Moore's law is the observation that the number of transistors in a dense integrated circuit doubles about every two years. The observation is named after Gordon Moore, the co-founder of Fairchild Semiconductor and CEO of Intel, whose 1965 paper described a doubling every year in the number of components per integrated circuit and projected this rate of growth would continue for at least another decade. In 1975, looking forward to the next decade, he revised the forecast to doubling every two years; the period is quoted as 18 months because of a prediction by Intel executive David House. Moore's prediction proved accurate for several decades and has been used in the semiconductor industry to guide long-term planning and to set targets for research and development. Advancements in digital electronics are linked to Moore's law: quality-adjusted microprocessor prices, memory capacity and the number and size of pixels in digital cameras. Digital electronics has contributed to world economic growth in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries.
Moore's law describes a driving force of technological and social change and economic growth. Moore's law is an observation and projection of a historical trend and not a physical or natural law. Although the rate held steady from 1975 until around 2012, the rate was faster during the first decade. In general, it is not logically sound to extrapolate from the historical growth rate into the indefinite future. For example, the 2010 update to the International Technology Roadmap for Semiconductors predicted that growth would slow around 2013, in 2015 Gordon Moore foresaw that the rate of progress would reach saturation: "I see Moore's law dying here in the next decade or so."Intel stated in 2015 that the pace of advancement has slowed, starting at the 22 nm feature width around 2012, continuing at 14 nm. Brian Krzanich, the former CEO of Intel, announced, "Our cadence today is closer to two and a half years than two." Intel stated in 2017 that hyperscaling would be able to continue the trend of Moore's law and offset the increased cadence by aggressively scaling beyond the typical doubling of transistors.
Krzanich cited Moore's 1975 revision as a precedent for the current deceleration, which results from technical challenges and is "a natural part of the history of Moore's law". In 1959, Douglas Engelbart discussed the projected downscaling of integrated circuit size in the article "Microelectronics, the Art of Similitude". Engelbart presented his ideas at the 1960 International Solid-State Circuits Conference, where Moore was present in the audience. For the thirty-fifth anniversary issue of Electronics magazine, published on April 19, 1965, Gordon E. Moore, working as the director of research and development at Fairchild Semiconductor at the time, was asked to predict what was going to happen in the semiconductor components industry over the next ten years, his response was a brief article entitled, "Cramming more components onto integrated circuits". Within his editorial, he speculated that by 1975 it would be possible to contain as many as 65,000 components on a single quarter-inch semiconductor.
The complexity for minimum component costs has increased at a rate of a factor of two per year. Over the short term this rate can be expected to continue, if not to increase. Over the longer term, the rate of increase is a bit more uncertain, although there is no reason to believe it will not remain nearly constant for at least 10 years, his reasoning was a log-linear relationship between device time. At the 1975 IEEE International Electron Devices Meeting, Moore revised the forecast rate. Semiconductor complexity would continue to double annually until about 1980 after which it would decrease to a rate of doubling every two years, he outlined several contributing factors for this exponential behavior: die sizes were increasing at an exponential rate and as defective densities decreased, chip manufacturers could work with larger areas without losing reduction yields. Shortly after 1975, Caltech professor Carver Mead popularized the term "Moore's law". Despite a popular misconception, Moore is adamant that he did not predict a doubling "every 18 months".
Rather, David House, an Intel colleague, had factored in the increasing performance of transistors to conclude that integrated circuits would double in performance every 18 months. Moore's law came to be accepted as a goal for the industry, it was cited by competitive semiconductor manufacturers as they strove to increase processing power. Moore viewed his eponymous law as surprising and optimistic: "Moore's law is a violation of Murphy's law. Everything gets better and better." The observation was seen as a self-fulfilling prophecy. However, the rate of improvement in physical dimensions known as Dennard scaling has slowed in recent years. In April 2005, Intel offered US$10,000 to purchase a copy of the original Electronics issue in which Moore's article appeared. An engineer living in the United Kingdom was the first to offer it to Intel; as the cost of computer power to the consumer falls, the cost for producers to fulfill Moore's law follows an opposite trend: R&D, test costs have increased with each new generation of chips.
Rising manufacturing costs are an important consideration for the sustaining of Moore's law. This had led to th
Capitalism is an economic system based on the private ownership of the means of production and their operation for profit. Characteristics central to capitalism include private property, capital accumulation, wage labor, voluntary exchange, a price system, competitive markets. In a capitalist market economy, decision-making and investment are determined by every owner of wealth, property or production ability in financial and capital markets, whereas prices and the distribution of goods and services are determined by competition in goods and services markets. Economists, political economists and historians have adopted different perspectives in their analyses of capitalism and have recognized various forms of it in practice; these include welfare capitalism and state capitalism. Different forms of capitalism feature varying degrees of free markets, public ownership, obstacles to free competition and state-sanctioned social policies; the degree of competition in markets, the role of intervention and regulation, the scope of state ownership vary across different models of capitalism.
The extent to which different markets are free as well as the rules defining private property are matters of politics and policy. Most existing capitalist economies are mixed economies, which combine elements of free markets with state intervention and in some cases economic planning. Market economies have existed under many forms of government and in many different times and cultures. Modern capitalist societies—marked by a universalization of money-based social relations, a large and system-wide class of workers who must work for wages, a capitalist class which owns the means of production—developed in Western Europe in a process that led to the Industrial Revolution. Capitalist systems with varying degrees of direct government intervention have since become dominant in the Western world and continue to spread. Over time, capitalist countries have experienced consistent economic growth and an increase in the standard of living. Critics of capitalism argue that it establishes power in the hands of a minority capitalist class that exists through the exploitation of the majority working class and their labor.
Supporters argue that it provides better products and innovation through competition, disperses wealth to all productive people, promotes pluralism and decentralization of power, creates strong economic growth, yields productivity and prosperity that benefit society. The term "capitalist", meaning an owner of capital, appears earlier than the term "capitalism" and it dates back to the mid-17th century. "Capitalism" is derived from capital, which evolved from capitale, a late Latin word based on caput, meaning "head"—also the origin of "chattel" and "cattle" in the sense of movable property. Capitale emerged in the 12th to 13th centuries in the sense of referring to funds, stock of merchandise, sum of money or money carrying interest. By 1283, it was used in the sense of the capital assets of a trading firm and it was interchanged with a number of other words—wealth, funds, assets, property and so on; the Hollandische Mercurius uses "capitalists" in 1654 to refer to owners of capital. In French, Étienne Clavier referred to capitalistes in 1788, six years before its first recorded English usage by Arthur Young in his work Travels in France.
In his Principles of Political Economy and Taxation, David Ricardo referred to "the capitalist" many times. Samuel Taylor Coleridge, an English poet, used "capitalist" in his work Table Talk. Pierre-Joseph Proudhon used the term "capitalist" in his first work, What is Property?, to refer to the owners of capital. Benjamin Disraeli used the term "capitalist" in his 1845 work Sybil; the initial usage of the term "capitalism" in its modern sense has been attributed to Louis Blanc in 1850 and Pierre-Joseph Proudhon in 1861. Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels referred to the "capitalistic system" and to the "capitalist mode of production" in Capital; the use of the word "capitalism" in reference to an economic system appears twice in Volume I of Capital, p. 124 and in Theories of Surplus Value, tome II, p. 493. Marx did not extensively use the form capitalism, but instead those of capitalist and capitalist mode of production, which appear more than 2,600 times in the trilogy The Capital. According to the Oxford English Dictionary, the term "capitalism" first appeared in English in 1854 in the novel The Newcomes by novelist William Makepeace Thackeray, where he meant "having ownership of capital".
According to the OED, Carl Adolph Douai, a German American socialist and abolitionist, used the phrase "private capitalism" in 1863. Capitalism in its modern form can be traced to the emergence of agrarian capitalism and mercantilism in the early Renaissance, in city states like Florence. Capital has existed incipiently on a small scale for centuries in the form of merchant and lending activities and as small-scale industry with some wage labour. Simple commodity exchange and simple commodity production, which are the initial basis for the growth of capital from trade, have a long history. Classical Islam promulgated capitalist economic policies such as free banking, their use of Indo-Arabic
Murphy's law is an adage or epigram, stated as: "Anything that can go wrong will go wrong". The perceived perversity of the universe has long been a subject of comment, precursors to the modern version of Murphy's law are not hard to find; the concept may be as old as humanity. Recent significant research in this area has been conducted by members of the American Dialect Society. Society member Stephen Goranson has found a version of the law, not yet generalized or bearing that name, in a report by Alfred Holt at an 1877 meeting of an engineering society, it is found that anything that can go wrong at sea does go wrong sooner or so it is not to be wondered that owners prefer the safe to the scientific.... Sufficient stress can hardly be laid on the advantages of simplicity; the human factor cannot be safely neglected in planning machinery. If attention is to be obtained, the engine must be such that the engineer will be disposed to attend to it. Mathematician Augustus De Morgan wrote on June 23, 1866: "The first experiment illustrates a truth of the theory, well confirmed by practice, what-ever can happen will happen if we make trials enough."
In publications "whatever can happen will happen" is termed "Murphy's law," which raises the possibility—if something went wrong—that "Murphy" is "De Morgan" misremembered. American Dialect Society member Bill Mullins has found a broader version of the aphorism in reference to stage magic; the British stage magician Nevil Maskelyne wrote in 1908: It is an experience common to all men to find that, on any special occasion, such as the production of a magical effect for the first time in public, everything that can go wrong will go wrong. Whether we must attribute this to the malignity of matter or to the total depravity of inanimate things, whether the exciting cause is hurry, worry, or what not, the fact remains. In 1948, humorist Paul Jennings coined the term resistentialism, a jocular play on resistance and existentialism, to describe "seemingly spiteful behavior manifested by inanimate objects", where objects that cause problems are said to exhibit a high degree of malice toward humans.
The contemporary form of Murphy's law goes back as far as 1952, as an epigraph to a mountaineering book by John Sack, who described it as an "ancient mountaineering adage": Anything that can go wrong, does. According to the book A History of Murphy's Law by author Nick T. Spark, differing recollections years by various participants make it impossible to pinpoint who first coined the saying Murphy's law; the law's name stems from an attempt to use new measurement devices developed by Edward Murphy. The phrase was coined in adverse reaction to something Murphy said when his devices failed to perform and was cast into its present form prior to a press conference some months — the first given by Dr. John Stapp, a U. S. Air Force colonel and Flight Surgeon in the 1950s; these conflicts were unreported until Spark researched the matter. His book expands upon and documents an original four part article published in 2003 on the controversy: Why Everything You Know About Murphy's Law is Wrong. From 1948 to 1949, Stapp headed research project MX981 at Muroc Army Air Field for the purpose of testing the human tolerance for g-forces during rapid deceleration.
The tests used a rocket sled mounted on a railroad track with a series of hydraulic brakes at the end. Initial tests used a humanoid crash test dummy strapped to a seat on the sled, but subsequent tests were performed by Stapp, at that time an Air Force captain. During the tests, questions were raised about the accuracy of the instrumentation used to measure the g-forces Captain Stapp was experiencing. Edward Murphy proposed using electronic strain gauges attached to the restraining clamps of Stapp's harness to measure the force exerted on them by his rapid deceleration. Murphy was engaged in supporting similar research using high speed centrifuges to generate g-forces. Murphy's assistant wired the harness, a trial was run using a chimpanzee; the sensors provided a zero reading. It was at this point that a disgusted Murphy made his pronouncement, despite being offered the time and chance to calibrate and test the sensor installation prior to the test proper, which he declined somewhat irritably, getting off on the wrong foot with the MX981 team.
In an interview conducted by Nick Spark, George Nichols, another engineer, present, stated that Murphy blamed the failure on his assistant after the failed test, saying, "If that guy has any way of making a mistake, he will." Nichols' account is that "Murphy's law" came about through conversation among the other members of the team. Others, including Edward Murphy's surviving son Robert Murphy, deny Nichols' account, claim that the phrase did originate with Edward Murphy. According to Robert Murphy's account, his father's statement was along the lines of "If there's more than one way to do a job, one of those ways will result in disaster he will do it that way." The phrase first received public attention during a press conference in which Stapp was asked how it was that nobody had been injured during the rocket sled tests. Stapp replied.
Morality is the differentiation of intentions and actions between those that are distinguished as proper and those that are improper. Morality can be a body of standards or principles derived from a code of conduct from a particular philosophy, religion or culture, or it can derive from a standard that a person believes should be universal. Morality may be synonymous with "goodness" or "rightness". Moral philosophy includes metaethics, which studies abstract issues such as moral ontology and moral epistemology, normative ethics, which studies more concrete systems of moral decision-making such as deontological ethics and consequentialism. An example of normative ethical philosophy is the Golden Rule, which states that: "One should treat others as one would like others to treat oneself."Immorality is the active opposition to morality, while amorality is variously defined as an unawareness of, indifference toward, or disbelief in any particular set of moral standards or principles. Ethics is the branch of philosophy.
The word "ethics" is "commonly used interchangeably with'morality,' and sometimes it is used more narrowly to mean the moral principles of a particular tradition, group, or individual." Certain types of ethical theories deontological ethics, sometimes distinguish between ethics and morals: "Although the morality of people and their ethics amounts to the same thing, there is a usage that restricts morality to systems such as that of Immanuel Kant, based on notions such as duty and principles of conduct, reserving ethics for the more Aristotelian approach to practical reasoning, based on the notion of a virtue, avoiding the separation of'moral' considerations from other practical considerations." In its descriptive sense, "morality" refers to personal or cultural values, codes of conduct or social mores from a society that provides these codes of conduct in which it applies and is accepted by an individual. It does not connote objective claims of right or wrong, but only refers to that, considered right or wrong.
Descriptive ethics is the branch of philosophy. In its normative sense, "morality" refers to whatever is right or wrong, which may be independent of the values or mores held by any particular peoples or cultures. Normative ethics is the branch of philosophy. Philosophical theories on the nature and origins of morality are broadly divided into two classes: Moral realism is the class of theories which hold that there are true moral statements that report objective moral facts. For example, while they might concede that forces of social conformity shape individuals' "moral" decisions, they deny that those cultural norms and customs define morally right behavior; this may be the philosophical view propounded by ethical naturalists, however not all moral realists accept that position. Moral anti-realism, on the other hand, holds that moral statements either fail or do not attempt to report objective moral facts. Instead, they hold that moral sentences are either categorically false claims of objective moral facts.
Some forms of non-cognitivism and ethical subjectivism, while considered anti-realist in the robust sense used here, are considered realist in the sense synonymous with moral universalism. For example, universal prescriptivism is a universalist form of non-cognitivism which claims that morality is derived from reasoning about implied imperatives, divine command theory and ideal observer theory are universalist forms of ethical subjectivism which claim that morality is derived from the edicts of a god or the hypothetical decrees of a rational being, respectively. Celia Green made a distinction between territorial morality, she characterizes the latter as predominantly negative and proscriptive: it defines a person's territory, including his or her property and dependents, not to be damaged or interfered with. Apart from these proscriptions, territorial morality is permissive, allowing the individual whatever behaviour does not interfere with the territory of another. By contrast, tribal morality is prescriptive, imposing the norms of the collective on the individual.
These norms will be arbitrary, culturally dependent and'flexible', whereas territorial morality aims at rules which are universal and absolute, such as Kant's'categorical imperative' and Geisler's graded absolutism. Green relates the development of territorial morality to the rise of the concept of private property, the ascendancy of contract over status; some observers hold that individuals apply distinct sets of moral rules to people depending on their membership of an "in-group" or an "out-group". Some biologists and evolutionary psychologists believe this in-group/out-group discrimination has evolved because it enhances group survival; this belief has been confirmed by simple computational models of evolution. In simulations this discrimination can result in both unexpected cooperation towards the in-group and irrational hostility towards the out-group. Gary R. Johnson and V. S. Falger have argued that nationalism an
The Internet is the global system of interconnected computer networks that use the Internet protocol suite to link devices worldwide. It is a network of networks that consists of private, academic and government networks of local to global scope, linked by a broad array of electronic and optical networking technologies; the Internet carries a vast range of information resources and services, such as the inter-linked hypertext documents and applications of the World Wide Web, electronic mail and file sharing. Some publications no longer capitalize "internet"; the origins of the Internet date back to research commissioned by the federal government of the United States in the 1960s to build robust, fault-tolerant communication with computer networks. The primary precursor network, the ARPANET served as a backbone for interconnection of regional academic and military networks in the 1980s; the funding of the National Science Foundation Network as a new backbone in the 1980s, as well as private funding for other commercial extensions, led to worldwide participation in the development of new networking technologies, the merger of many networks.
The linking of commercial networks and enterprises by the early 1990s marked the beginning of the transition to the modern Internet, generated a sustained exponential growth as generations of institutional and mobile computers were connected to the network. Although the Internet was used by academia since the 1980s, commercialization incorporated its services and technologies into every aspect of modern life. Most traditional communication media, including telephony, television, paper mail and newspapers are reshaped, redefined, or bypassed by the Internet, giving birth to new services such as email, Internet telephony, Internet television, online music, digital newspapers, video streaming websites. Newspaper and other print publishing are adapting to website technology, or are reshaped into blogging, web feeds and online news aggregators; the Internet has enabled and accelerated new forms of personal interactions through instant messaging, Internet forums, social networking. Online shopping has grown exponentially both for major retailers and small businesses and entrepreneurs, as it enables firms to extend their "brick and mortar" presence to serve a larger market or sell goods and services online.
Business-to-business and financial services on the Internet affect supply chains across entire industries. The Internet has no single centralized governance in either technological implementation or policies for access and usage; the overreaching definitions of the two principal name spaces in the Internet, the Internet Protocol address space and the Domain Name System, are directed by a maintainer organization, the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers. The technical underpinning and standardization of the core protocols is an activity of the Internet Engineering Task Force, a non-profit organization of loosely affiliated international participants that anyone may associate with by contributing technical expertise. In November 2006, the Internet was included on USA Today's list of New Seven Wonders; when the term Internet is used to refer to the specific global system of interconnected Internet Protocol networks, the word is a proper noun that should be written with an initial capital letter.
In common use and the media, it is erroneously not capitalized, viz. the internet. Some guides specify that the word should be capitalized when used as a noun, but not capitalized when used as an adjective; the Internet is often referred to as the Net, as a short form of network. As early as 1849, the word internetted was used uncapitalized as an adjective, meaning interconnected or interwoven; the designers of early computer networks used internet both as a noun and as a verb in shorthand form of internetwork or internetworking, meaning interconnecting computer networks. The terms Internet and World Wide Web are used interchangeably in everyday speech. However, the World Wide Web or the Web is only one of a large number of Internet services; the Web is a collection of interconnected documents and other web resources, linked by hyperlinks and URLs. As another point of comparison, Hypertext Transfer Protocol, or HTTP, is the language used on the Web for information transfer, yet it is just one of many languages or protocols that can be used for communication on the Internet.
The term Interweb is a portmanteau of Internet and World Wide Web used sarcastically to parody a technically unsavvy user. Research into packet switching, one of the fundamental Internet technologies, started in the early 1960s in the work of Paul Baran and Donald Davies. Packet-switched networks such as the NPL network, ARPANET, the Merit Network, CYCLADES, Telenet were developed in the late 1960s and early 1970s; the ARPANET project led to the development of protocols for internetworking, by which multiple separate networks could be joined into a network of networks. ARPANET development began with two network nodes which were interconnected between the Network Measurement Center at the University of California, Los Angeles Henry Samueli School of Engineering and Applied Science directed by Leonard Kleinrock, the NLS system at SRI International by Douglas Engelbart in Menlo Park, California, on 29 October 1969; the third site was the Culler-Fried Interactive Mathematics Center at the University of California, Santa Barbara, followed by the University of
In mathematics, a theorem is a statement, proven on the basis of established statements, such as other theorems, accepted statements, such as axioms. A theorem is a logical consequence of the axioms; the proof of a mathematical theorem is a logical argument for the theorem statement given in accord with the rules of a deductive system. The proof of a theorem is interpreted as justification of the truth of the theorem statement. In light of the requirement that theorems be proved, the concept of a theorem is fundamentally deductive, in contrast to the notion of a scientific law, experimental. Many mathematical theorems are conditional statements. In this case, the proof deduces the conclusion from conditions called premises. In light of the interpretation of proof as justification of truth, the conclusion is viewed as a necessary consequence of the hypotheses, that the conclusion is true in case the hypotheses are true, without any further assumptions. However, the conditional could be interpreted differently in certain deductive systems, depending on the meanings assigned to the derivation rules and the conditional symbol.
Although they can be written in a symbolic form, for example, within the propositional calculus, theorems are expressed in a natural language such as English. The same is true of proofs, which are expressed as logically organized and worded informal arguments, intended to convince readers of the truth of the statement of the theorem beyond any doubt, from which a formal symbolic proof can in principle be constructed; such arguments are easier to check than purely symbolic ones—indeed, many mathematicians would express a preference for a proof that not only demonstrates the validity of a theorem, but explains in some way why it is true. In some cases, a picture alone may be sufficient to prove a theorem; because theorems lie at the core of mathematics, they are central to its aesthetics. Theorems are described as being "trivial", or "difficult", or "deep", or "beautiful"; these subjective judgments vary not only from person to person, but with time: for example, as a proof is simplified or better understood, a theorem, once difficult may become trivial.
On the other hand, a deep theorem may be stated but its proof may involve surprising and subtle connections between disparate areas of mathematics. Fermat's Last Theorem is a well-known example of such a theorem. Logically, many theorems are of the form of an indicative conditional: if A B; such a theorem does not assert B, only that B is a necessary consequence of A. In this case A is called B the conclusion; the theorem "If n is an natural number n/2 is a natural number" is a typical example in which the hypothesis is "n is an natural number" and the conclusion is "n/2 is a natural number". To be proved, a theorem must be expressible as a formal statement. Theorems are expressed in natural language rather than in a symbolic form, with the intention that the reader can produce a formal statement from the informal one, it is common in mathematics to choose a number of hypotheses within a given language and declare that the theory consists of all statements provable from these hypotheses. These hypotheses are called axioms or postulates.
The field of mathematics known as proof theory studies formal languages and the structure of proofs. Some theorems are "trivial", in the sense that they follow from definitions and other theorems in obvious ways and do not contain any surprising insights. Some, on the other hand, may be called "deep", because their proofs may be long and difficult, involve areas of mathematics superficially distinct from the statement of the theorem itself, or show surprising connections between disparate areas of mathematics. A theorem might be simple to state and yet be deep. An excellent example is Fermat's Last Theorem, there are many other examples of simple yet deep theorems in number theory and combinatorics, among other areas. Other theorems have a known proof that cannot be written down; the most prominent examples are the Kepler conjecture. Both of these theorems are only known to be true by reducing them to a computational search, verified by a computer program. Many mathematicians did not accept this form of proof, but it has become more accepted.
The mathematician Doron Zeilberger has gone so far as to claim that these are the only nontrivial results that mathematicians have proved. Many mathematical theorems can be reduced to more straightforward computation, including polynomial identities, trigonometric identities and hypergeometric identities. To establish a mathematical statement as a theorem, a proof is required, that is, a line of reasoning from axioms in the system to the given statement must be demonstrated. However, the proof is considered as separate from the theorem statement. Although more than one proof may be known for a single theorem, only one proof is required to establish the status of a statement as a theorem; the Pythagorean theorem and the law of quadratic reciprocity are contenders for the title of theorem with the greatest number of distinct proofs. Theorems in mathematics and theories in science are fundamentally different in their epistemology. A scientific theory cannot be proved.
Thomas Robert Malthus
Thomas Robert Malthus was an English cleric and scholar, influential in the fields of political economy and demography. Malthus himself used only Robert. In his 1798 book An Essay on the Principle of Population, Malthus observed that an increase in a nation's food production improved the well-being of the populace, but the improvement was temporary because it led to population growth, which in turn restored the original per capita production level. In other words, mankind had a propensity to utilize abundance for population growth rather than for maintaining a high standard of living, a view that has become known as the "Malthusian trap" or the "Malthusian spectre". Populations had a tendency to grow until the lower class suffered hardship and greater susceptibility to famine and disease, a view, sometimes referred to as a Malthusian catastrophe. Malthus wrote in opposition to the popular view in 18th-century Europe that saw society as improving and in principle as perfectible, he saw population growth as being inevitable whenever conditions improved, thereby precluding real progress towards a utopian society: "The power of population is indefinitely greater than the power in the earth to produce subsistence for man".
As an Anglican cleric, Malthus saw this situation as divinely imposed to teach virtuous behaviour. Malthus wrote: That the increase of population is limited by the means of subsistence,That population does invariably increase when the means of subsistence increase, and,That the superior power of population is repressed by moral restraint and misery. Malthus criticized the Poor Laws for leading to inflation rather than improving the well-being of the poor, he supported taxes on grain imports, because food security was more important than maximizing wealth. His views became influential, controversial, across economic, political and scientific thought. Pioneers of evolutionary biology read him, notably Alfred Russel Wallace, he remains a much-debated writer. The sixth child of Henrietta Catherine and Daniel Malthus, Robert Malthus grew up in The Rookery, a country house in Westcott, near Dorking in Surrey. Thomas was bullied from webbed feet; this sparked his controversial ideas about eugenics. Petersen describes Daniel Malthus as "a gentleman of good family and independent means... a friend of David Hume and Jean-Jacques Rousseau".
The young Malthus received his education at home in Bramcote, at the Warrington Academy from 1782. Warrington was a dissenting academy, which closed in 1783. Malthus entered Jesus College, Cambridge in 1784. While there he took prizes in English declamation and Greek, graduated with honours, Ninth Wrangler in mathematics, his tutor was William Frend. He took the MA degree in 1791, was elected a Fellow of Jesus College two years later. In 1789, he took orders in the Church of England, became a curate at Oakwood Chapel in the parish of Wotton, Surrey. Malthus came to prominence for his 1798 essay on population growth. In it, he argued that population multiplies food arithmetically. Between 1798 and 1826 he published six editions of An Essay on the Principle of Population, updating each edition to incorporate new material, to address criticism, to convey changes in his own perspectives on the subject, he wrote the original text in reaction to the optimism of his father and his father's associates regarding the future improvement of society.
Malthus constructed his case as a specific response to writings of William Godwin and of the Marquis de Condorcet. The Essay gave rise to the Malthusian controversy during the next decades; the content saw an emphasis on marriage rates. The neo-Malthusian controversy, or related debates of many years has seen a similar central role assigned to the numbers of children born. In 1799 Malthus made a European tour with William Otter, a close college friend, travelling part of the way with Edward Daniel Clarke and John Marten Cripps, visiting Germany and Russia. Malthus used the trip to gather population data. Otter wrote a Memoir of Malthus for the second edition of his Principles of Political Economy. During the Peace of Amiens of 1802 he travelled to France and Switzerland, in a party that included his relation and future wife Harriet. In 1803 he became rector of Lincolnshire. In 1805 Malthus became Professor of History and Political Economy at the East India Company College in Hertfordshire, his students affectionately referred to him as "Population", or "web-toe" Malthus.
At the end of 1817 the proposed appointment of Graves Champney Haughton to the College was made a pretext by Randle Jackson and Joseph Hume to launch an attempt to close it down. Malthus wrote a pamphlet defending the College, reprieved by the East India Company in 1817. In 1818 Malthus became a Fellow of the Royal Society. During the 1820s there took place a setpiece intellectual discussion within the proponents of political economy called the "Malthus–Ricardo debate", after the leading figures of Malthus and David Ricardo, a theorist of free trade, both of whom had written books with the title Principles of Political Economy. Under examination were the nature and methods of political economy itself, while it was under attack from others; the roots of the debate were in the previous decade. In The Nature of Rent, Malthus had dealt wit