Clarín (Argentine newspaper)
Clarín is the largest newspaper in Argentina, published by the Grupo Clarín media group. It was founded by Roberto Noble on 28 August 1945 in Buenos Aires, its director since 1969 was Ernestina Herrera de Noble. Clarín is part of Periódicos Asociados Latinoamericanos, an organization of fourteen leading newspapers in South America. Clarín was created by Roberto Noble, former minister of the Buenos Aires Province, on 28 August 1945, it was one of the first Argentine newspapers published in tabloid format. It became the highest sold Argentine newspaper in 1965, the highest sold Spanish-speaking newspaper in 1985, it was the first Argentine newspaper to sell a magazine with the Sunday edition, since 1967. In 1969, the news were split into several supplements by topic. In 1976, high colour printing was benefited by the creation of AGR. For many years the Argentine author Horacio Estol was the New York correspondent of Clarin, writing about aspects of US life of interest to Argentines. Roberto Noble died in 1969, his widow Ernestina Herrera de Noble succeeded him as director.
The newspaper bought Papel Prensa in 1977, together with La Razón. In 1982, it joined a group of 20 other newspapers to create the "Diarios y Noticias" informative agency; the Sunday magazine was renamed in 1994 to a name that would last up to modern day. The newspaper started a media conglomerate in 1999 after a law reformation which allows it to collect many different media supports, that would be named after the newspaper, Grupo Clarín; this conglomerate would operate in radio, Internet, other newspapers and other areas beyond Clarín itself. On 27 December 1999, The Clarín Group and Goldman Sachs, an American investment firm, subscribed an investment agreement where the consortium, managed by Goldman Sachs, made a direct investment in Clarín Group; the operation implied an increase of capital to the Clarin Group and the incorporation of Goldman Sachs as minority partner, with a participation of 18% of the stocks. Clarín launched clarin.com, the website for the newspaper, in March 1996. The site served nearly 6 million unique visitors daily in Argentina in April 2011, making it the fifth most visited website in the country that month and the most visited of any website based in Argentina itself.
There was a conflict between the government of Fernández de Kirchner and the Clarín Group from 2008 until 2015 over a variety of issues. The Clarín Group is the biggest media holding in Argentina, not only publishes the Clarín newspaper but owns the country major cable operator Cablevisión, a major commercial broadcast television Canal 13, a number of cable networks, hundreds of radio licenses. Clarín prints and distributes around 330,000 copies throughout the country, but by 2012, circulation had declined to 270,444 copies and Clarín accounted for nearly 21 percent of Argentine newspaper market, compared to 35 percent in 1983. Clarín has a 44 percent market share in Buenos Aires. According to third-party web analytics providers Alexa and SimilarWeb, Clarín's website is the 10th and 14th most visited in Argentina as of August 2015. SimilarWeb rates the site as the 3rd most visited news website in Argentina, attracting 32 million visitors per month. Clarín Awards clarín.com Grupo Clarin The Holding Clarín's Profile Info America El Trece Gran DT
Juan Hipólito del Sagrado Corazón de Jesús Yrigoyen was a two-time President of Argentina who served his first term from 1916 to 1922 and his second term from 1928 to 1930. His activism became the prime impetus behind the obtainment of universal suffrage in Argentina in 1912. Known as "the father of the poor," Yrigoyen presided over a rise in the standard of living of Argentina's working class together with the passage of a number of progressive social reforms, including improvements in factory conditions, regulation of working hours, compulsory pensions, the introduction of a universally accessible public education system, he was worked as a school teacher before entering politics. In 1882 he became a Freemason. In 1891 he co-founded the Radical Civic Union together with Leandro Alem. Yrigoyen was popularly known as "el peludo" due to his introverted character and aversion to being seen in public. Following Alem's suicide in 1896, Yrigoyen assumed sole leadership of the Radical Civic Union, it adopted a policy of intransigence, a position of total opposition to the regime known as "The Agreement".
Established by electoral fraud, this was an agreed formula among the political parties of that time for alternating in power. The Radical Civic Union took up arms in 1893 and again in 1905. However, Yrigoyen adopted a policy of nonviolence, pursuing instead the strategy of "revolutionary abstention", a total boycott of all polls until 1912, when President Roque Sáenz Peña was forced to agree to the passage of the Sáenz Peña Law, which established secret and compulsory male suffrage. Yrigoyen was elected President of Argentina in 1916, he found himself hemmed in, however, as the Argentine Senate was appointed by the legislatures of the provinces, most of which were controlled by the opposition. Several times, Yrigoyen resorted to federal intervention in numerous provinces by declaring a state of emergency, removing willful governors, deepening the confrontation with the landed establishment. Yrigoyen was popular, among middle and working class voters, who felt integrated for the first time in political process, the Argentinian economy prospered under his leadership.
Yrigoyen preserved Argentine neutrality during World War I, which turned out to be a boon, owing to higher beef prices and the opening up of many new markets to Argentina's primary exports. Yrigoyen promoted energy independence for the growing country, obtaining Congressional support for the establishment of the YPF state oil concern, appointing as its first director General Enrique Mosconi, the most prominent advocate for industrialization in the Argentine military at the time. Generous credit and subsidies were extended to small farmers, while Yrigoyen settled wage disputes in favour of the unions. Following four years of recession caused by war-related shortages of credit and supplies, the Argentine economy experienced significant economic growth, expanding by over 40% from 1917 to 1922. Argentina was known as "the granary of the world", its gross domestic product per capita placing it among the wealthiest nations on earth. Yrigoyen expanded the bureaucracy and increased public spending to support his urban constituents following an economic crisis in 1919, although the rise in urban living standards was gained at the cost of higher inflation, which adversely affected the export economy.
Constitutionally barred from re-election, Yrigoyen was succeeded by Marcelo Torcuato de Alvear. On the expiration of Alvear's term in 1928, Yrigoyen was overwhelmingly elected President for the second time. In December of that year, U. S. President-elect Herbert Hoover visited Argentina on a goodwill tour, meeting with President Yrigoyen on policies regarding trade and tariffs. Radical anarchist elements attempted to assassinate Hoover by attempting to place a bomb near his rail car, but the bomber was arrested before he could complete his work. President Yrigoyen accompanied Hoover thereafter as a personal guarantee of safety until he left the country. In his late seventies, he found himself surrounded by aides who censored his access to news reports, hiding from him the reality of the effects of the Great Depression, which hit towards the end of 1929. On 24 December of this year he survived an assassination attempt. Fascist and conservative sectors of the army plotted for a regime change, as did Standard Oil of New Jersey, who opposed both the president's efforts to curb oil smuggling from Salta Province to Bolivia, as well as the existence of YPF itself.
On 6 September 1930, Yrigoyen was deposed in a military coup led by General José Félix Uriburu. This was the first military coup since the adoption of the Argentine constitution. After the coup d'état Enrique Pérez Colman, Minister of Finance in the Yrigoyen cabinet; the new government of Uriburu adopted the most severe measures to prevent reprisals and counter-revolutionary tactics by friends of the ousted administration of ex–President Yrigoyen. The aforementioned Yrigoyenist personalities were released. After his overthrow, Yrigoyen was placed under house arrest and confined several times to Martín García Island, he was buried in La Recoleta Cemetery. Media related to Hipólito Yrigoyen at Wikimedia Commons Newspaper clippings about Hipólito Yrigoyen in the 20th Century Press Archives of the German National Library of Economics
Buenos Aires Province
Buenos Aires is the largest and most populous Argentinian province. It takes the name from the city of Buenos Aires, which used to be part of the province and the provincial capital until it was federalized in 1880. Since in spite of bearing the same name, the province does not include the national capital city proper, though it does include all other localities of the Greater Buenos Aires metropolitan area surrounding it; the current capital of the province is the city of La Plata, founded in 1882. The province is the only within the whole Argentina to be divided into partidos and furtherly into localidades, borders the provinces of Entre Ríos to the northeast. Uruguay is just near the Atlantic Ocean to the east; the entire province is part of the Pampas geographical region. The province has a population of 39 % of Argentina's total population. Nearly 10 million people live in Greater Buenos Aires; the area of the province, 307,571 km2, makes it the largest in Argentina with around 11% of the country's total area.
The inhabitants of the province before the 16th century advent of Spanish colonisation were aboriginal peoples such as the Charrúas and the Querandíes. Their culture was lost over the next 350 years, they were subjected to Eurasian plagues from. The survivors joined other tribes or have been absorbed by Argentina's European ethnic majority. Pedro de Mendoza founded Santa María del Buen Ayre in 1536. Though the first contact with the aboriginals was peaceful, it soon became hostile; the city was evacuated in 1541. Juan de Garay re-founded the settlement in 1580 as Santísima Trinidad y Puerto Santa María de los Buenos Aires. Amidst ongoing conflict with the aboriginals, the cattle farms extended from Buenos Aires, whose port was always the centre of the economy of the territory. Following the creation of the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata at the end of the 18th century, the export of meat and their derivatives through the port of Buenos Aires was the basis of the economic development of the region.
Jesuits unsuccessfully tried to peacefully assimilate the aboriginals into the European culture brought by the Spanish conquistadores. A certain balance was found at the end of the 18th century, when the Salado River became the limit between both civilizations, despite frequent malones; the end to this situation came in 1879 with the Conquest of the Desert in which the aboriginals were completely exterminated. After the independence from Spain in 1816, the city and province of Buenos Aires became the focus of an intermittent Argentine Civil War with other provinces. A Federal Pact secured by Governor Juan Manuel de Rosas in 1831 led to the establishment of the Argentine Confederation and to his gaining the sum of public power, which provided a tenuous unity. Ongoing disputes regarding the influence of Buenos Aires, between Federalists and Unitarians, over the Port of Buenos Aires fueled periodic hostilities; the province was declared independent on September 1852, as the State of Buenos Aires.
Concessions gained in the 1859 Pact of San José de Flores and a victory at the Battle of Pavón led to its reincorporation into the Argentine Republic on December 17, 1861. Intermittent conflicts with the nation did not cease until 1880, when the city of Buenos Aires was formally federalized and, administratively separated from the province. La Plata was founded in 1882 by Governor Dardo Rocha for the purpose of becoming the provincial capital; the equivalent of a billion dollars of British investment and pro-development and immigration policies pursued at the national level subsequently spurred dramatic economic growth. Driven by European immigration and improved health, the province's population, like Argentina's, nearly doubled to one million by 1895 and doubled again by 1914. Rail lines connected nearly every town and hamlet in the province by 1914; this era of accelerated development was cut short by the Wall Street Crash of 1929, which caused a sharp drop in commodity prices and led to a halt in the flow of investment funds between nations.
The new Concordance and Perón governments funded ambitious lending and public works programs, visible in Buenos Aires Province through the panoply of levees, power plants, water works, paved roads, municipal buildings, schools and massive regional hospitals. The province's population, after 1930, began to grow disproportionately in the suburban areas of Buenos Aires; these suburbs had grown to include 4 million out of the province's total 7 million people in 1960. Much of the area these new suburbs were developed on consisted of wetlands and were prone to flooding. To address this, Governor Oscar Alende initiated the province's most important flood-control project to date, the Roggero Reservoir. Completed a decade in 1971, the reservoir and associated electric and water-treatment facilities encouraged still more, more orderly, development of the Greater Buenos Aires region, which today includes around 10 million people, it did not address worsening pollution resulting from the area's industrial growth, which had made itself evident since aroun
Radical Civic Union
The Radical Civic Union is a centrist social-liberal political party in Argentina. The party has been ideologically heterogeneous; the UCR is a member of the Socialist International. Founded in 1891 by radical liberals, it is the oldest political party active in Argentina after the Liberal Party of Corrientes. For many years the party was either in opposition to Peronist governments or illegal during military rule; the UCR's main support comes from the middle class. Throughout its history the party has stood for free elections, supremacy of civilians over the military and liberal democratic values. During the 1970s and 1980s it was perceived as a strong advocate for human rights. By May 2014, the UCR had 14 Senators; the party was a breakaway from the Civic Union, led by Bartolomé Mitre and Leandro Alem. The term'radical' in the party's name referred to its demand for universal male suffrage, considered radical at the time, when Argentina was ruled by an exclusive oligarchy and government power was allocated behind closed doors.
The party unsuccessfully led an attempt to force the early departure of President Miguel Juárez Celman in the Revolution of the Park. A compromise was reached with Juárez Celman's government. Hardliners who opposed this agreement founded the current UCR, led by Alem's nephew, the young and charismatic Hipólito Yrigoyen. In 1893 and 1905 the party led unsuccessful revolutions to overthrow the government. With the introduction of free and confidential voting in elections based on universal adult male suffrage in 1912 the Party managed to win the general elections of 1916, when Hipólito Yrigoyen became president; as well as backing more popular participation, UCR's platform included promises to tackle the country's social problems and eradicate poverty. Yrigoyen's presidency however turned out to be rather dictatorial; the Radical Civic Union remained in power during the next 14 years: Yrigoyen was succeeded by Marcelo T. de Alvear in 1922 and again by himself in 1928. The first coup in Argentina's modern history occurred on September 6, 1930 and ousted an aging Yrigoyen amid an economic crisis resulting from the United States' Great Depression.
From 1930 to 1958 the Radical Civic Union was confined to be the main opposition party, either to the Conservatives and the military during the 1930s and the early 1940s or to the Peronists during the late 1940s and early 1950s. It was only in 1958 that a faction of the party allied with banned Peronists came back to power, led by Arturo Frondizi; the growing tolerance of Frondizi towards his Peronist allies provoked unrest in the army, which ousted the president in March 1962. After a brief military government, presidential elections took place in 1963 with the Peronist Party banned; the outcome saw the candidate of the People's Radical Civic Union Arturo Illia coming first but with only 25% of the votes. Although Argentina experienced during Illia's presidency one of the most successful periods of history in terms of economic performance, the president was ousted by the army in June 1966. Illia's peaceful and ordered style of governing — sometimes considered too "slow" and "boring" - was being criticized at the time.
During the 1970s Peronist government, the Radical Civic Union was the second-most supported party, but this didn't grant the party the role of being the political opposition. In fact, the Peronist government's most important criticisms came from the same Peronist Party; the UCR's leader in those times, Ricardo Balbín, saluted Peron's coffin with the famous sentence "This old adversary salutes a great friend", thus marking the end of the Peronist-radical rivalry that had marked the pace of the Argentine political scene until then. The growing fight between left-wing and right-wing Peronists took the country into chaos and many UCR members were targeted by both factions; the subsequent coup in 1976 ended Peronist rule. During the military regime many members of the UCR were "disappeared", as were members of other parties. Between 1983 and 1989 its leader, Raúl Ricardo Alfonsín, was the first democratically elected president after the military dictatorship headed by generals such as Jorge Videla, Leopoldo Galtieri and Reynaldo Bignone.
Alfonsín was succeeded by Carlos Saúl Menem of the Peronist Justicialist Party. In 1997 the UCR participated in elections in coalition with Front for a Country in Solidarity, itself an alliance of many smaller parties; this strategy brought Fernando de la Rúa to the presidency in the 1999 elections. During major riots triggered by economic reforms implemented by the UCR government, President de la Rúa resigned and fled the country to prevent further turmoil. After three consecutive acting presidents assumed and resigned their duties in the following weeks, Eduardo Duhalde of the PJ took office until new elections could be held. After the 2001 legislative elections it became the second-largest party in the federal Chamber of Deputies, winning 71 of 257 seats, it campaigned in an alliance with the smaller, more leftist FREPASO. The party has subsequently declined markedly and its candidate for President in 2003 gained just 2.34% of the vote, beaten by three Peronis
A statue is a free-standing sculpture in which the realistic, full-length figures of persons or animals or non-representational forms are carved in a durable material like wood, metal, or stone. Typical statues are close to life-size. Statues have been produced in many cultures from prehistory to the present. Statues represent many different people and animals and mythical. Many statues are placed in a public places as public art; the world's tallest statue, Statue of Unity, is 182 metres tall and is located near the Narmada dam in Gujarat, India. Ancient statues survive showing the bare surface of the material of which they are made. For example, many people associate Greek classical art with white marble sculpture, but there is evidence that many statues were painted in bright colors. Most of the color has weathered off over time. A travelling exhibition of 20 coloured replicas of Greek and Roman works, alongside 35 original statues and reliefs, was held in Europe and the United States in 2008: Gods in Color: Painted Sculpture of Classical Antiquity.
Details such as whether the paint was applied in one or two coats, how finely the pigments were ground, or which binding medium would have been used in each case—all elements that would affect the appearance of a finished piece—are not known. Richter goes so far as to say of classical Greek sculpture, "All stone sculpture, whether limestone or marble, was painted, either wholly or in part." Medieval statues were usually painted, with some still retaining their original pigments. The coloring of statues ceased during the Renaissance, as excavated classical sculptures, which had lost their coloring, became regarded as the best models; the Löwenmensch figurine from the Swabian Alps in Germany is the oldest known statue in the world, dates to 30,000-40,000 years ago. The Venus of Hohle Fels, from the same area, is somewhat later. Throughout history, statues have been associated with cult images in many religious traditions, from Ancient Egypt, Ancient India, Ancient Greece, Ancient Rome to the present.
Egyptian statues showing kings as sphinxes have existed since the Old Kingdom, the oldest being for Djedefre. The oldest statue of a striding pharaoh dates from the reign of Senwosret I and is the Egyptian Museum, Cairo; the Middle Kingdom of Egypt witnessed the growth of block statues which became the most popular form until the Ptolemaic period. The oldest statue of a deity in Rome was the bronze statue of Ceres in 485 BC; the oldest statue in Rome is now the statue of Diana on the Aventine. The wonders of the world include several statues from antiquity, with the Colossus of Rhodes and the Statue of Zeus at Olympia among the Seven Wonders of the Ancient World. While Byzantine art flourished in various forms and statue making witnessed a general decline. An example was the statue of Justinian which stood in the square across from the Hagia Sophia until the fall of Constantinople in the 15th century. Part of the decline in statue making in the Byzantine period can be attributed to the mistrust the Church placed in the art form, given that it viewed sculpture in general as a method for making and worshiping idols.
While making statues was not subject to a general ban, it was hardly encouraged in this period. Justinian was one of the last Emperors to have a full-size statue made, secular statues of any size became non-existent after iconoclasm. Starting with the work of Maillol around 1900, the human figures embodied in statues began to move away from the various schools of realism that been followed for thousands of years; the Futurist and Cubist schools took this metamorphism further until statues still nominally representing humans, had lost all but the most rudimentary relationship to the human form. By the 1920s and 1930s statues began to appear that were abstract in design and execution; the notion that the position of the hooves of horses in equestrian statues indicated the rider's cause of death has been disproved. UK Public Monument and Sculpture Association
Revolution of the Park
The Revolution of the Park known as the Revolution of'90, was an uprising against the national government of Argentina that took place on July 26, 1890 and started with the takeover of the Buenos Aires Artillery Park. It was led by members of the Civic Union against the presidency of Miguel Juárez Celman. Though it failed in its main goals, the revolution forced Juárez Celman's resignation and marked the decline of the elite of the Generation of'80. Near the end of 1889, general discontent encouraged the Civic Union to attempt to oust President Miguel Juárez Celman, whose conservative rule, like those of previous presidents, had been marked by electoral fraud and corruption; the uprising was led by General Manuel J. Campos, it counted on the indirect support of General and former President Julio Argentino Roca, on the lack of opposition by General Bartolomé Mitre. The uprising started on 26 July 1890 at the Buenos Aires Artillery Park, it met with swift repression on the part of the government forces, led by generals Carlos Pellegrini, Roque Sáenz Peña, Nicolás Lavalle.
Lacking initiative and ammunition, the revolutionaries were defeated in a matter of days, but the image of the government had suffered. Senator Pizarro demanded the resignation of the entire Executive Branch and the Senate, presided by General Roca, but President Juárez Celman was the only one to accept. Vice-President Pellegrini took office in his stead, to complete the remaining two years of his presidential term; the Revolution of the Park was intended as a means to "avoid the ruin of the country" by bringing down "a government that represents illegality and corruption", according to its Manifesto. The revolutionary junta rejected "living without voice or vote... witness the disappearance of rules, guarantees... tolerate the usurpation of our political rights... and keeping those in power who have wrought the disgrace of the republic", denounced that "there is no republic, no federal system, no representative government, no administration, no morality. Political life has turned into a for-profit industry."
The success of the revolution was limited to the resignation of Juárez Celman, notorious for his corruption and abuse of power. The key elements outlined in its Manifesto, continued to be present in Argentine politics, as shown by the series of uprisings: Revolution of 1893 and Revolution of 1905. Radical Civic Union Panic of 1890
Ricardo Balbín was an Argentine lawyer and politician, one of the most important figures of the centrist Radical Civic Union, for which he was the presidential nominee four times: in 1951, 1958, twice in 1973. Ricardo Balbín was born to Encarnación Morales Balbín and Cipriano Balbín in the city of Buenos Aires, in 1904; the family moved first to Azul, to Ayacucho when he was still a child. His mother had to be moved to Spain in 1909 to treat a serious illness. Balbín enrolled in high school in 1916 at the Colegio San José in La Plata, he began his university studies in medicine in 1921. Balbín joined the ruling Radical Civic Union in 1922, moved to La Plata, where the student atmosphere gave him the incentive to enroll in the National University of La Plata Law School, he obtained a juris doctor in 1927. He married Indalia Ponzetti in 1928, they would have a daughter and two sons: Lía Elena and Enrique Balbín; the year he married was one of active political participation for Balbín, who worked on the presidential campaign that returned Hipólito Yrigoyen to the presidency.
During Yrigoyen's second term, Balbín was named District Attorney during the federal intervention in Mendoza Province. Shortly afterward Balbín returned to La Plata and was elected president of La Plata's Sección Primera Committee in 1930, the year in which General José Félix Uriburu's coup d'état toppled Yrigoyen. In 1931 the military government called elections, Balbín was elected congressman for Buenos Aires Province, Honorio Pueyrredón governor of the province; the UCR victory was not expected by the military government. Balbín was again elected to Congress in 1940. In 1945 he participated in the foundation of the Movimiento de Intransigencia y Renovación together with, among others, Amadeo Sabattini, Arturo Frondizi, Crisólogo Larralde, Oscar Alende, Moisés Lebensohn, Arturo Illia. Balbín was elected National Deputy in 1946 and he became chief deputy of the so-called "Block of the 44", his role as one of the opposition leaders to Juan Domingo Perón's government brought him political and judicial prosecution.
He was expelled from congress in 1949, was imprisoned at the Olmos Penitentiary in La Plata. He was released in 1950, but was sent back to jail the same day of the election for which he was candidate for governor of the province. At the end of that year Perón granted him a pardon, but Balbín refused to accept it since he had not yet been sentenced. Once freed, Balbín was nominated presidential candidate for the 1951 national elections with Arturo Frondizi as candidate for vice-president. Perón was re-elected in a landslide and Balbín was again imprisoned in 1954. A 1955 coup d'état known as the Revolución Libertadora banned Peronism; the UCR divided into two groups following its 1956 convention: the Intransigent Radical Civic Union with Arturo Frondizi and Oscar Alende as the main exponents, Balbín's Popular UCR. The UCRP chose Balbín as presidential candidate for the 1958 elections, with Santiago del Castillo for vice-president. Arturo Frondizi won with support from factions of the outlawed Peronists.
In 1959 the UCRP chose Arturo Illia as its next presidential candidate, who won the 1963 elections with Carlos Perette as vice-president. Illia only governed until 1966, when General Juan Carlos Onganía's coup removed him from the presidency. Following an escalation of political violence Balbín, together with sections of several political parties, issued a manifesto on November 11, 1970, calling for a'return to legality' in a document entitled'Without a political solution there can be no economic solution'. Following President Alejandro Lanusse's call in 1972 for free elections, Balbín was again nominated presidential candidate for the UCR over Raúl Alfonsín, with Senator Eduardo Gamond as his running mate. At the end of that year Perón returned from exile and met Balbín, promising to resolve historical differences to preserve the popular movement. On March 11, 1973, Peronism once again defeated Balbín, Héctor Cámpora was elected president as a stand-in for the exiled Perón. Following the definitive return of Perón to Argentina in June, the governing body resigned and new, snap elections were called for September.
Balbín was a presidential candidate for a fourth and last time, with Fernando de la Rúa as his vice-presidential candidate. Perón won in a landslide with his wife María Estela Martínez as vice-president. Perón died on July 1, 1974, Balbín dedicated a warm eulogy to him, he remained focused on avoiding yet another military coup throughout Mrs. Perón's chaotic presidency; the coup took place on March 24, 1976, bringing about the military government known as the National Reorganization Process. During this dictatorship, Balbín was criticized for not denouncing unprecedented human rights violations taking place amid the Dirty War against both violent and non-violent dissidents. Balbín died in La Plata in September 1981. A monument in his honor was unveiled near Congress in 1999 and National Route 1 was named after him in 2004. Balbín Biography by Felipe Pigna