nomen gentile, or family name, dates to the orientalizing period. Recorded names are minimally binomial: Avile Repesuna, Fasti Aneina. Patronyms and other further specifications are added after it: Arnth Velimna Aules, "Arnth Velimna son of Aule." In those contexts double patronymics can be used, naming the father and grandfather: Arnth Velimna Aules clan Larthalisla, "Arnth Velimna son of Aule son of Larth." The nomen gentile was formed in a number of ways, most with a -na suffix, -nas in south Etruscan. The suffixed nomen might refer to an individual of the family: spure/spuri-na; the nomen gentile was an adjective and could be used alone as a noun, the name
The Aeneid is a Latin epic poem, written by Virgil between 29 and 19 BC, that tells the legendary story of Aeneas, a Trojan who travelled to Italy, where he became the ancestor of the Romans. It comprises 9,896 lines in dactylic hexameter; the first six of the poem's twelve books tell the story of Aeneas's wanderings from Troy to Italy, the poem's second half tells of the Trojans' victorious war upon the Latins, under whose name Aeneas and his Trojan followers are destined to be subsumed. The hero Aeneas was known to Greco-Roman legend and myth, having been a character in the Iliad. Virgil took the disconnected tales of Aeneas's wanderings, his vague association with the foundation of Rome and his description as a personage of no fixed characteristics other than a scrupulous pietas, fashioned the Aeneid into a compelling founding myth or national epic that tied Rome to the legends of Troy, explained the Punic Wars, glorified traditional Roman virtues, legitimized the Julio-Claudian dynasty as descendants of the founders and gods of Rome and Troy.
The Aeneid is regarded as Virgil's masterpiece and one of the greatest works of Latin literature. The Aeneid can be divided into two halves based on the disparate subject matter of Books 1–6 and Books 7–12; these two halves are regarded as reflecting Virgil's ambition to rival Homer by treating both the Odyssey's wandering theme and the Iliad's warfare themes. This is, however, a rough correspondence, the limitations of which should be borne in mind. Virgil begins his poem with a statement of his theme and an invocation to the Muse, falling some seven lines after the poem's inception, he explains the reason for the principal conflict in the story: the resentment held by the goddess Juno against the Trojan people. This is consistent with her role throughout the Homeric epics. In the manner of Homer, the story proper begins in medias res, with the Trojan fleet in the eastern Mediterranean, heading in the direction of Italy; the fleet, led by Aeneas, is on a voyage to find a second home. It has been foretold that in Italy he will give rise to a race both noble and courageous, a race which will become known to all nations.
Juno is wrathful, because she had not been chosen in the judgment of Paris, because her favorite city, will be destroyed by Aeneas's descendants. Ganymede, a Trojan prince, was chosen to be the cupbearer to her husband, Jupiter—replacing Juno's daughter, Hebe. Juno proceeds to Aeolus, King of the Winds, asks that he release the winds to stir up a storm in exchange for a bribe. Aeolus agrees to carry out Juno's orders. Neptune takes notice: although he himself is no friend of the Trojans, he is infuriated by Juno's intrusion into his domain, stills the winds and calms the waters, after making sure that the winds would not bother the Trojans again, lest they be punished more harshly than they were this time; the fleet takes shelter on the coast of Africa, where Aeneas rouses the spirits of his men, reassuring them that they have been through worse situations before. There, Aeneas's mother, Venus, in the form of a huntress similar to the goddess Diana, encourages him and recounts to him the history of Carthage.
Aeneas ventures into the city, in the temple of Juno he seeks and gains the favor of Dido, queen of the city. The city has only been founded by refugees from Tyre and will become a great imperial rival and enemy to Rome. Meanwhile, Venus has her own plans, she goes to her son, Aeneas's half-brother Cupid, tells him to imitate Ascanius. Disguised as such, Cupid offers the gifts expected from a guest. With Dido's motherly love revived as she cradles the boy during a banquet given in honour of the Trojans, Cupid secretly weakens her sworn fidelity to the soul of her late husband, murdered by her brother, Pygmalion. In books 2 and 3, Aeneas recounts the events, he begins the tale shortly after the war described in the Iliad. Cunning Ulysses devised a way for Greek warriors to gain entry into the walled city of Troy by hiding in a large wooden horse; the Greeks pretended to sail away, leaving a warrior, Sinon, to mislead the Trojans into believing that the horse was an offering and that if it were taken into the city, the Trojans would be able to conquer Greece.
The Trojan priest Laocoön saw through the Greek plot and urged the horse's destruction, but his protests fell on deaf ears, so he hurled his spear at the horse. In what would be seen by the Trojans as punishment from the gods, two serpents emerged from the sea and devoured Laocoön, along with his two sons; the Trojans took the horse inside the fortified walls, after nightfall the armed Greeks emerged from it, opening the city's gates to allow the returned Greek army to slaughter the Trojans. In a dream, the fallen Trojan prince, advised Aeneas to flee with his family. Aeneas saw with horror what was happening to his beloved city. At first he tried to fight the enemy, but soon he lost his comrades and was left alone to fend off the Greeks, he witnessed the murder of Priam by Achilles' son Pyrrhus. His mother, appeared to him and led him back to his house. Aeneas tells of his escape with his son, his wife Creusa, his father, after the occurrence
This article refers to the jewelry of the Etruscan civilization and its differences in various eras. Little jewelry from the Villanovan Era, an Early Iron Age culture dating c. 900 BC – 700 BC, has been discovered in modern times. The Villanovan Etruscans seem to have left few items of luxury, thus appear modest, yet extant Villanovan jewelry confirms that in Etruria great effort was placed in the production of decorative arts. Jewelry was a status symbol and indicated, as in present times and prosperity. Both pottery and jewelry from the Villanovan Era are decorated with swastikas and triangles. Gold jewelry started spreading during the Orientalizing era, it showed splendid workmanship. Geometric design was such a regular motif that archaeologists refer to this motif as the “Orientalizing geometric”. Etruscan gold jewelry flourished during the Orientalizing period due to the affluent trading system which had evolved during this time; the Etruscans did not invent their decorative techniques. Indeed, the Mediterranean influences had brought such techniques as granulation.
Syro-Phoenician jewelers settled in southern Etruria and taught local apprentices the art of granulation and filigree. These techniques first developed in the South of Etruria, it consisted of working designs onto a surface with tiny granules of gold. Care had to be taken not to melt the little granules onto the surface but instead, to solder them on with a tiny heated point; the various omissions and imperfections, made on purpose, gave the piece of jewelry the artistic character. Soldering was done reducing the solder to an impalpable dust. Syro-Phoenicians brought in other techniques of workmanship. Many jewelers were influenced by their recurrent symbols. Sacred emblems like the solar disc and the half moon were incorporated in the Etruscans’ fast-growing repertoire. Etruscans loosened up their stern geometric standards and added in their designs floral and figurative elements of oriental inspiration; the finest jewelry was still centered and focused in the southern city-states such as. Gorgons, acorns, lotus flowers and palms were a clear indicator of Greek influence in Etruscan jewelry.
The modelling of heads, a typical practice from the Greek severe period, was a technique that spread throughout the Etruscan territory. An clearer evidence of new influences is the shape introduced in the Orientalizing era: The Bullae. A pear shaped vessel used to hold perfume, its surface was decorated with repoussé and engraved symbolic figures. Yet another leitmotiv in Etruscan jewelry is the Egyptian Scarab. In ancient Egyptian cultures it symbolized luck, it increased in Vulci and Tarquinia from the last decades of the 6th century BC. In the northern city-states however, jewelry was more sober and refined pieces from Vetrulonia, for example, are decorated with minute particles known as pulviscolo. Much of the jewelry found was not worn by Etruscans, but were made to accompany them in the after world. Most, if not all, techniques of Etruscan goldsmiths were not invented by them as they are dated to the third millennium BC; these practices came to them from the distant Middle East, along with imported objects who inspired them to widen their range of jewelry.
The Etruscans perfected these techniques, in turn lead them to the stylized jewelry of the 7th and 6th centuries. These pieces are considered the peak of their abilities; some etruscologists believe that the most complete form of acquired art was that of the Etruscan jewelers. Their technical accomplishments are astonishing. From the beginning, gold workers mastered the most sophisticated of techniques, they count amongst their acquired skills: hammering relief decoration otherwise known as repoussé, filigree and granulation. All of these methods were done using basic tools. Repoussé translated means to push back in French; the technique consists of hammering the design behind the ornament with the relief on the other style. Granulation was the art of decorating smooth surfaces of gold jewelry with patterns composed of tiny granules of gold, it was invented in Mesopotamia in the third millennium BC and was subsequently introduced to Anatolia, Egypt and Mycenaean Greece. The collapse of the Bronze Age civilization brought with it the disappearance of such sophisticated arts in Greece, but they survived in the Near East and from there they were reintroduced in Greece in the 9th century and transferred to Italy during the second half of the 8th century.
Filigree is a decorative open work made from thin twisted wire in silver and gold but in other type of metals. The combination of metals was a basic technique. There is no such thing as 24 carat gold jewelry. Massive gold is the most malleable metal, it is like wax. In order to have jewelry that can pass the test of time and gravity, the Etruscans had to combine their gold with other metals; the most used metal is copper in these cases. Most Etruscan jewelry is 18 karat gold but it varies - going as low as 15 karat. While pure gold is 24 karat, 18 and 15 karat gold benefit from their alloys. 18 karat gold is much more durable and harder than 24, 15 karat is so much more durable and'hard' than 18 karat. Some jewelry of the Regolini-Galassi tomb was too. Etruscans would mold their gold and jewels into stone-carved molds. Among the jewelry found in tombs of the Archaic period were large disc earrings; the techniques here are difficult to defi
Persius, in full Aulus Persius Flaccus, was a Roman poet and satirist of Etruscan origin. In his works and satires, he shows a stoic wisdom and a strong criticism for what he considered to be the stylistic abuses of his poetic contemporaries, his works, which became popular in the Middle Ages, were published after his death by his friend and mentor, the stoic philosopher Lucius Annaeus Cornutus. According to the Life contained in the manuscripts, Persius was born into an equestrian family at Volterra, a small Etruscan city in the province of Pisa, of good stock on both parents' side; when six years old he lost his father. At the age of twelve Persius came to Rome, where he was taught by Remmius Palaemon and the rhetor Verginius Flavus. During the next four years he developed friendships with the Stoic Lucius Annaeus Cornutus, the lyric poet Caesius Bassus, the poet Lucan. Lucan would become, he became close friends with Thrasea Paetus, the husband of Arria, a relative of Persius's. He met Seneca, but was not impressed by his genius.
In his boyhood, Persius wrote a tragedy dealing with an episode in Roman history, another work on travel. Reading the satires of Lucilius made Persius want to write like him, he set to work on a book of his own satires, but he wrote and slowly. He has been described as having "a gentle disposition, girlish modesty and personal beauty", is said to have lived a life of exemplary devotion towards his mother Fulvia Sisennia, his sister and his aunt. To his mother and sister he left his considerable fortune. Cornutus suppressed all his work except the satires, to which he made some slight alterations before handing it over to Bassus for editing, it proved an immediate success. The scholia add a few details—on what authority is, as with such sources doubtful; the Life itself, though not free from the suspicion of interpolation and undoubtedly corrupt and disordered in places, is trustworthy. The manuscripts say it came from the commentary of Valerius Probus, no doubt a learned edition of Persius like those of Virgil and Horace by this same famous "grammarian" of Berytus, the poet's contemporary.
The only case in which it seems to conflict with the Satires themselves is in its statement as to the death of Persius's father. The declaiming of a suasoria in his presence implies a more mature age than that of six in the performer, but pater might here mean "stepfather," or Persius may have forgotten his own autobiography, may be reproducing one of his models. The mere fact that the Life and the Satires agree so does not of course prove the authenticity of the former. One of the points of harmony is, too subtle for us to believe that a forger evolved it from the works of Persius: the Life gives the impression of a "bookish" youth, who never strayed far from home and family; this is the picture drawn by the Satires. A keen observer of what occurs within his narrow horizon, Persius did not shy away from describing the seamy side of life the relationship between excesses of consumption and moral failure; the sensitive, homebred nature of Persius can be glimpsed in his frequent references to ridicule, whether of great men by street gamins or of the cultured by philistines.
Montaigne mentions Persius several times. The chief interest of Persius's work lies in its relation to Roman satire, in its interpretation of Roman Stoicism, in its use of the Latin tongue; the influence of Horace on Persius can, in spite of the silence of the Life, hardly have been less than that of Lucilius. Not only characters, as noted above, but whole phrases and situations come direct from him; the resemblance only emphasizes the difference between the caricaturist of Stoicism and its preacher. Persius strikes the highest note. From him we learn how that philosophy could work on minds that still preserved the depth and purity of the old Roman gravitas; some of the parallel passages in the works of Persius and Seneca are close, cannot be explained by assuming the use of a common source. Like Seneca, Persius censures the style of the day, imitates it. Indeed, in some of its worst failings, straining of expression, excess of detail, exaggeration, he outbids Seneca, whilst the obscurity, which makes his little book of not seven hundred lines so difficult to read and is in no way due to great depth of thought, compares poorly with the terse clearness of the Epistolae morales.
A curious contrast to this tendency is presented by his free use of "popular" words. As of Plato, so of Persius, we hear. Persius's satires are composed in hexameters, except for the scazons of the short prologue above referred to; the first satire censures the literary tastes of the day as a reflection of the decadence of the national morals. The theme of Seneca's
Etruscan architecture was created between about 700 BC and 200 BC, when the expanding civilization of ancient Rome absorbed Etruscan civilization. The Etruscans were considerable builders in stone and other materials of temples, houses and city walls, as well as bridges and roads; the only structures remaining in quantity in anything like their original condition are tombs and walls, but through archaeology and other sources we have a good deal of information on what once existed. From about 630 BC, Etruscan architecture was influenced by Greek architecture, itself developing through the same period. In turn it influenced Roman architecture, which in its early centuries can be considered as just a regional variation of Etruscan architecture, but from about 200 BC, the Romans looked directly to Greece for their styling, while sometimes retaining Etruscan shapes and purposes in their buildings. The main monumental forms of Etruscan architecture, listed in decreasing order of the surviving remains, were: the houses of the wealthy elite, the mysterious "monumental complexes", city walls, rock-cut tombs.
Apart from the podia of temples and some house foundations, only the walls and rock-cut tombs were in stone, have therefore largely survived. The early Etruscans seem to have worshipped in open air enclosures, marked off but not built over, it was only around 600 BC, at the height of their civilization, that they began to create monumental temples, undoubtedly influenced by the Greeks That these buildings developed from the largest types of Etruscan house has been both asserted and challenged. Only the podium or base platform used stone, with the upper parts of wood and mud-brick reducing what survives for archaeologists. However, there is evidence for the portico columns sometimes using stone, as at Veii; this has left much about Etruscan temples uncertain. The only written account of significance on their architecture is by Vitruvius, writing some two centuries after the Etruscan civilization was absorbed by Rome, he describes how to plan a "Tuscan temple" that appears to be a Roman "Etruscan-style" temple of a type still sometimes built in his own day, rather than a historically-minded attempt to describe original Etruscan buildings, though he may well have seen examples of these.
Many aspects of his description fit what archaeologists can demonstrate. It is in any case clear that Etruscan temples could take a number of forms, varied over the 400-year period during which they were being made. Nonetheless Vitruvius remains the inevitable starting point for a description, a contrast of Etruscan temples with their Greek and Roman equivalents. There are a few model temples in pottery, depictions on tombs or vases. Remains of the architectural terracotta elements sometimes survive in considerable quantities, museums in Italy, have good collections of attractively shaped and painted antefixes in particular. Vitruvius specifies three doors and three cellae, one for each of the main Etruscan deities, but archaeological remains do not suggest this was normal, though it is found. Roman sources were in the habit of ascribing to the Etruscans a taste for triads in things such as city planning, in ways that do not seem to reflect reality; the orientation of the temple is not consistent, may have been determined by a priest watching the flight of birds at the time of foundation.
The exteriors of both Greek and Roman temples were highly decorated and colourful in the entablature and roofs, this was if anything more true of Etruscan temples. When wood was used for columns, the bases and capitals were encased in painted terracotta. All the edges of the roof were decorated in brightly painted terracotta, there seem to have been a row of sculptures along the central ridge of the roof, going beyond the acroterion group above a pediment in Greek and Roman temples; the Apollo of Veii was part of an acroterion group. Substantial but broken remains of late sculptured pediment groups survive in museums, in fact rather more than from Greek or Roman temples because the terracotta was not capable of "recycling" as marble was; the groups from Luni and Talamone are among the most impressive. Features shared by typical Etruscan and Roman temples, contrasting with Greek ones, begin with a frontal approach, with great emphasis on the front facade, less on the sides, little on the back.
The podia are usually higher, can only be entered at a section of the front, just presenting a blank platform wall elsewhere. There may only be columns at the front portico. In Etruscan temples, more than Roman ones, the portico is deep representing, as Vitruvius recommends, half of the area under the roof, with multiple rows of columns. At least in temples, versions of Greek Aeolic and Corinthian capitals are found, as well as the main Tuscan order, a simpler version of the Doric, but the attention to the full Greek detailing in the entablature that the Romans pursued seems to have been lacking. Fluted Tuscan/Doric columns can be found, against Greek and Roman conventions. Etruscan architecture shared with Ancient Egyptian architecture the use of large cavetto mouldings as a cornice, though not on the same massive scale; the cavetto took the place of the Greek cymatium in many temples painted with vertical "tongue" patterns (as in the reconstructed Etruscan temple at Villa Giulia, illustrated
Servius Tullius was the legendary sixth king of Rome, the second of its Etruscan dynasty. He reigned 575–535 BC. Roman and Greek sources describe his servile origins and marriage to a daughter of Lucius Tarquinius Priscus, Rome's first Etruscan king, assassinated in 579 BC. Servius is said to have been the first Roman king to accede without election by the Senate, having gained the throne by popular support. Several traditions describe Servius' father as divine. Livy depicts Servius' mother as a captured Latin princess enslaved by the Romans; the Emperor Claudius discounted such origins and described him as an Etruscan mercenary, named Mastarna, who fought for Caelius Vibenna. Servius was a popular king, one of Rome's most significant benefactors, he had military successes against Veii and the Etruscans, expanded the city to include the Quirinal and Esquiline hills. He is traditionally credited with the institution of the Compitalia festivals, the building of temples to Fortuna and Diana and, less plausibly, the invention of Rome's first true coinage.
Despite the opposition of Rome's patricians, he expanded the Roman franchise and improved the lot and fortune of Rome's lowest classes of citizens and non-citizens. According to Livy, he reigned for 44 years, until murdered by his daughter Tullia and son-in-law Lucius Tarquinius Superbus. In consequence of this "tragic crime" and his hubristic arrogance as king, Tarquinius was removed; this cleared the way for the abolition of Rome's monarchy and the founding of the Roman Republic, whose groundwork had been laid by Servius' reforms. Before its establishment as a Republic, Rome was ruled by kings. In Roman tradition, Rome's founder Romulus was the first. Servius Tullius was the sixth, his successor Tarquinius Superbus was the last; the nature of Roman kingship is unclear. Some were native Romans, others were foreign. Romans had a complex ideological relationship with this distant past. In Republican mores and institutions kingship was abhorrent. On the one hand, Romulus was held to have brought Rome into being more-or-less at a stroke, so complete and purely Roman in its essentials that any acceptable change or reform thereafter must be clothed as restoration.
On the other, Romans of the Republic and Empire saw each king as contributing in some distinctive and novel way to the city's fabric and territories, or its social, religious, legal or political institutions. Servius Tullius has been described as Rome's "second founder", "the most complex and enigmatic" of all its kings, a kind of "proto-Republican magistrate"; the oldest surviving source for the overall political developments of the Roman kingdom and Republic is Cicero's De republica, written in 44 BC. The main literary sources for Servius' life and achievements are the Roman historian Livy, whose Ab urbe condita was accepted by the Romans as the standard, most authoritative account. Livy's sources included at least some official state records, he excluded what seemed implausible or contradictory traditions, arranged his material within an overarching chronology. Dionysius and Plutarch offer various alternatives not found in Livy, Livy's own pupil, the etruscologist and emperor Claudius, offered yet another, based on Etruscan tradition.
Most Roman sources name Servius' mother as Ocrisia, a young noblewoman taken at the Roman siege of Corniculum and brought to Rome, either pregnant by her husband, killed at the siege: or as a virgin. She was given to Tanaquil, wife of king Tarquinius, though slave, was treated with the respect due her former status. In one variant, she became wife to a noble client of Tarquinius. In others, she served the domestic rites of the royal hearth as a Vestal Virgin, on one such occasion, having damped the hearth flames with a sacrificial offering, she was penetrated by a disembodied phallus that rose from the hearth. According to Tanaquil, this was a divine manifestation, either of the household Lar or Vulcan himself, thus Servius was divinely fathered and destined for greatness, despite his mother's servile status. Servius' birth to a slave of the royal household made him part of Tarquin's extended familia. Ancient sources infer him as protégé, rather than adopted son, as he married Tarquinius' and Tanaquil's daughter, named by some sources as Gegania.
All sources agree that before his accession, either in his early childhood or members of the royal household witnessed a nimbus of fire about his head while he slept, a sign of divine favour, a great portent. He proved a responsible son-in-law; when given governmental and military responsibilities, he excelled in both. In Livy's account, Tarquinius Priscus had been elected king on the death of the previous king, Ancus Marcius, whose two sons were too young to inherit or offer themselves for election; when Servius' popularity and his marriage to Tarquinius' daughter made him a successor to the throne, these sons attempted to seize the throne for themselves. They hired two assassins, who attacked and wounded Tarquinius. Tanaquil o
Evander of Pallene
In Roman mythology, Evander was a culture hero from Arcadia, who brought the Greek pantheon and alphabet to Italy, where he founded the city of Pallantium on the future site of Rome, sixty years before the Trojan War. He instituted the festival of the Lupercalia. Evander was deified after his death and an altar was constructed to him on the Aventine Hill. In addition, mention that one of the stories about Rome is that it was an Arcadian colony and was founded by Evander. Dionysius of Halicarnassus writes that Evander was the son of Hermes and a local nymph of the Arcadians, called Themis, he mention that the writers of the early history of Rome called her, in their native language, Carmenta. Strabo writes that the Romans honour the mother of Evander, regarding her as one of the nymphs, have renamed her Carmenta. Evander wisdom was beyond that of all Arcadians, his son Pallas died childless. Dionysius of Halicarnassus mention that some writers, including Polybius of Megalopolis say that Lavinia was the daughter of Evander and had a son with Heracles, named Pallas.
Evander plays a major role in Virgil's Aeneid Books VIII-XII. Previous to the Trojan War, Evander gathered a group of natives to a city he founded in Italy near the Tiber river, which he named Pallantium. Virgil states that he named the city in honor of his Arcadian ancestor, although Pausanias and Dionysius of Halicarnassus say that Evander's birth city was Pallantium in Arcadia, after which he named the new city; the oldest tradition of its founding ascribes to Evander the erection of the Great Altar of Hercules in the Forum Boarium. In Aeneid, VIII, where Aeneas and his crew first come upon Evander and his people, they were venerating Hercules for dispatching the giant Cacus. Virgil's listeners would have related this scene to the same Great Altar of Hercules in the Forum Boarium of their own day, one detail among many in the Aeneid that Virgil used to link the heroic past of myth with the Age of Augustus. According to Virgil, Hercules was returning from Gades with Geryon's cattle when Evander entertained him.
Evander became the first to raise an altar to Hercules' heroism. This archaic altar was destroyed in the Great Fire of Rome, AD 64; because of their traditional ties, Evander aids Aeneas in his war against Turnus and the Rutuli: the Arcadian had known the father of Aeneas, before the Trojan War, shares a common ancestry through Atlas with Aeneas's family. Chisholm, Hugh, ed.. "Evander". Encyclopædia Britannica. Cambridge University Press