National Institute of Statistics and Census of Argentina
National Statistics and Censuses Institute is the Argentine government agency responsible for the collection and processing of statistical data. The institute analyses economic and social indicators such as inflation rate, consumer price index and unemployment, among others; the INDEC is supervised by different federal agencies, is under the direct oversight of the Secretaría de Programación Económica y Regional of the Ministerio de Economía y Producción. The INDEC coordinates the Sistema Estadístico Nacional through which the national and local statistical services work together; each provincial government has a statistics bureau called Dirección de Estadística, that collects and processes information. The Argentine Constitution does not provide for a national census; these were conducted only generationally until 1947, every decade since then. National censuses were taken in 1869, 1895, 1914, 1947, 1960, 1970, 1980, 1991, 2001, 2010. Demographic and economic information is permanently updated with off-year censuses, such as the Economic and Agricultural Censuses, the sampled surveys published in Encuesta Permanente de Hogares.
Monthly releases include figures on inflation, trade balances, industrial production, retail sales, GDP. The first national statistics' centre was the Dirección General de Estadística, established in 1894 as a division of the Ministry of Public Finances. Fifty years in 1944, the Consejo Nacional de Estadística y Censos was created, with dependencies on both the Ministry of the Interior and the National Presidential Office. Other agencies were formed in 1950, 1952, 1956 before the final creation of the Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Censos in 1968 by Law 17622 and Decrees 3110/70 and 1831/93; the bureau's headquarters are located in a downtown, rationalist building designed by Arturo Dubourg, commissioned by President Juan Perón for use as the Ministry of Labour, completed in 1956. Although nominally independent, INDEC is subject to strong political pressure from the government, its statistics are no longer considered trustworthy; because INDEC's statistics have been reported as being manipulated by the Kirchner government, it is considered "discredited".
Controversy arose when the government of President Néstor Kirchner replaced Graciela Bevacqua, the Consumer Prices Indicator director. Bevacqua is reported to have arrived at a consumer price increase figure of 2.0% for January 2007 from internal data but the rate reported to the public was 1.1%. The head of INDEC resigned in March, a new board of directors led by Ana María Edwin was installed by the Ministry of Economy. A group of employees protested publicly at what they saw as a violation of INDEC's autonomy, an attempt by the Economy Ministry under Felisa Miceli to illegally keep inflation indicators under one percent a month. Prosecutors gathered evidence that high government officials had inquired of statistical staff how to get lower inflation numbers, that in early 2007 managers of the price indexes had excluded products whose prices had risen more than 15% in the survey and changed price data after it came in from the field workers. Prices and the official record have continued to part ways since former Commerce Secretary Guillermo Moreno's decision to intervene in the statistics institute in 2007.
Private-sector economists and statistical offices of provincial governments show inflation two to three times higher than INDEC's number. Unions, including those from the public sector, use these independent estimates when negotiating pay rises. Surveys by Torcuato di Tella University show inflation expectations running at 25-30%. Since INDEC's headline inflation statistics have been lower than estimates from analysts in the private sector and lower than INDEC's implicit private consumption price index, incorporated in the measurement of real GDP. Taken from the first quarter of 2007, each index has read as follows: The discrepancy has led to exchanged accusations of politically motivated statistical legerdemain between the ruling party and most of the political opposition, on both left and right. Officials facing election have an incentive to understate the headline CPI figure. Opposition figures relied on estimates made by figures such as Orlando Ferreres; the practice yielded the ruling party no political benefit, helped contribute to their loss in the October 2009 mid-term elections.
An alternative explanation for the policy could rest on government finances: the national government has issued around US$100 billion in government bonds. Payments on US$50 billion of this are indexed to inflation. Other government bonds are tied in value to GDP growth. A 7-point underestimate in inflation could save the Central Bank of Argentina US$3 billion in inflation-indexed interest payments, while higher economic growth would cost added interest on bonds tied to GDP. Since 2007, when Guillermo Moreno, the secretary of internal trade
A census is the procedure of systematically acquiring and recording information about the members of a given population. The term is used in connection with national population and housing censuses; the United Nations defines the essential features of population and housing censuses as "individual enumeration, universality within a defined territory and defined periodicity", recommends that population censuses be taken at least every 10 years. United Nations recommendations cover census topics to be collected, official definitions and other useful information to co-ordinate international practice; the word is of Latin origin: during the Roman Republic, the census was a list that kept track of all adult males fit for military service. The modern census is essential to international comparisons of any kind of statistics, censuses collect data on many attributes of a population, not just how many people there are. Censuses began as the only method of collecting national demographic data, are now part of a larger system of different surveys.
Although population estimates remain an important function of a census, including the geographic distribution of the population, statistics can be produced about combinations of attributes e.g. education by age and sex in different regions. Current administrative data systems allow for other approaches to enumeration with the same level of detail but raise concerns about privacy and the possibility of biasing estimates. A census can be contrasted with sampling in which information is obtained only from a subset of a population. Modern census data are used for research, business marketing, planning, as a baseline for designing sample surveys by providing a sampling frame such as an address register. Census counts are necessary to adjust samples to be representative of a population by weighting them as is common in opinion polling. Stratification requires knowledge of the relative sizes of different population strata which can be derived from census enumerations. In some countries, the census provides the official counts used to apportion the number of elected representatives to regions.
In many cases, a chosen random sample can provide more accurate information than attempts to get a population census. A census is construed as the opposite of a sample as its intent is to count everyone in a population rather than a fraction. However, population censuses rely on a sampling frame to count the population; this is the only way to be sure that everyone has been included as otherwise those not responding would not be followed up on and individuals could be missed. The fundamental premise of a census is that the population is not known and a new estimate is to be made by the analysis of primary data; the use of a sampling frame is counterintuitive as it suggests that the population size is known. However, a census is used to collect attribute data on the individuals in the nation; this process of sampling marks the difference between historical census, a house to house process or the product of an imperial decree, the modern statistical project. The sampling frame used by census is always an address register.
Thus it is not known how many people there are in each household. Depending on the mode of enumeration, a form is sent to the householder, an enumerator calls, or administrative records for the dwelling are accessed; as a preliminary to the dispatch of forms, census workers will check any address problems on the ground. While it may seem straightforward to use the postal service file for this purpose, this can be out of date and some dwellings may contain a number of independent households. A particular problem is what are termed'communal establishments' which category includes student residences, religious orders, homes for the elderly, people in prisons etc; as these are not enumerated by a single householder, they are treated differently and visited by special teams of census workers to ensure they are classified appropriately. Individuals are counted within households and information is collected about the household structure and the housing. For this reason international documents refer to censuses of housing.
The census response is made by a household, indicating details of individuals resident there. An important aspect of census enumerations is determining which individuals can be counted from which cannot be counted. Broadly, three definitions can be used: de facto residence; this is important to consider individuals who have temporary addresses. Every person should be identified uniquely as resident in one place but where they happen to be on Census Day, their de facto residence, may not be the best place to count them. Where an individual uses services may be more useful and this is at their usual, or de jure, residence. An individual may be represented at a permanent address a family home for students or long term migrants, it is necessary to have a precise definition of residence to decide whether visitors to a country should be included in the population count. This is becoming more important as students travel abroad for education for a period of several years. Other groups causing problems of enumeration are new born babies, people away on holiday, people moving home around census day, people without a fixed address.
People having second homes because of working in another part of the country or retaining a holiday cottage are dif
Misiones is one of the 23 provinces of Argentina, located in the northeastern corner of the country in the Mesopotamia region. It is surrounded by Paraguay to the northwest, Brazil to the north and south, Corrientes Province of Argentina to the southwest; this was an early area of Roman Catholic missionary activity by the Society of Jesus in what was called the Province of Paraguay, beginning in the early 17th century. In 1984 the ruins of four mission sites in Argentina were designated World Heritage Sites by UNESCO. Indigenous peoples of various cultures lived in the area of the future province for thousands of years. At the time of European encounter, it was occupied by the Kaingang and Xokleng followed by the Guarani; the first European to visit the region, Sebastian Cabot, discovered Apipé Falls while navigating the Paraná River in December 1527. In 1541 Álvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca reached the Iguazú Falls. In the 17th century, members of the Society of Jesus came to the region as missionaries.
They began to establish a string of Jesuit Reductions, most notably that of San Ignacio. In a few years they set up 30 mission villages, they crafts. Their crafts were sold and traded along the river and they shared in the Reductions' prosperity. In 1759 the Portuguese government, at the insistence of its anti-Jesuit Secretary of State, the Marquis de Pombal, ordered all Reductions closed in its territory; the Marquis prevailed in 1773 on Pope Clement XIV to have the Jesuit Order suppressed. With the abandoning of the missions, the prosperous trade surrounding these Reductions vanished. Colonists imposed a brutal plantation economy in the region, forcing the Guarani to act as slave labor. In 1814, Gervasio Posadas, the Director of the United Provinces of the Rio de la Plata, declared Misiones annexed to Argentina's Corrientes. Argentina did not exert de facto control over Misiones, claimed by several countries and governed itself. In 1830 Argentine military forces from Corrientes Province took control of Misiones.
In 1838 Paraguay occupied Misiones, claiming the area on the basis that the Misiones population consisted of indigenous Guarani, the major ethnic group of Paraguay. In 1865 Paraguayan forces invaded Misiones again in. Following the defeat of Paraguay and its peace agreement with Argentina, Paraguay gave up its claim to the Misiones territory. Although Argentina had claimed Misiones since 1814, academics tend to interpret Argentine possession of Misiones as beginning with the defeat of Paraguay in the War of the Triple Alliance. Bethell writes that "the treaty of alliance contained secret clauses providing for the annexation of disputed territory in northern Paraguay by Brazil and regions in the east and west of Paraguay by Argentina... After a long and harrowing war, Argentina got it from a prostrate Paraguay territory in Misiones." Scobie states that "the political status of Misiones remained vague" and that Argentina gained the region "as a by-product of the Paraguayan war in the 1860s". The War of the Triple Alliance left Paraguay much impoverished, Misiones benefited economically from belonging to Argentina.
In 1876 the Argentine President Nicolás Avellaneda, assisted by his close friend, General Pietro Canestro, proclaimed the Immigration and Colonization Law. This law fostered the immigration of European colonists in order to populate the vast unspoiled Argentinian territories. Several colonizing companies formed under this law. One of them, Adolf Schwelm's Eldorado Colonización y Explotación de Bosques Ltda. S. A. founded the city of Eldorado in 1919 with a port on the Upper Paraná. Its agricultural colonies and experimental farms, the orange- and grapefruit-tree plantations, the cultivation of yerba mate, the mills and the dryers for such product are characteristic of this area. Swedish-Argentines became well known for growing yerba mate. Misiones received many immigrants from Europe, coming via Southern Brazil; some came from Buenos Aires, from Eastern Europe, in particular large numbers of Poles and Ukrainians. Since Misiones has continued to benefit economically and has developed politically within Argentina.
It has been integrated into the Argentine state. As of 2016 control of the province is not contested. On December 10, 1953 the "National Territory of Misiones" gained provincial status in accordance with Law 14.294, its constitution was approved on April 21, 1958. Misiones received more attention from national policy-makers following an international agreement to construct the Yacyretá hydroelectric dam on a point in the Paraná River shared by Paraguay and Corrientes Province; when the dam became operative in the 1990s, the Paraná's waters all along the Misiones shores rose. They flooded lands that the dam's authorities had failed to clear and condition adequately, resulting in the onset of mosquito-transmitted illnesses, such as leishmaniasis, yellow fever and malaria; the entire Misiones shores along the Paraná River is now confined by two dams, one of them Yaciretá, downstream of the river, the other Itaipú, located in Brazil and Paraguay, upstream of the river and north of Puerto Iguazú.
As of 2016 Argentina is pursuing an agreement with Paraguay to
Radical Civic Union
The Radical Civic Union is a centrist social-liberal political party in Argentina. The party has been ideologically heterogeneous; the UCR is a member of the Socialist International. Founded in 1891 by radical liberals, it is the oldest political party active in Argentina after the Liberal Party of Corrientes. For many years the party was either in opposition to Peronist governments or illegal during military rule; the UCR's main support comes from the middle class. Throughout its history the party has stood for free elections, supremacy of civilians over the military and liberal democratic values. During the 1970s and 1980s it was perceived as a strong advocate for human rights. By May 2014, the UCR had 14 Senators; the party was a breakaway from the Civic Union, led by Bartolomé Mitre and Leandro Alem. The term'radical' in the party's name referred to its demand for universal male suffrage, considered radical at the time, when Argentina was ruled by an exclusive oligarchy and government power was allocated behind closed doors.
The party unsuccessfully led an attempt to force the early departure of President Miguel Juárez Celman in the Revolution of the Park. A compromise was reached with Juárez Celman's government. Hardliners who opposed this agreement founded the current UCR, led by Alem's nephew, the young and charismatic Hipólito Yrigoyen. In 1893 and 1905 the party led unsuccessful revolutions to overthrow the government. With the introduction of free and confidential voting in elections based on universal adult male suffrage in 1912 the Party managed to win the general elections of 1916, when Hipólito Yrigoyen became president; as well as backing more popular participation, UCR's platform included promises to tackle the country's social problems and eradicate poverty. Yrigoyen's presidency however turned out to be rather dictatorial; the Radical Civic Union remained in power during the next 14 years: Yrigoyen was succeeded by Marcelo T. de Alvear in 1922 and again by himself in 1928. The first coup in Argentina's modern history occurred on September 6, 1930 and ousted an aging Yrigoyen amid an economic crisis resulting from the United States' Great Depression.
From 1930 to 1958 the Radical Civic Union was confined to be the main opposition party, either to the Conservatives and the military during the 1930s and the early 1940s or to the Peronists during the late 1940s and early 1950s. It was only in 1958 that a faction of the party allied with banned Peronists came back to power, led by Arturo Frondizi; the growing tolerance of Frondizi towards his Peronist allies provoked unrest in the army, which ousted the president in March 1962. After a brief military government, presidential elections took place in 1963 with the Peronist Party banned; the outcome saw the candidate of the People's Radical Civic Union Arturo Illia coming first but with only 25% of the votes. Although Argentina experienced during Illia's presidency one of the most successful periods of history in terms of economic performance, the president was ousted by the army in June 1966. Illia's peaceful and ordered style of governing — sometimes considered too "slow" and "boring" - was being criticized at the time.
During the 1970s Peronist government, the Radical Civic Union was the second-most supported party, but this didn't grant the party the role of being the political opposition. In fact, the Peronist government's most important criticisms came from the same Peronist Party; the UCR's leader in those times, Ricardo Balbín, saluted Peron's coffin with the famous sentence "This old adversary salutes a great friend", thus marking the end of the Peronist-radical rivalry that had marked the pace of the Argentine political scene until then. The growing fight between left-wing and right-wing Peronists took the country into chaos and many UCR members were targeted by both factions; the subsequent coup in 1976 ended Peronist rule. During the military regime many members of the UCR were "disappeared", as were members of other parties. Between 1983 and 1989 its leader, Raúl Ricardo Alfonsín, was the first democratically elected president after the military dictatorship headed by generals such as Jorge Videla, Leopoldo Galtieri and Reynaldo Bignone.
Alfonsín was succeeded by Carlos Saúl Menem of the Peronist Justicialist Party. In 1997 the UCR participated in elections in coalition with Front for a Country in Solidarity, itself an alliance of many smaller parties; this strategy brought Fernando de la Rúa to the presidency in the 1999 elections. During major riots triggered by economic reforms implemented by the UCR government, President de la Rúa resigned and fled the country to prevent further turmoil. After three consecutive acting presidents assumed and resigned their duties in the following weeks, Eduardo Duhalde of the PJ took office until new elections could be held. After the 2001 legislative elections it became the second-largest party in the federal Chamber of Deputies, winning 71 of 257 seats, it campaigned in an alliance with the smaller, more leftist FREPASO. The party has subsequently declined markedly and its candidate for President in 2003 gained just 2.34% of the vote, beaten by three Peronis
Leandro N. Alem
Leandro Nicéforo Alem was an Argentine politician, a founder and leader of the Radical Civic Union. Alem was the uncle and political teacher of Hipólito Yrigoyen, he was an active Freemason. Born in Buenos Aires, his father was the chief of Governor of Buenos Aires Province Juan Manuel de Rosas' political police, the Mazorca, he was executed after the battle of Caseros. The young Leandro changed his surname from Alen to Alem to mitigate associations with him. In 1859, being only 18 years old, he took part in the battles of Cepeda and Pavón, in 1865, he joined the war against Paraguay. After this he returned to Buenos Aires to finish his law studies, he had democratic, anti-authoritarian ideas, in 1868, he joined Adolfo Alsina's Autonomist Party, where he showed a skill for incisive rhetorics in public debates. Alem was elected diputado at the provincial legislature of Buenos Aires in 1871. In 1874, he went on to become National Deputy, Senator, he opposed the federalization of the city of Buenos Aires, required by the Constitution.
When it was passed by the legislature, he resigned to it and became the intellectual leader of a group of discontents that sought to produce changes in Argentine politics. In 1877, he and his friend Aristóbulo del Valle founded the Republican Party. In 1889, Argentina was within a deep political and economic crisis, worsened by the corruption and abuse of power of President Miguel Juárez Celman. In this context, Alem organized the Civic Union of the Youth. In July 1890, Alem was one of the leaders of the Revolución del Parque revolt that forced Juárez Celman to resign; when Vice-President Carlos Pellegrini took charge in his stead, Alem renewed his opposition, lending support to uprisings against the national government in the provinces. After a failed uprising in 1893, Alem saw. Feeling disappointed and betrayed, he committed suicide on 1 July 1896, by shooting himself in his right temple inside a carriage. Today, his remains are buried in the Memorial of the Fallen in the 1890 Revolution, in the La Recoleta Cemetery of Buenos Aires.
There are two cities called Leandro N. Alem in Argentina, one in the province of Misiones and another one in the north-west of Buenos Aires. There is a small town in San Luis with this name. Parque Alem, one of two large parks in Rosario, Santa Fe, is named after Alem, has a heroic statue of him, trying to bend a quebracho log, representing the motto of the Radical Civic Union, Se quiebra pero no se dobla; the sculptor was Guillermo Gianninazzi. Leandro Alem, el fundador - A romantic biography. Links to poems, eulogies, etc. Biography at Clarín's website
Argentina the Argentine Republic, is a country located in the southern half of South America. Sharing the bulk of the Southern Cone with Chile to the west, the country is bordered by Bolivia and Paraguay to the north, Brazil to the northeast and the South Atlantic Ocean to the east, the Drake Passage to the south. With a mainland area of 2,780,400 km2, Argentina is the eighth-largest country in the world, the fourth largest in the Americas, the largest Spanish-speaking nation; the sovereign state is subdivided into twenty-three provinces and one autonomous city, Buenos Aires, the federal capital of the nation as decided by Congress. The provinces and the capital exist under a federal system. Argentina claims sovereignty over part of Antarctica, the Falkland Islands, South Georgia and the South Sandwich Islands; the earliest recorded human presence in modern-day Argentina dates back to the Paleolithic period. The Inca Empire expanded to the northwest of the country in Pre-Columbian times; the country has its roots in Spanish colonization of the region during the 16th century.
Argentina rose as the successor state of the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata, a Spanish overseas viceroyalty founded in 1776. The declaration and fight for independence was followed by an extended civil war that lasted until 1861, culminating in the country's reorganization as a federation of provinces with Buenos Aires as its capital city; the country thereafter enjoyed relative peace and stability, with several waves of European immigration radically reshaping its cultural and demographic outlook. The almost-unparalleled increase in prosperity led to Argentina becoming the seventh wealthiest nation in the world by the early 20th century. Following the Great Depression in the 1930s, Argentina descended into political instability and economic decline that pushed it back into underdevelopment, though it remained among the fifteen richest countries for several decades. Following the death of President Juan Perón in 1974, his widow, Isabel Martínez de Perón, ascended to the presidency, she was overthrown in 1976 by a U.
S.-backed coup which installed a right-wing military dictatorship. The military government persecuted and murdered numerous political critics and leftists in the Dirty War, a period of state terrorism that lasted until the election of Raúl Alfonsín as President in 1983. Several of the junta's leaders were convicted of their crimes and sentenced to imprisonment. Argentina is a prominent regional power in the Southern Cone and Latin America, retains its historic status as a middle power in international affairs. Argentina has the second largest economy in South America, the third-largest in Latin America, membership in the G-15 and G-20 major economies, it is a founding member of the United Nations, World Bank, World Trade Organization, Union of South American Nations, Community of Latin American and Caribbean States and the Organization of Ibero-American States. Despite its history of economic instability, it ranks second highest in the Human Development Index in Latin America; the description of the country by the word Argentina has been found on a Venetian map in 1536.
In English the name "Argentina" comes from the Spanish language, however the naming itself is not Spanish, but Italian. Argentina means in Italian " of silver, silver coloured" borrowed from the Old French adjective argentine " of silver" > "silver coloured" mentioned in the 12th century. The French word argentine is the feminine form of argentin and derives from argent "silver" with the suffix -in; the Italian naming "Argentina" for the country implies Terra Argentina "land of silver" or Costa Argentina "coast of silver". In Italian, the adjective or the proper noun is used in an autonomous way as a substantive and replaces it and it is said l'Argentina; the name Argentina was first given by the Venetian and Genoese navigators, such as Giovanni Caboto. In Spanish and Portuguese, the words for "silver" are plata and prata and " of silver" is said plateado and prateado. Argentina was first associated with the silver mountains legend, widespread among the first European explorers of the La Plata Basin.
The first written use of the name in Spanish can be traced to La Argentina, a 1602 poem by Martín del Barco Centenera describing the region. Although "Argentina" was in common usage by the 18th century, the country was formally named "Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata" by the Spanish Empire, "United Provinces of the Río de la Plata" after independence; the 1826 constitution included the first use of the name "Argentine Republic" in legal documents. The name "Argentine Confederation" was commonly used and was formalized in the Argentine Constitution of 1853. In 1860 a presidential decree settled the country's name as "Argentine Republic", that year's constitutional amendment ruled all the names since 1810 as valid. In the English language the country was traditionally called "the Argentine", mimicking the typical Spanish usage la Argentina and resulting from a mistaken shortening of the fuller name'Argentine Republic'.'The Argentine' fell out of fashion during the mid-to-late 20th century, now the country is referred to as "Argentina".
In the Spanish language "Argentina" is feminine, taking the feminine article "La" as the i