Brazilian Portuguese is a set of dialects of the Portuguese language used in Brazil. It is spoken by all of the 200 million inhabitants of Brazil and spoken across the Brazilian diaspora, today consisting of about two million Brazilians who have emigrated to other countries. Brazilian Portuguese differs particularly in phonology and prosody, from dialects spoken in Portugal and Portuguese-speaking African countries. In these latter countries, the language tends to have a closer connection to contemporary European Portuguese because Portuguese colonial rule ended much more in them than in Brazil. Despite this difference between the spoken varieties and European Portuguese differ little in formal writing. In 1990, the Community of Portuguese Language Countries, which included representatives from all countries with Portuguese as the official language, reached an agreement on the reform of the Portuguese orthography to unify the two standards in use by Brazil on one side and the remaining Portuguese-speaking countries on the other.
This spelling reform went into effect in Brazil on 1 January 2009. In Portugal, the reform was signed into law by the President on 21 July 2008 allowing for a 6-year adaptation period, during which both orthographies co-existed. All of the CPLP countries have signed the reform. In Brazil, this reform has been in force since January 2016. Portugal and other Portuguese-speaking countries have since begun using the new orthography. Regional varieties of Brazilian Portuguese, while remaining mutually intelligible, may diverge from each other in matters such as vowel pronunciation and speech intonation; the existence of Portuguese in Brazil is a legacy of the Portuguese colonization of the Americas. The first wave of Portuguese-speaking immigrants settled in Brazil in the 16th century, but the language was not used then. For a time Portuguese coexisted with Língua Geral—a lingua franca based on Amerindian languages, used by the Jesuit missionaries—as well as with various African languages spoken by the millions of slaves brought into the country between the 16th and 19th centuries.
By the end of the 18th century, Portuguese had affirmed itself as the national language. Some of the main contributions to that swift change were the expansion of colonization to the Brazilian interior, the growing numbers of Portuguese settlers, who brought their language and became the most important ethnic group in Brazil. Beginning in the early 18th century, Portugal's government made efforts to expand the use of Portuguese throughout the colony because its consolidation in Brazil would help guarantee to Portugal the lands in dispute with Spain. Under the administration of the Marquis of Pombal, Brazilians started to favour the use of Portuguese, as the Marquis expelled the Jesuit missionares and prohibited the use of Nhengatu, or Lingua Franca; the failed colonization attempts by the French in Rio de Janeiro during the 16th century and the Dutch in the Northeast during the 17th century had negligible effects on Portuguese. The substantial waves of non-Portuguese-speaking immigrants in the late 19th and early 20th centuries were linguistically integrated into the Portuguese-speaking majority within few generations, except for some areas of the three southernmost states —in the case of Germans and Slavs—and in rural areas of the state of São Paulo.
Nowadays the overwhelming majority of Brazilians speak Portuguese as their mother tongue, with the exception of small, insular communities of descendants of European and Japanese immigrants – in the South and Southeast – as well as villages and reservations inhabited by Amerindians. And these populations make use of Portuguese to communicate with outsiders and to understand television and radio broadcasts, for example. Moreover, there is a community of Brazilian Sign Language users whose number is estimated by Ethnologue to be as high as 3 million; the development of Portuguese in Brazil has been influenced by other languages with which it has come into contact in the lexicon: first the Amerindian languages of the original inhabitants the various African languages spoken by the slaves, those of European and Asian immigrants. Although the vocabulary is still predominantly Portuguese, the influence of other languages is evident in the Brazilian lexicon, which today includes, for example, hundreds of words of Tupi–Guarani origin referring to local flora and fauna.
Although some of these words are more predominant in Brazil, they are used in Portugal and other countries where Portuguese is spoken. Words derived from the Tupi language are prevalent in place names; the native languages contributed the names of most of the plants and animals found in Brazil, including arara, jacaré, mandioca
Computational linguistics is an interdisciplinary field concerned with the statistical or rule-based modeling of natural language from a computational perspective, as well as the study of appropriate computational approaches to linguistic questions. Traditionally, computational linguistics was performed by computer scientists who had specialized in the application of computers to the processing of a natural language. Today, computational linguists work as members of interdisciplinary teams, which can include regular linguists, experts in the target language, computer scientists. In general, computational linguistics draws upon the involvement of linguists, computer scientists, experts in artificial intelligence, logicians, cognitive scientists, cognitive psychologists, psycholinguists and neuroscientists, among others. Computational linguistics has applied components. Theoretical computational linguistics focuses on issues in theoretical linguistics and cognitive science, applied computational linguistics focuses on the practical outcome of modeling human language use.
The Association for Computational Linguistics defines computational linguistics as:...the scientific study of language from a computational perspective. Computational linguists are interested in providing computational models of various kinds of linguistic phenomena. Computational linguistics is grouped within the field of artificial intelligence, but was present before the development of artificial intelligence. Computational linguistics originated with efforts in the United States in the 1950s to use computers to automatically translate texts from foreign languages Russian scientific journals, into English. Since computers can make arithmetic calculations much faster and more than humans, it was thought to be only a short matter of time before they could begin to process language. Computational and quantitative methods are used in attempted reconstruction of earlier forms of modern languages and subgrouping modern languages into language families. Earlier methods such as lexicostatistics and glottochronology have been proven to be premature and inaccurate.
However, recent interdisciplinary studies which borrow concepts from biological studies gene mapping, have proved to produce more sophisticated analytical tools and more trustworthy results. When machine translation failed to yield accurate translations right away, automated processing of human languages was recognized as far more complex than had been assumed. Computational linguistics was born as the name of the new field of study devoted to developing algorithms and software for intelligently processing language data; the term "computational linguistics" itself was first coined by David Hays, founding member of both the Association for Computational Linguistics and the International Committee on Computational Linguistics. When artificial intelligence came into existence in the 1960s, the field of computational linguistics became that sub-division of artificial intelligence dealing with human-level comprehension and production of natural languages. In order to translate one language into another, it was observed that one had to understand the grammar of both languages, including both morphology and syntax.
In order to understand syntax, one had to understand the semantics and the lexicon, something of the pragmatics of language use. Thus, what started as an effort to translate between languages evolved into an entire discipline devoted to understanding how to represent and process natural languages using computers. Nowadays research within the scope of computational linguistics is done at computational linguistics departments, computational linguistics laboratories, computer science departments, linguistics departments; some research in the field of computational linguistics aims to create working speech or text processing systems while others aim to create a system allowing human-machine interaction. Programs meant for human-machine communication are called conversational agents. Just as computational linguistics can be performed by experts in a variety of fields and through a wide assortment of departments, so too can the research fields broach a diverse range of topics; the following sections discuss some of the literature available across the entire field broken into four main area of discourse: developmental linguistics, structural linguistics, linguistic production, linguistic comprehension.
Language is a cognitive skill. This developmental process has been examined using a number of techniques, a computational approach is one of them. Human language development does provide some constraints which make it harder to apply a computational method to understanding it. For instance, during language acquisition, human children are only exposed to positive evidence; this means that during the linguistic development of an individual, only evidence for what is a correct form is provided, not evidence for what is not correct. This is insufficient information for a simple hypothesis testing procedure for information as complex as language, so provides certain boundaries for a computational approach to modeling language development and acquisition in an individual. Attempts have been made to model the developmental process of language acquisition in children from a computational angle, leading to both statistical grammars and connectionist models. Work in this realm has been proposed as a method to explain the evolution of language through history.
Using models, it has been shown that languages
Concepts are mental representations, abstract objects or abilities that make up the fundamental building blocks of thoughts and beliefs. They play an important role in all aspects of cognition. In contemporary philosophy, there are at least three prevailing ways to understand what a concept is: Concepts as mental representations, where concepts are entities that exist in the mind Concepts as abilities, where concepts are abilities peculiar to cognitive agents Concepts as Fregean senses, where concepts are abstract objects, as opposed to mental objects and mental statesConcepts can be organized into a hierarchy, higher levels of which are termed "superordinate" and lower levels termed "subordinate". Additionally, there is the "basic" or "middle" level at which people will most categorize a concept. For example, a basic-level concept would be "chair", with its superordinate, "furniture", its subordinate, "easy chair". A concept is instantiated by all of its actual or potential instances, whether these are things in the real world or other ideas.
Concepts are studied as components of human cognition in the cognitive science disciplines of linguistics and philosophy, where an ongoing debate asks whether all cognition must occur through concepts. Concepts are used as formal tools or models in mathematics, computer science and artificial intelligence where they are sometimes called classes, schema or categories. In informal use the word concept just means any idea. Within the framework of the representational theory of mind, the structural position of concepts can be understood as follows: Concepts serve as the building blocks of what are called mental representations. Mental representations, in turn, are the building blocks of, and these propositional attitudes, in turn, are the building blocks of our understanding of thoughts that populate everyday life, as well as folk psychology. In this way, we have an analysis that ties our common everyday understanding of thoughts down to the scientific and philosophical understanding of concepts.
A central question in the study of concepts is the question of. Philosophers construe this question as one about the ontology of concepts – what they are like; the ontology of concepts determines the answer to other questions, such as how to integrate concepts into a wider theory of the mind, what functions are allowed or disallowed by a concept's ontology, etc. There are two main views of the ontology of concepts: Concepts are abstract objects, concepts are mental representations. Platonist views of the mind construe concepts as abstract objects,There is debate as to the relationship between concepts and natural language. However, it is necessary at least to begin by understanding that the concept "dog" is philosophically distinct from the things in the world grouped by this concept – or the reference class or extension. Concepts that can be equated to a single word are called "lexical concepts". Study of concepts and conceptual structure falls into the disciplines of linguistics, philosophy and cognitive science.
In the simplest terms, a concept is a name or label that regards or treats an abstraction as if it had concrete or material existence, such as a person, a place, or a thing. It may represent a natural object that exists in the real world like a tree, an animal, a stone, etc, it may name an artificial object like a chair, house, etc. Abstract ideas and knowledge domains such as freedom, science, etc. are symbolized by concepts. It is important to realize that a concept is a symbol, a representation of the abstraction; the word is not to be mistaken for the thing. For example, the word "moon" is not the large, shape-changing object up in the sky, but only represents that celestial object. Concepts are created to describe and capture reality as it is known and understood. Kant maintained the view. Instead of being abstracted from individual perceptions, like empirical concepts, they originate in the mind itself, he called these concepts categories, in the sense of the word that means predicate, characteristic, or quality.
But these pure categories are predicates of things in general, not of a particular thing. According to Kant, there are twelve categories that constitute the understanding of phenomenal objects; each category is that one predicate, common to multiple empirical concepts. In order to explain how an a priori concept can relate to individual phenomena, in a manner analogous to an a posteriori concept, Kant employed the technical concept of the schema, he held that the account of the concept as an abstraction of experience is only correct. He called those concepts that result from abstraction "a posteriori concepts". An empirical or an a posteriori concept is a general representation or non-specific thought of that, common to several specific perceived objects A concept is a common feature or characteristic. Kant investigated the way; the logical acts of the understanding by which concepts are generated as to their form are: comparison, i.e. the likening of mental images to one another in relation to the unity of consciousness.
A dictionary, sometimes known as a wordbook, is a collection of words in one or more specific languages arranged alphabetically, which may include information on definitions, etymologies, translation, etc. or a book of words in one language with their equivalents in another, sometimes known as a lexicon. It is a lexicographical reference. A broad distinction is made between specialized dictionaries. Specialized dictionaries include words in specialist fields, rather than a complete range of words in the language. Lexical items that describe concepts in specific fields are called terms instead of words, although there is no consensus whether lexicology and terminology are two different fields of study. In theory, general dictionaries are supposed to be semasiological, mapping word to definition, while specialized dictionaries are supposed to be onomasiological, first identifying concepts and establishing the terms used to designate them. In practice, the two approaches are used for both types.
There are other types of dictionaries that do not fit neatly into the above distinction, for instance bilingual dictionaries, dictionaries of synonyms, rhyming dictionaries. The word dictionary is understood to refer to a general purpose monolingual dictionary. There is a contrast between prescriptive or descriptive dictionaries. Stylistic indications in many modern dictionaries are considered by some to be less than objectively descriptive. Although the first recorded dictionaries date back to Sumerian times, the systematic study of dictionaries as objects of scientific interest themselves is a 20th-century enterprise, called lexicography, initiated by Ladislav Zgusta; the birth of the new discipline was not without controversy, the practical dictionary-makers being sometimes accused by others of "astonishing" lack of method and critical-self reflection. The oldest known dictionaries were Akkadian Empire cuneiform tablets with bilingual Sumerian–Akkadian wordlists, discovered in Ebla and dated 2300 BCE.
The early 2nd millennium BCE Urra=hubullu glossary is the canonical Babylonian version of such bilingual Sumerian wordlists. A Chinese dictionary, the c. 3rd century BCE Erya, was the earliest surviving monolingual dictionary. Philitas of Cos wrote a pioneering vocabulary Disorderly Words which explained the meanings of rare Homeric and other literary words, words from local dialects, technical terms. Apollonius the Sophist wrote the oldest surviving Homeric lexicon; the first Sanskrit dictionary, the Amarakośa, was written by Amara Sinha c. 4th century CE. Written in verse, it listed around 10,000 words. According to the Nihon Shoki, the first Japanese dictionary was the long-lost 682 CE Niina glossary of Chinese characters; the oldest existing Japanese dictionary, the c. 835 CE Tenrei Banshō Meigi, was a glossary of written Chinese. In Frahang-i Pahlavig, Aramaic heterograms are listed together with their translation in Middle Persian language and phonetic transcription in Pazand alphabet. A 9th-century CE Irish dictionary, Sanas Cormaic, contained etymologies and explanations of over 1,400 Irish words.
In India around 1320, Amir Khusro compiled the Khaliq-e-bari which dealt with Hindustani and Persian words. Arabic dictionaries were compiled between the 8th and 14th centuries CE, organizing words in rhyme order, by alphabetical order of the radicals, or according to the alphabetical order of the first letter; the modern system was used in specialist dictionaries, such as those of terms from the Qur'an and hadith, while most general use dictionaries, such as the Lisan al-`Arab and al-Qamus al-Muhit listed words in the alphabetical order of the radicals. The Qamus al-Muhit is the first handy dictionary in Arabic, which includes only words and their definitions, eliminating the supporting examples used in such dictionaries as the Lisan and the Oxford English Dictionary. In medieval Europe, glossaries with equivalents for Latin words in vernacular or simpler Latin were in use; the Catholicon by Johannes Balbus, a large grammatical work with an alphabetical lexicon, was adopted. It served as the basis for several bilingual dictionaries and was one of the earliest books to be printed.
In 1502 Ambrogio Calepino's Dictionarium was published a monolingual Latin dictionary, which over the course of the 16th century was enlarged to become a multilingual glossary. In 1532 Robert Estienne published the Thesaurus linguae latinae and in 1572 his son Henri Estienne published the Thesaurus linguae graecae, which served up to the 19th century as the basis of Greek lexicography; the first monolingual dictionary written in Europe was the Spanish, written by Sebastián Covarrubias' Tesoro de la lengua castellana o española, published in 1611 in Madrid, Spain. In 1612 the first edition of the Vocabolario degli Accademici della Crusca, for Italian, was published, it served as the model for similar works in English. In 1690 in Rotterdam was published, the Dictionnaire Universel by
Phonology is a branch of linguistics concerned with the systematic organization of sounds in spoken languages and signs in sign languages. It used to be only the study of the systems of phonemes in spoken languages, but it may cover any linguistic analysis either at a level beneath the word or at all levels of language where sound or signs are structured to convey linguistic meaning. Sign languages have a phonological system equivalent to the system of sounds in spoken languages; the building blocks of signs are specifications for movement and handshape. The word'phonology' can refer to the phonological system of a given language; this is one of the fundamental systems which a language is considered to comprise, like its syntax and its vocabulary. Phonology is distinguished from phonetics. While phonetics concerns the physical production, acoustic transmission and perception of the sounds of speech, phonology describes the way sounds function within a given language or across languages to encode meaning.
For many linguists, phonetics belongs to descriptive linguistics, phonology to theoretical linguistics, although establishing the phonological system of a language is an application of theoretical principles to analysis of phonetic evidence. Note that this distinction was not always made before the development of the modern concept of the phoneme in the mid 20th century; some subfields of modern phonology have a crossover with phonetics in descriptive disciplines such as psycholinguistics and speech perception, resulting in specific areas like articulatory phonology or laboratory phonology. The word phonology comes from phōnḗ, "voice, sound," and the suffix - logy. Definitions of the term vary. Nikolai Trubetzkoy in Grundzüge der Phonologie defines phonology as "the study of sound pertaining to the system of language," as opposed to phonetics, "the study of sound pertaining to the act of speech". More Lass writes that phonology refers broadly to the subdiscipline of linguistics concerned with the sounds of language, while in more narrow terms, "phonology proper is concerned with the function and organization of sounds as linguistic items."
According to Clark et al. it means the systematic use of sound to encode meaning in any spoken human language, or the field of linguistics studying this use. Early evidence for a systematic study of the sounds in a language appears in the 4th century BCE Ashtadhyayi, a Sanskrit grammar composed by Pāṇini. In particular the Shiva Sutras, an auxiliary text to the Ashtadhyayi, introduces what may be considered a list of the phonemes of the Sanskrit language, with a notational system for them, used throughout the main text, which deals with matters of morphology and semantics; the study of phonology as it exists today is defined by the formative studies of the 19th-century Polish scholar Jan Baudouin de Courtenay, who shaped the modern usage of the term phoneme in a series of lectures in 1876-1877. The word phoneme had been coined a few years earlier in 1873 by the French linguist A. Dufriche-Desgenettes. In a paper read at the 24th of May meeting of the Société de Linguistique de Paris, Dufriche-Desgenettes proposed that phoneme serve as a one-word equivalent for the German Sprachlaut.
Baudouin de Courtenay's subsequent work, though unacknowledged, is considered to be the starting point of modern phonology. He worked on the theory of phonetic alternations, may have had an influence on the work of Saussure according to E. F. K. Koerner. An influential school of phonology in the interwar period was the Prague school. One of its leading members was Prince Nikolai Trubetzkoy, whose Grundzüge der Phonologie, published posthumously in 1939, is among the most important works in the field from this period. Directly influenced by Baudouin de Courtenay, Trubetzkoy is considered the founder of morphophonology, although this concept had been recognized by de Courtenay. Trubetzkoy developed the concept of the archiphoneme. Another important figure in the Prague school was Roman Jakobson, one of the most prominent linguists of the 20th century. In 1968 Noam Chomsky and Morris Halle published The Sound Pattern of English, the basis for generative phonology. In this view, phonological representations are sequences of segments made up of distinctive features.
These features were an expansion of earlier work by Roman Jakobson, Gunnar Fant, Morris Halle. The features describe aspects of articulation and perception, are from a universally fixed set, have the binary values + or −. There are at least two levels of representation: underlying representation and surface phonetic representation. Ordered phonological rules govern how underlying representation is transformed into the actual pronunciation. An important consequence of the influence SPE had on phonological theory was the downplaying of the syllable and the emphasis on segments. Furthermore, the generativists folded morphophonology into phonology, which both solved and created problems. Natural phonology is a theory based on the publications of its proponent David Stampe in 1969 and in 1979. In this view, phonology is based on a set of universal phonological p
Pragmatics is a subfield of linguistics and semiotics that studies the ways in which context contributes to meaning. Pragmatics encompasses speech act theory, conversational implicature, talk in interaction and other approaches to language behavior in philosophy, sociology and anthropology. Unlike semantics, which examines meaning, conventional or "coded" in a given language, pragmatics studies how the transmission of meaning depends not only on structural and linguistic knowledge of the speaker and listener, but on the context of the utterance, any pre-existing knowledge about those involved, the inferred intent of the speaker, other factors. In this respect, pragmatics explains how language users are able to overcome apparent ambiguity, since meaning relies on the manner, time, etc. of an utterance. The ability to understand another speaker's intended meaning is called pragmatic competence; the word pragmatics derives via Latin pragmaticus from the Greek πραγματικός, meaning amongst others "fit for action", which comes from πρᾶγμα, "deed, act", that from πράσσω, "to do, to act, to pass over, to practise, to achieve".
Pragmatics was a reaction to structuralist linguistics. In many cases, it expanded upon his idea that language has an analyzable structure, composed of parts that can be defined in relation to others. Pragmatics first engaged only in synchronic study, as opposed to examining the historical development of language. However, it rejected the notion that all meaning comes from signs existing purely in the abstract space of langue. Meanwhile, historical pragmatics has come into being; this field only gained linguists' attention in the 70s. This is; the study of the speaker's meaning, not focusing on the phonetic or grammatical form of an utterance, but instead on what the speaker's intentions and beliefs are. The study of the meaning in context, the influence that a given context can have on the message, it requires knowledge of the speaker's identities, the place and time of the utterance. The study of implicatures, i.e. the things that are communicated though they are not explicitly expressed. The study of relative distance, both social and physical, between speakers in order to understand what determines the choice of what is said and what is not said.
The study of what is not meant, as opposed to the intended meaning, i.e. that, unsaid and unintended, or unintentional. Information structure, the study of how utterances are marked in order to efficiently manage the common ground of referred entities between speaker and hearer Formal Pragmatics, the study of those aspects of meaning and use for which context of use is an important factor, by using the methods and goals of formal semantics; the sentence "You have a green light" is ambiguous. Without knowing the context, the identity of the speaker or the speaker's intent, it is difficult to infer the meaning with certainty. For example, it could mean: the space that belongs to you has green ambient lighting; the sentence "Sherlock saw the man with binoculars" could mean that Sherlock observed the man by using binoculars, or it could mean that Sherlock observed a man, holding binoculars. The meaning of the sentence depends on an understanding of the speaker's intent; as defined in linguistics, a sentence is an abstract entity—a string of words divorced from non-linguistic context—as opposed to an utterance, a concrete example of a speech act in a specific context.
The more conscious subjects stick to common words, idioms and topics, the more others can surmise their meaning. This suggests that sentences do not have intrinsic meaning, that there is no meaning associated with a sentence or word, that either can only represent an idea symbolically; the cat sat on the mat is a sentence in English. If someone were to say to someone else, "The cat sat on the mat," the act is itself an utterance; this implies that a sentence, expression or word cannot symbolically represent a single true meaning. By contrast, the meaning of an utterance can be inferred through knowledge of both its linguistic and non-linguistic contexts. In mathematics, with Berry's paradox, there arises a similar systematic ambiguity with the word "definable"; the referential uses of language are. A sign is the link or relationship between a signified and the signifier as defined by Saussure and Huguenin; the signified is some concept in the world. The signifier represents the signified. An example would be: Signified: the concept cat Signifier: the word "cat"The relationship between the two gives the sign meaning.
This relationship can be further explained by considering what we mean by "meaning." In pragmatics, there are two different types of meaning to consider: semantico-referential meaning and indexical meaning. Semantico-referential meaning refers to the aspect of meaning, which describes events in the world that are independent of the circumstance they are uttered in. An example would be propositions s
In linguistics, a compound is a lexeme that consists of more than one stem. Compounding, composition or nominal composition is the process of word formation that creates compound lexemes; that is, in familiar terms, compounding occurs when two or more words or signs are joined to make one longer word or sign. The meaning of the compound may be similar to or different from the meaning of its components in isolation; the component stems of a compound may be of the same part of speech—as in the case of the English word footpath, composed of the two nouns foot and path—or they may belong to different parts of speech, as in the case of the English word blackbird, composed of the adjective black and the noun bird. With few exceptions, English compound words are stressed on their first component stem; the process occurs in other Germanic languages for different reasons. Words can be concatenated both to mean the same as the sum of two words or where an adjective and noun are compounded; the addition of affix morphemes to words should not be confused with nominal composition, as this is morphological derivation.
Some languages form compounds from what in other languages would be a multi-word expression. This can result in unusually long words, a phenomenon known in German as Bandwurmwörter or tapeworm words. Sign languages have compounds, they are created by combining two or more sign stems. Compound formation rules vary across language types. In a synthetic language, the relationship between the elements of a compound may be marked with a case or other morpheme. For example, the German compound Kapitänspatent consists of the lexemes Kapitän and Patent joined by an -s-. Conversely, in the Hebrew language compound, the word בֵּית סֵפֶר bet sefer, it is the head, modified: the compound means "house-of book", with בַּיִת bayit having entered the construct state to become בֵּית bet; this latter pattern is common throughout the Semitic languages, though in some it is combined with an explicit genitive case, so that both parts of the compound are marked. Agglutinative languages tend to create long words with derivational morphemes.
Compounds may not require the use of derivational morphemes also. The longest compounds in the world may be found in the Germanic languages. In German extendable compound words can be found in the language of chemical compounds, where, in the cases of biochemistry and polymers, they can be unlimited in length because the German rule suggests combining all noun adjuncts with the noun as the last stem. German examples include Farbfernsehgerät, Funkfernbedienung, the quoted jocular word Donaudampfschifffahrtsgesellschaftskapitänsmütze, which can of course be made longer and more absurd, e.g. Donaudampfschifffahrtsgesellschaftskapitänsmützenreinigungsausschreibungsverordnungsdiskussionsanfang etc. According to several editions of the Guinness Book of World Records, the longest published German word has 79 letters and is Donaudampfschiffahrtselektrizitätenhauptbetriebswerkbauunterbeamtengesellschaft, but there is no evidence that this association actually existed. In Finnish, although there is theoretically no limit to the length of compound words, words consisting of more than three components are rare.
Those with less than three components can look mysterious to non-Finnish speakers, such as hätäuloskäynti. Internet folklore sometimes suggests that lentokonesuihkuturbiinimoottoriapumekaanikkoaliupseerioppilas is the longest word in Finnish, but evidence of it being used is scant and anecdotal at best. Compounds can be rather long when translating technical documents from English to some other language, since the lengths of the words are theoretically unlimited in chemical terminology. For example, when translating an English technical document to Swedish, the term "Motion estimation search range settings" can be directly translated to rörelseuppskattningssökintervallsinställningar, though in reality, the word would most be divided in two: sökintervallsinställningar för rörelseuppskattning – "search range settings for motion estimation". A common semantic classification of compounds yields four types: endocentric exocentric copulative appositionalAn endocentric compound consists of a head, i.e. the categorical part that contains the basic meaning of the whole compound, modifiers, which restrict this meaning.
For example, the English compound doghouse, where house is the head and dog is the modifier, is understood as a house intended for a dog. Endocentric compounds tend to be of the same part of speech as their head, as in the case of doghouse. An exocentric compound is a hyponym of some unexpressed semantic category (such as a person, plant, or anima