The Mascate War known as the War of the Peddlers, was a conflict fought between two rival mercantile groups in colonial Brazil from Oct. 1710 to Aug. 1711. On one side were landowners and sugar mill owners concentrated in Olinda. On the other were Portuguese traders in Recife, pejoratively called peddlers, it ended with a stalemated siege of Recife by planter militas. The installation of a new governor by the crown favoring the peddlers resulted in razing and confiscation of planter property in Olinda. For history 1580-1640, see Iberian UnionFor history 1630-1654, see Dutch BrazilUntil the mid-17th century, Olinda was the main city of the Captaincy of Pernambuco in northeast Brazil, where sugar plantations produced Brazil's major export, sugar. A lack of capital to invest in crops and manpower, combined with the declining price of sugar due to competition from European powers' investments in the West Indies, caused a crisis. In an effort to resolve this, the sugar planters of Olinda began to borrow money from traders in the settlement of Recife.
At that time, Portuguese traders living in Recife agreed to lend money to the planters in Olinda, but charged high interest rates, increasing the planters' indebtedness. Aware of Recife's economic importance, merchants asked king of Portugal that the settlement be elevated to town status. In February 1709, shortly after receiving the Royal Charter which declared it a town, merchants erected the town hall and a pillory. Recife was formally separated from the seat of the Captaincy. Economically dependent on Portuguese merchants, the landowners did not accept the Pernambuco political-administrative emancipation of Recife, before a settlement subject to Olinda; the emancipation of Recife was seen as an aggravating the situation of local landowners before the bourgeoisie Portuguese, which by this mechanism put them at the level of political equality. As the separation between the two cities was being implemented in 1710, the lords of Olinda revolted, with mill owner Bernardo Vieira de Melo among their leaders.
When there was sedition among the peddlers of Recife and the European gentry of Olinda, the sectarians of the hawkers were nicknamed Manoel Gonçalves Tunda-Cumbe and Sebastião Pinheiro Camerão. No condition to resist, the wealthiest merchants of Recife fled to avoid being captured. Having members of the landed aristocracy abandoned Olinda to escape the plantations where they lived, hostilities commenced in Vitória de Santo Antão, led by their Captain General, Pedro Ribeiro da Silva; these forces, thickened in Afogados with reinforcements from São Lourenço de Mata and Olinda, under the leadership of Bernardo Vieira de Melo and his father, Colonel Leonardo Bezerra Cavalcanti, invaded Recife, demolishing the pillory, tearing the Provincial regal, freeing arrested and persecuting people connected to the governor Sebastião de Castro Caldas Barbosa. This, in turn, in order to ensure their safety, he withdrew to Bahia, left the government over the captaincy of Bishop Manuel Álvares da Costa; the crown appointed a new governor Félix José de Mendonça.
The peddlers fought back in 1712, invading Olinda and causing fires and destroying villages and plantations in the region. The new governor and the intervention of troops sent from Bahia ended the war; the commercial bourgeoisie was supported by the metropolis, Recife maintained its autonomy. The city intervened in the region in 1711. After much struggling, which included the intervention of colonial authorities, this fact was consummated in 1711: Recife was to be treated like Olinda from that time on. With the victory of the merchants, the war reaffirmed the dominance of merchant capital on the colonial production. After the victory of the hawkers, traders perceived the predominance of trade in relation to colonial production that had occurred since the lords of Olinda caught the interest on money borrowed so the peddlers can keep their colonial system; the autonomist feeling of Pernambuco, which came from the fight against the Dutch, continued to manifest itself in other conflicts such as the Conspiracy of Suassuna, Pernambucan Revolution of 1817 against Portugal and the Confederation of the Equator against Brazil.
History of Pernambuco Frei Joaquim do Amor Divino Caneca, Coleção Formadores do Brasil, 1994 "The Golden Age of Brazil", Charles Boxer http://www.v-brazil.com/information/geography/pernambuco/history.html
2nd Portuguese India Armada (Cabral, 1500)
The Second Portuguese India Armada was assembled in 1500 on the order of King Manuel I of Portugal and placed under the command of Pedro Álvares Cabral. Cabral's armada famously discovered Brazil for the Portuguese crown along the way. By and large, the 2nd Armada's diplomatic mission to India failed, provoked the opening of hostilities between the Kingdom of Portugal and the feudal city-state of Calicut, ruled by Zamorins. Nonetheless, it managed to establish a factory in the nearby Kingdom of Cochin, the first Portuguese factory in Asia; the first India Armada, commanded by Vasco da Gama, arrived in Portugal in the summer of 1499, in a rather sorry shape. Battles and storms had taken their toll—half of his ships and men had been lost. Although he came back with a hefty cargo of spices that would be sold at an enormous profit, Vasco da Gama had failed in the principal objective of his mission—negotiating a treaty with Zamorin's Calicut, the spice entrepot on the Malabar Coast of India. Nonetheless, Gama had opened up the sea route to India via the Cape of Good Hope and secured good relations with the African city-state of Malindi, a critical staging post along the way.
On the orders of King Manuel I of Portugal, arrangements began to assemble a Second Armada in Cascais. Determined not to repeat Gama's mistakes, this one was to be a large and well-armed fleet—13 ships, 1500 men—and laden with valuable gifts and diplomatic letters to win over the potentates of the east. Many details of the composition of the fleet are missing. Only three ship names are known, there is some conflict among the sources on the naming of the captains; the following list of ships should not be regarded as authoritative, but a tentative list compiled from various conflicting accounts. This list is principally in concordance with Fernão Lopes de Castanheda's Historia, João de Barros's Décadas, Damião de Góis's Chronica, the marginal gloss of the Relaçao das Naos, Diogo do Couto's list, Manuel de Faria e Sousa's Asia Portugueza; the main conflict is with Gaspar Correia's Lendas da Índia, who omits Pêro de Ataíde and Aires Gomes da Silva, listing instead Braz Matoso and Pedro de Figueiró, introduces André Gonçalves in addition to Lemos, bringing the number of captains up to fourteen, but manages to bring it back down to thirteen by identifying Simão de Miranda as vice-admiral and captain of Cabral's own flagship.
Neither of the two eyewitnesses—the Anonymous Portuguese pilot and Pêro Vaz de Caminha—give a list of captains. The Second Armada would be headed by the Portuguese nobleman Pedro Álvares Cabral, a master of the Order of Christ. Cabral had no notable naval or military experience, his appointment as capitão-mor of the armada being a political one; the exiled Castillian nobleman Sancho de Tovar was designated vice-admiral and successor should anything befall Cabral. Veteran pilot Pedro Escobar was given the overall technical command of the expedition. Other veterans of the first armada include captain Nicolau Coelho, pilot Pêro de Alenquer and clerks Afonso Lopes and João de Sá. Going as captains were the famed navigator Bartolomeu Dias and his brother Diogo Dias. Most of the ships were either carracks or caravels and at least one was a small supply ship, although details on names and tonnage are missing. At least two ships, Cabral's flagship and Tovar's El Rei, were said to be around 240t, that is, about twice the size of the largest ship in the 1st Armada of Vasco da Gama.
Ten ships were destined for Calicut, while two ships were destined for Sofala and one was destined to be scuttled and burnt along the way. At least two ships were owned and outfitted; the ship of Luís Pires was owned by Diogo da Silva e Meneses, Count of Portalegre, while the Anunciada of Nuno Leitão da Cunha was owned by the king's cousin D. Álvaro of Braganza, financed by an Italian consortium composed of the Florentine bankers Bartolomeo Marchionni and Girolamo Sernigi and the Genoese Antonio Salvago. The remainder belonged to the Portuguese crown. Accompanying the expedition as translator was Gaspar da Gama as well as four Hindu hostages from Zamorin's kingdom taken by da Gama in 1498 during negotiations. Aboard is the ambassador of the Sultan of Malindi, who had come with Gama, was now set to return. Other passengers on the expedition included Aires Correia, designated factor for Calicut, his secretary Pêro Vaz de Caminha, Sofala factor Afonso Furtado and clerk Martinho Neto. Accompanying the trip was the royal physician and amateur astronomer, Master João Faras, who brought along the latest astrolabe and new Arab astronomical staves for navigational experiment.
One chronicler suggests that the knight Duarte Pacheco Pereira was aboard. The fleet carried some twenty Portuguese degredados, who could fulfill their sentences by being abandoned along the shores of various places and exploring inland on the crown's behalf. Among the degredados we know four names: Afonso Ribeiro, João Machado, Luiz de Moura, Antonio Fernandes Finally, the fleet carried the first Portuguese Christian missionaries to India—eight Franciscan friars and eight chaplains, under the supervision of the head chaplain, Fr. Henrique Soares of Coimbra There are three surviving eyewitness accounts of this expedition: an extended letter written by Pêro Vaz de Caminha (possibly
History of the Constitution of Brazil
During its independent political history, Brazil has had seven constitutions. The most recent was ratified on October 5, 1988. Prior to its independence, on September 7, 1822, Brazil had no formal Constitution, since Portugal only adopted its first Constitution on September 23, 1822, 16 days after Brazilian proclaimed independence. In 1823, the Emperor Pedro I started the political process of writing a Constitution; the elaboration of the first Constitution of Brazil was quite difficult and the power struggle involved resulted in a long-lasting unrest that plagued the country for nearly two decades. Two major facts increased the troubles: Large numbers of recent immigrants from Portugal, who wanted to keep their privileges or who were still loyal to the metropolitan government; these were found both among the wealthier parts of the population, as businessmen controlling Brazil's international trade, the lower ones, as tradesmen and free urban workers. The majority of the population was composed of slaves, prompting the whites to fear being massacred in the event of a rebellion caused by a failing state.
The first circumstance meant that despite strong support of the Crown Prince Pedro I by the Brazilian landowners, the opinions of the reinóis should be considered. As each side had distinct and different objectives none could prevail and a compromise was needed. There were extra problems involved: the Constitutional Assembly had been elected to decide the applicability of Portuguese laws in Brazil, not to draft a new constitution; as a result, some of the Portuguese deputies refused to take part in it. On the other hand, some of the Brazilian deputies, the "liberal" ones, had been persecuted, some exiled others imprisoned, thus the Constitutional Assembly did not hear an appreciable number of opinions and would end reflecting the objectives of the "Brazilian Party", to the detriment of the "Portuguese Party" and the liberals. As the draft constitution progressed it became clear that the deputies were trying to establish a constitution that would: curtail the powers of the monarch, restrict most political rights to landowners and deny them to the Portuguese, establish an authoritarian, but constitutional, whose head of government would be the Emperor himself, aided by a group of ministers of his choice.
The emperor did not want to be removed out all powers and serve as a mere decorative figurehead, but rather to protect the interests of the Portuguese businessmen and prevent any further of his power to the Parliament. In a quite predictable move, in the light of the wave of conservatism led by the Holy Alliance, the Emperor used his influence over the Brazilian Army to dissolve the Constitutional Assembly, in what became known as the Night of Agony, imposed on the country a constitution that concentrated the executive power on the Emperor himself; the Constitution endowed the Assembly with both status and authority, created legislative, moderating and judicial branches as "delegations of the nation" with the separation of those powers envisaged as providing balances in support of the Constitution and the rights it enshrined. The Constitution of 1824 was rather less parliamentary than the draft prepared by the Constituent Assembly. In fact, it was for all purposes a unique regime: a "presidential" monarchy.
That did not mean, by any means, that the Brazilian monarch had prerogatives resembling those of a tyrant or dictator. The individual guarantees that guarantee human liberty and dignity were inserted into the articles of the Charter and were respected; the Emperor would not act in areas reserved to the legislative branch and the judiciary, such as to create laws or to judge and sentence. Based on the French constitution of 1792 and the Spanish constitution of 1812, the Imperial constitution was considered one of the most liberal of the times, in front of many European liberal powers; the new constitution, published on March 25, 1824 outlined the existence of four powers: Executive — The State Council Legislative — The General Assembly, formed by the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies Judiciary — The Courts Moderator — Vested in the Emperor, was supposed to resolve any incompatibilities between the other three, acting as a "neutral" power, in accordance to the theories of the Swiss thinker Benjamin Constant.
The Emperor controlled the Executive by nominating the members of the State Council, influenced the Legislative by being allowed to propose motions and having the power to dissolve the Chamber of Deputies and influenced the Judiciary, by appointing the members of the Highest Court. This constitution established the Brazilian Empire as a Unitary state; the Amendment of August 12, 1834, enacted in a period of liberal reform, authorized the provinces to create their own legislative chambers, which were empowered to legislate on financial matters, create taxes and their own corps of civil servants under a chief executive nominated by the central power. On July 20, 1847, a Decree established the post of President of the Council of Ministers (not to be confused with the State Council, whose ten members sat for life and which in the late Empire functi
Amazon rubber boom
The Amazon Rubber Boom was an important part of the economic and social history of Brazil and Amazonian regions of neighboring countries, being related to the extraction and commercialization of rubber. Centered in the Amazon Basin, the boom resulted in a large expansion of European colonization in the area, attracting immigrant workers, generating wealth, causing cultural and social transformations, wreaking havoc upon indigenous societies, it encouraged the growth of cities such as Manaus, Porto Velho, Belém, capitals within the respective Brazilian states of Amazonas, Rondônia and Pará. The rubber boom occurred between 1879 and 1912. There was heightened rubber production and associated activities from 1942 to 1945 during the Second World War. Natural rubber is an elastomer known as tree gum, India rubber, caoutchouc, which comes from the rubber tree in tropical regions. Christopher Columbus was the one of the first Europeans to bring news of this odd substance back to Europe, but he was not the only one to report it.
Around 1736, a French astronomer recalled how Amerindians used rubber to waterproof shoes and cloaks. He brought several samples of rubber back to France. Rubber was used as an eraser by scientist Joseph Priestley in England, it was not until the 1800s that practical uses of rubber were developed and the demand for rubber began. A rubber factory that made rubber garters for women opened in Paris, France, in the year 1803. However, the material still had disadvantages: at room temperature, it was sticky. At higher temperatures, the rubber became softer and stickier, while at lower temperatures it became hard and rigid; the South Amerindians first discovered rubber. The Amerindians in the Amazon rainforest developed ways to extract rubber from the rubber tree, a member of the Euphorbiaceae family. A white liquid called latex is extracted from the stem of the rubber tree, contains rubber particles dispersed in an aqueous serum; the rubber, which constitutes about 35% of the latex, is chemically cis-1,4-polyisoprene.
Latex is a neutral substance, with a pH of 7.0 to 7.2. However, when it is exposed to the air for 12 to 24 hours, its pH falls and it spontaneously coagulates to form a solid mass of rubber. Rubber produced in this fashion has disadvantages. For example, exposure to air causes it to mix with various materials, perceptible and can cause rot, as well as a temperature-dependent stickiness. Industrial treatment was developed to remove the impurities and vulcanize the rubber, a process that eliminated its undesirable qualities; this process gives it superior mechanical properties, causes it to lose its sticky character, become stable - resistant to solvents and variations in temperature. The rubber boom and the associated need for a large workforce had a significant negative effect on the indigenous population across Brazil, Peru and Colombia; as rubber plantations grew, labor shortages increased. The owners of the plantations or rubber barons were rich, but those who collected the rubber made little as a large amount of rubber was needed to be profitable.
The rubber barons forced them to tap rubber out of the trees. One plantation started with 50,000 Indians but, when discovered, only 8,000 were still alive. Slavery and systematic brutality were widespread, in some areas, 90% of the Indian population was wiped out; these rubber plantations were part of the Brazilian rubber market, which declined as rubber plantations in Southeast Asia became more effective. Roger Casement, an Irishman traveling the Putumayo region of Peru as a British consul during 1910–1911 documented the abuse, slavery and use of stocks for torture against the native Indians: "The crimes charged against many men now in the employ of the Peruvian Amazon Company are of the most atrocious kind, including murder and constant flogging." According to Wade Davis, author of One River: "The horrendous atrocities that were unleashed on the Indian people of the Amazon during the height of the rubber boom were like nothing, seen since the first days of the Spanish Conquest."Rubber had catastrophic effects in parts of Upper Amazonia, but its impact should not be exaggerated nor extrapolated to the whole region.
The Putumayo was a horrific case. Many nearby rubber regions were not ruled by physical violence, but by the voluntary compliance implicit in patron-peon relations; some native peoples benefited financially from their dealings with the white merchants. Others stayed away from the main rivers; because tappers worked in near complete isolation, they were not burdened by overseers and timetables. In Brazil tappers could, did, adulterate rubber cargoes, by adding sand and flour to the rubber "balls", before sending them downriver. Flight into the thicket was a successful survival strategy and, because Indians were engaged in credit relations, it was a common practice to vanish and work for other patrons, leaving debts unpaid. For the first four and a half centuries following the discovery of the New World, the native populations of the Amazon Basin lived in isolation; the area was vast and impenetrable, no gold or precious stones had been found there, as neither colonial Brazil nor imperial Brazil was able to create incentives for development in the region.
The regional economy was based on use of diverse natural resources in the region, but development was concentrated in coastal areas. The Industrial Revolution in Europe led to demand for uses that
The Uruguayan War was fought between Uruguay's governing Blanco Party and an alliance consisting of the Empire of Brazil and the Uruguayan Colorado Party, covertly supported by Argentina. Since its independence, Uruguay had been ravaged by intermittent struggles between the Colorado and Blanco factions, each attempting to seize and maintain power in turn; the Colorado leader Venancio Flores launched the Liberating Crusade in 1863, an insurrection aimed at toppling Bernardo Berro, who presided over a Colorado–Blanco coalition government. Flores was aided by Argentina, whose president Bartolomé Mitre provided him with supplies, Argentine volunteers and river transport for troops; the fusionism movement collapsed. The Uruguayan Civil War escalated, developing into a crisis of international scope that destabilized the entire region. Before the Colorado rebellion, the Blancos within fusionism had sought an alliance with Paraguayan dictator Francisco Solano López. Berro's now purely Blanco government received support from Argentine federalists, who opposed Mitre and his Unitarians.
The situation deteriorated. One fifth of the Uruguayan population were considered Brazilian; some joined Flores' rebellion, spurred by discontent with Blanco government policies that they regarded as harmful to their interests. Brazil decided to intervene in the Uruguayan affair to reestablish the security of its southern frontiers and its regional ascendancy. In April 1864, Brazil sent Minister Plenipotentiary José Antônio Saraiva to negotiate with Atanasio Aguirre, who had succeeded Berro in Uruguay. Saraiva made an initial attempt to settle the dispute between Colorados. Faced with Aguirre's intransigence regarding Flores' demands, the Brazilian diplomat abandoned the effort and sided with the Colorados. On 10 August 1864, after a Brazilian ultimatum was refused, Saraiva declared that Brazil's military would begin exacting reprisals. Brazil declined to acknowledge a formal state of war, for most of its duration, the Uruguayan–Brazilian armed conflict was an undeclared war. In a combined offensive against Blanco strongholds, the Brazilian–Colorado troops advanced through Uruguayan territory, taking one town after another.
The Blancos were left isolated in Montevideo, the national capital. Faced with certain defeat, the Blanco government capitulated on 20 February 1865; the short-lived war would have been regarded as an outstanding success for Brazilian and Argentine interests, had Paraguayan intervention in support of the Blancos not led to the long and costly Paraguayan War. The Oriental Republic of Uruguay in South America had been, since its independence in 1828, troubled by strife between the Blanco Party and the Colorado Party, they were not political parties in the modern sense, but factions that engaged in internecine rebellion whenever the other dominated the government. The nation was divided into Colorado and Blanco camps; these partisan groups formed in the 1830s and arose out of patron–client relationships fostered by local caudillos in the cities and countryside. Rather than a unity based upon common nationalistic sentiments, each had differing aims and loyalties informed by their respective, insular political frameworks.
Uruguay had a low population density and a weak government. Ordinary citizens were compelled by circumstances to seek the protection of local caudillos—landlords who were either Colorados or Blancos and who used their workers gaucho horsemen, as private armies; the civil wars between the two factions were brutal. Harsh tactics produced ever-increasing alienation between the groups, included seizure of land, confiscation of livestock and executions; the antagonism caused by atrocities, along with family loyalties and political ties, made reconciliation unthinkable. European immigrants, who came in great numbers during the latter half of the nineteenth century, were drawn into one party or the other; the feuding blocs impeded development of a broadly supported central national administration. In the latter half of the 1850s, leading members of the Colorados and Blancos attempted a reconciliation. With the approval of many from both parties efforts were made to implement "fusionist" policies, which began to show results in cooperation in government and military spheres.
The attempt at healing the schism was dealt a setback in 1858 when reactionaries in the Colorado Party rejected the scheme. The revolt was put down by Gabriel Pereira, a former Colorado and Uruguayan president under the fusionist government; the rebellious leaders were executed at Paso de Quinteros along the Río Negro, sparking renewed conflict. The Colorados suspected fusionism of promoting Blanco aims to their own detriment and called for the "martyrs of Quinteros" to be avenged. With the internal weaknesses of fusionism now exposed, the Colorados moved to oust its supporters from the government, their leader, Brigadier General Venancio Flores, a caudillo and an early proponent of fusionism, found himself without sufficient military resources to mount a sustained revolt and resorted to asking for intervention by Argentina. Argentina was a fragmented nation, with the Argentine Confederation and the State of Buenos Aires each vying for supremacy. Flores approached the Buenos Aires Minister of War, Bartolomé Mitre, agreeing to throw the support of the Colorados behind Buenos Aires in exchange for subsequent Argentine assistance in
Proclamation of the Republic (Brazil)
The Proclamation of the Republic was a military coup d'état that established the First Brazilian Republic on 15 November 1889. It overthrew the constitutional monarchy of the Empire of Brazil and ended the reign of Emperor Pedro II; the proclamation of the Republic took place in Rio de Janeiro capital of the Empire of Brazil, when a group of military officers of the Brazilian Army, led by Marshal Deodoro da Fonseca, staged a coup d'état without the use of violence, deposing Emperor Pedro II and the President of the Council of Ministers of the Empire, the Viscount of Ouro Preto. A provisional government was established that same day, 15 November, with Marshal Deodoro da Fonseca as President of the Republic and head of the interim Government. From the 1870s, as a consequence of the Paraguayan War, the idea of some sectors of the elite was altered to change the current political regime. Factors that influenced this movement: The Emperor Pedro II had no male children, only daughters; the throne would be occupied, after his death, by his eldest daughter, Princess Imperial of Brazil, married to a Frenchman, Prince Gaston, Count of Eu, which generated the fear in part of the population that the country would be ruled by a foreigner.
The fact that the negroes helped the army in the Paraguayan War and, when they returned to the country, remained as slaves, that is, they did not gain the freedom of their owners. The resentment of the agrarian elite for the abolition of slavery, which they considered to be a personal desire of the imperial family and not of the people; the growth of the positivist and republican idea of Auguste Comte between the members of the Brazilian Army and its resentment with the monarchy by delicate military questions. The Imperial Government, through the 37th and last ministerial cabinet, was inaugurated on 7 June 1889, under the command of the President of the Council of Ministers of the Empire, Afonso Celso de Assis Figueiredo, the Viscount of Ouro Preto of the Liberal Party, perceiving the difficult political situation in which he was present, presented in a last desperate attempt to save the Empire to the Chamber of Deputies, a program of political reforms which included, among others, the following measures: greater autonomy administrative freedom for the provinces, universal suffrage, freedom of education, reduction of prerogatives of the Council of State and non-lifelong mandates for the Imperial Senate.
The proposals of the Viscount de Ouro Preto aimed at preserving the monarchical regime in the country, but were vetoed by the majority of deputies of conservative tendency that controlled the General Chamber. On 15 November 1889, the republic was proclaimed by the positivist militaries supported by the agrarian elite resented for not being compensated for the abolition of slavery. There were many factors that led the Empire to lose the support of its military bases. On the part of the conservative groups, by the serious friction with the Catholic Church. On the part of the progressive groups, there was the criticism that the monarchy had maintained until late, the slavery in the country. Progressives criticized the absence of initiatives aimed at the economic, political or social development of the country, the maintenance of a political regime of caste and census voting, that is, based on the annual income of the people, the absence of a system of universal education, high rates of illiteracy and misery, the political withdrawal of Brazil from all other countries on the continent, which were republican.
Thus, at the same time that imperial legitimacy declined, the republican proposal - perceived as meaning social progress - gained space. However, it is important to note that the Emperor's legitimacy was distinct from that of the imperial regime: While, on the one hand, the population respected and loved Emperor Pedro II, on the other hand, had less and less the Empire. In this sense, it was a common voice at the time that there would be no third reign, that is, the monarchy would not continue to exist after the death of Pedro II, whether due to the lack of political support of the monarchical regime itself or due to the concerns about the succession by a woman, Princess Isabel, in a still misogynistic society; the prince consort, husband of Princess Isabel, the French Count d'Eu, was hard of hearing, he spoke with a French accent, moreover, he owned slums in Rio, for which he collected exorbitant rents from poor people. It was feared. Although the phrase of Aristides Lobo, "The people witnessed bestialized" to the proclamation of the republic, has entered into history, more recent historical research has given another version to the acceptance Of the republic among the Brazilian people.
This is the case of the thesis defended by Maria Tereza Chaves de Mello, which indicates that the republic and after the proclamation, was popularly seen as a political regime that would bring about development, in a broad sense, to the country, Although the common people did not want to change the regime of government. The abolitionist question had been imposed since the abolition of the slave trade in 1850, finding resistance among the country's traditional agrarian elites. In view of the measures adopted by the Empire for the gradual extinction of the slave regime, due to the repercussion of the unsuccessfu
Inconfidência Mineira was an unsuccessful separatist movement in Brazil in 1789. It was the result of a confluence of external and internal causes in what was a Portuguese colony; the external inspiration was the independence of thirteen of the British colonies in North America following the American Revolutionary War, a development that impressed the intellectual elite of the captaincy of Minas Gerais. The main internal cause of the conspiracy was the decline of gold mining in that captaincy; as gold became less plentiful, the region's gold miners faced increasing difficulties in fulfilling tax obligations to the crown, the tax over gold was one-fifth. When the captaincy could not satisfy the royal demand for gold, it was burdened with an additional tax on gold, called derrama. Conspirators seeking independence from Portugal planned to rise up in rebellion on the day that the derrama was instituted. However, the conspirators lacked an overall leader; some of the conspirators were republicans, others were monarchists.
Some favored the abolition of slavery. The conspirators did put forth a few economic and social ideas: the promotion of cotton production, the exploitation of iron and saltpeter reserves, a proposal to give incentives to mothers to have many children, the creation of a citizens' militia; the conspiracy attracted a great number of military personnel and intellectuals, as well as the poets Cláudio Manuel da Costa and Tomás Antônio Gonzaga. Among the best known participants were Joaquim José da Silva Xavier, best known as "Tiradentes". Tiradentes, who came from Andrade's regiment, was the independence movement's most enthusiastic propagandist; the Inconfidência was inspired by the ideals of the French liberal philosophers of the Age of Enlightenment and the successful American Revolution of 1776. The conspirators belonged to the white upper class of minerals-rich Minas Gerais. Many had studied in Europe in the University of Coimbra, some had large debts with the colonial government. In the context of declining gold production, the intention of the Portuguese government to impose the obligatory payment of all debts was a leading cause behind the conspiracy.
The conspirators wanted to create a republic in which the leader would be chosen through democratic elections. The capital would be São João del Rei, Ouro Preto would become a university town; the structure of the society, including the right to property and the ownership of slaves, would be kept intact. Three participants in the independence movement revealed the conspirators' plans to the government, the rebels were arrested in 1789. Among the movement were the lawyer Alvarenga Peixoto, the poets Tomás Antônio Gonzaga and Cláudio Manuel da Costa, the priest José da Silva de Oliveira Rolim, the alferes Joaquim José da Silva Xavier. After Joaquim Silvério dos Reis, a member of the conspiracy, informed on the movement before it could take place, Peixoto was captured and sent to exile in the city of Ambaca, in Portuguese Angola, another colony of the Portuguese Empire, where he remained until the end of his life. Judicial proceedings against the conspirators lasted from 1789 to 1792. Lieutenant Colonel Freire de Andrade, José Álvares Maciel, eight others were condemned to the gallows.
Seven more were condemned to perpetual banishment in Africa, the rest were acquitted. Following the trial Queen Maria I commuted the sentences of capital punishment to perpetual banishment for all except those whose activities involved aggravated circumstances; that was the case for Tiradentes, who took full responsibility for the conspiracy movement and was imprisoned in Rio de Janeiro, where he was hanged on 21 April 1792. Afterwards, his body was torn into pieces, which were sent to Vila Rica in the captaincy of Minas Gerais, to be displayed in the places where he had propagated his revolutionary ideas; the anniversary of his death is celebrated as a national holiday in Brazil. In 1948 the events were portrayed in a film Minas Conspiracy directed by Carmen Santos. In 1963, Minas Gerais incorporated as its state flag the one designed by the Inconfidência, with an equilateral triangle inspired by the Holy Trinity – albeit the inconfidentes wanted a green triangle, while Minas' flag uses a red one – and a Latin motto taken out of Vergil's Eclogues.
List of historical acts of tax resistance Maxwell, Kenneth R. Conflicts and Conspiracies: Brazil & Portugal 1750–1808 Furtado, Júnia Ferreira, Chica da Silva: A Brazilian Slave of the Eighteenth Century