Trades and Labor Congress of Canada
The Trades and Labor Congress of Canada was a Canada-wide central federation of trade unions from 1883 to 1956. It was founded at the Knights of Labor, it was the third attempt at a national labour federation to be formed in Canada: it succeeded the Canadian Labour Union which existed from 1873 to 1877 and the Canadian Labour Congress which held only one conference in 1881. The first meeting was called by the Knights of Labor, it attracted Toronto unionists with no one attending from outside of Ontario. It adopted policies which denounced government supported immigration, the Salvation Army for its alleged efforts to bring London’s poor to Canada; the Toronto Trades and Labour Council began in 1881, similar citywide coordinating bodies were soon formed in Montreal, Brantford and other cities. They banded together in 1886 as The Trades and Labour Congress of Canada. At first it represented Ontario and Quebec, it helped resolve jurisdictional disputes among its member unions. It used lobbying to secure wage and protective legislation, workmen's compensation, sanitary regulation of workshops, the eight-hour day.
Although few members were factory workers, it helped lobby for factory acts in Ontario, Quebec and Nova Scotia. It supported the Liberal Party move in 1900 to create the federal Department of Labour, with a system of negotiations to settle Labour disputes, it was challenged by the American-based American Federation of Labor led by Samuel Gompers, who sought to unite the movements in Canada and the U. S. In 1902 Gompers took control of the Congress. Gompers's policies tended to ignore the particularities of the Canadian labour force the French-Canadian separatism in Quebec, the political impulses in the Prairies, the left-wing socialism of the coal miners in Nova Scotia; the TLC developed a ‘Platform of Principles’ comprising 16 points. Added to its first adopted policies were: free compulsory education, an eight-hour work day and a six-day work week, government inspection of industry, minimum living wage, public ownership of railways, waterworks, abolition of the Senate, use of union label, abolition of property qualifications to vote, proportional representation and the use of referendums.
In 1913 the vote for women was added as a 17th principle. By 1900 the TLC had become the country's first national body; as the Knights of Labor declined in number unions representing skilled trades workers came to dominate the TLC. By the 1890s Samuel Gompers in the U. S. was planning an international federation of labour, starting with the expansion of AFL affiliates in Canada Ontario. He helped the Trades and Labour Congress with money and organizers, by 1902. At the 1902 TLC conference in Berlin, under the influence of the American Federation of Labor and its unions in Canada, the Knights along with the purely Canadian unions were banned from membership; the AFL came to dominate the Canadian union movement, although there were radical unions in British Columbia and Catholic ones in Quebec. The TLC was opposed to the First World War but reversed its position as their members rushed to the patriotic call of the federal government and the British Empire. While long-lived, the TLC underwent a number of splits and challenges as the labour movement developed.
In the twentieth century the TLC faced rivals on the left in the form of syndicalist or socialist movements such as the Industrial Workers of the World and the One Big Union. In failing to respond to the demands of the western workers who wanted more radical actions in the years following World War I, the TLC lost their confidence, they broke away from their AFL/TLC unions and formed the One Big Union following the Winnipeg General Strike in 1919. The leadership of Canadian labour was challenged at the start of the Great Depression with the establishment of the Workers' Unity League. In 1935 unions that wanted to organize unskilled workers in the new mass industries of automobile and rubber broke with the AFL and formed the Congress of Industrial Organizations; the latter's strategy of industrial unionism was a direct challenge to the TLC craft unionism. Interest in the CIO was sparked in Canada when in 1937 more than 4,000 workers at General Motors in Oshawa joined the United Automobile Workers, a CIO union, fought a strike for union recognition.
In 1939, CIO supporters were expelled from the TLC and joined with the national All-Canadian Congress of Labour to form the rival Canadian Congress of Labour in 1940. The TLC continued to be the voice of skilled trades workers in the country. Just as the Cold War and the rise of anti-Communism led to the purge of leftists from the union CIO in the United States and the creation of the AFL-CIO in 1955, the same phenomenon in Canada led to the merger of the TLC and the CCL in 1956 to create the modern Canadian Labour Congress. Clavette, Ken. "The'Rag and Bobnail:' The rise and fall of Ottawa's early working class." Ottawa: Making A Capital. Ottawa: Ottawa University Press, 2001. Forsey, Eugene, "Trade Unions in Canada 1812–1902", Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1982. French, Doris, "Faith and Politics: The Early Trade Union Years in Canada Toronto: McClelland and Stewart Ltd 1962 Heron, Craig; the Canadian Labour Movement: A Short History. Toronto: James Lormier, 1996. Morton, Desmond with Terry Copp.
1917 Canadian federal election
The 1917 Canadian federal election was held on December 17, 1917, to elect members of the House of Commons of Canada of the 13th Parliament of Canada. Described by historian Michael Bliss as the "most bitter election in Canadian history", it was fought over the issue of conscription; the election resulted in Prime Minister Sir Robert Borden's Unionist government elected with a strong majority and the largest percentage of the popular vote for any party in Canadian history. The previous election was won by Borden's Conservatives. Under the law, Canada should have had an election in 1916. However, citing the emergency of the First World War, the government postponed the election in hope that a coalition government could be formed, as existed in Britain. Sir Wilfrid Laurier, head of the Liberal Party of Canada, refused to join the coalition over the issue of conscription, opposed in the Liberal heartland of Quebec. Laurier worried that agreeing to Borden's coalition offer would cause that province to abandon the Liberals and even Canada.
Borden proceeded to form a "Unionist" government, the Liberal Party split over the issue. Many English Canadian Liberal MPs and provincial Liberal parties in English Canada supported the new Unionist government. To ensure victory for conscription, Borden introduced two laws to skew the voting towards the government; the first, the Wartime Elections Act, disenfranchised conscientious objectors and Canadian citizens if they were born in enemy countries and had arrived after 1902. The law gave female relatives of servicemen the vote. Thus, the 1917 election was the first federal election; the other new law was the Military Voters Act, which allowed soldiers serving abroad to choose which riding their vote would be counted in or to allow the party for which they voted to select the riding in which the vote would be counted. That allowed government officials to guide the pro-conscription soldiers into voting in those ridings where they would be more useful. Servicemen were given a ballot with the simple choice of "Government" or "Opposition".
Soon after these measures were passed, Borden convinced a faction of Liberals along with Gideon Decker Robertson, described as a "Labour" Senator to join with them, forming the Unionist government in October 1917. He dissolved parliament to seek a mandate in the election, which pitted "Government" candidates, running as the Unionist Party, against the anti-conscription faction of the Liberal Party, which ran under the name Laurier Liberals; the divisive debate ended with the country divided on linguistic lines. The Liberals won 82 seats, 62 in Quebec, with many other seats won in provinces such as Manitoba, New Brunswick, Ontario in ridings with significant French Canadian populations; the Unionists won 153 seats. The three Unionist won seats in Quebec were all in English-speaking ridings; that led to the Francœur Motion in January 1918. Out of 235 seats, 33 were won by 16 to the Unionists. Two of the Unionist acclamations were for the riding of Halifax, where the only candidates were two Unionists, where, eleven days earlier, the tragic Halifax Explosion had taken place.
Notes: * Party did not nominate candidates in the previous election. 1 % change for Government compared to Conservative Party in 1911 election, for Opposition to Liberal Party. List of Canadian federal general elections List of political parties in Canada 11th Canadian Parliament Argyle, Ray. Turning Points: The Campaigns That Changed Canada - 2011 and Before excerpt and text search ch 6 13th Canadian Parliament Conscription crisis of 1917 Khaki election
Conscription, sometimes called the draft, is the compulsory enlistment of people in a national service, most a military service. Conscription dates back to antiquity and continues in some countries to the present day under various names; the modern system of near-universal national conscription for young men dates to the French Revolution in the 1790s, where it became the basis of a large and powerful military. Most European nations copied the system in peacetime, so that men at a certain age would serve 1–8 years on active duty and transfer to the reserve force. Conscription is controversial for a range of reasons, including conscientious objection to military engagements on religious or philosophical grounds; those conscripted may evade service, sometimes by leaving the country, seeking asylum in another country. Some selection systems accommodate these attitudes by providing alternative service outside combat-operations roles or outside the military, such as Siviilipalvelus in Finland, Zivildienst in Austria and Switzerland.
Several countries conscript male soldiers not only for armed forces, but for paramilitary agencies, which are dedicated to police-like domestic only service like Internal Troops, Border Guards or non-combat rescue duties like Civil defence troops – none of, considered alternative to the military conscription. As of the early 21st century, many states no longer conscript soldiers, relying instead upon professional militaries with volunteers enlisted to meet the demand for troops; the ability to rely on such an arrangement, presupposes some degree of predictability with regard to both war-fighting requirements and the scope of hostilities. Many states that have abolished conscription therefore still reserve the power to resume it during wartime or times of crisis. States involved in wars or interstate rivalries are most to implement conscription, whereas democracies are less than autocracies to implement conscription. Former British colonies are less to have conscription, as they are influenced by British anticonscription norms that can be traced back to the English Civil War.
Around the reign of Hammurabi, the Babylonian Empire used. Under that system those eligible were required to serve in the royal army in time of war. During times of peace they were instead required to provide labour for other activities of the state. In return for this service, people subject to it gained the right to hold land, it is possible that this right was not to hold land per se but specific land supplied by the state. Various forms of avoiding military service are recorded. While it was outlawed by the Code of Hammurabi, the hiring of substitutes appears to have been practiced both before and after the creation of the code. Records show that Ilkum commitments could become traded. In other places, people left their towns to avoid their Ilkum service. Another option was to sell Ilkum lands and the commitments along with them. With the exception of a few exempted classes, this was forbidden by the Code of Hammurabi. In medieval Scandinavia the leiðangr, leding, lichting, expeditio or sometimes leþing, was a levy of free farmers conscripted into coastal fleets for seasonal excursions and in defence of the realm.
The bulk of the Anglo-Saxon English army, called the fyrd, was composed of part-time English soldiers drawn from the freemen of each county. In the 690s Laws of Ine, three levels of fines are imposed on different social classes for neglecting military service; some modern writers claim. These thegns were the land-holding aristocracy of the time and were required to serve with their own armour and weapons for a certain number of days each year; the historian David Sturdy has cautioned about regarding the fyrd as a precursor to a modern national army composed of all ranks of society, describing it as a "ridiculous fantasy":The persistent old belief that peasants and small farmers gathered to form a national army or fyrd is a strange delusion dreamt up by antiquarians in the late eighteenth or early nineteenth centuries to justify universal military conscription. Medieval levy in Poland was known as the pospolite ruszenie; the system of military slaves was used in the Middle East, beginning with the creation of the corps of Turkish slave-soldiers by the Abbasid caliph al-Mu'tasim in the 820s and 830s.
The Turkish troops soon came to dominate the government, establishing a pattern throughout the Islamic world of a ruling military class separated by ethnicity and religion by the mass of the population, a paradigm that found its apogee in the Mamluks of Egypt and the Janissary corps of the Ottoman Empire, institutions that survived until the early 19th century. In the middle of the 14th century, Ottoman Sultan Murad I developed personal troops to be loyal to him, with a slave army called the Kapıkulu; the new force was built by taking Christian children from newly conquered lands from the far areas of his empire, in a system known as the devşirme. The captive children were forced to convert to Islam; the Sultans had the young boys trained over several years. Those who showed special promise in fighting skills were trained in advanced warrior skills, put into the sultan's personal service, turned into the Janissaries, the elite branch of the Kapıkulu. A n
1935 Canadian federal election
The Canadian federal election of 1935 was held on October 14, 1935. to elect members of the House of Commons of Canada of the 18th Parliament of Canada. The Liberal Party of William Lyon Mackenzie King won a majority government, defeating Prime Minister R. B. Bennett's Conservatives; the central issue was the economy, still in the depths of the Great Depression. Bennett, in office since the 1930 election, had done little to stimulate the economy during his first few years, believing that a policy of high tariffs and trade within the British Empire would correct the depression. In the last months of his time in office, he reversed his position, copying the popular New Deal of Franklin Roosevelt in the United States. Upset about high unemployment and inaction by the federal government, voters were unwilling to allow the Conservatives to continue to govern, despite their change of policy; the Conservatives were suffering severe internal divisions. During his first years in office, Bennett had alienated those in his party who supported intervention in the economy.
His last minute conversion to interventionism alienated the rest of the party. Former cabinet minister H. H. Stevens left to form the Reconstruction Party. Senior minister Sir Joseph Flavelle announced. Voters opted for Mackenzie King's promise of mild reforms to restore economic health; the Liberals crushed the Tories, winning 171 seats to the Conservatives' 39, the worst performance by the Tories until their collapse in 1993. The Liberal Party would continue to hold power until 1957; the 1935 election was important in it saw the final demise of the Progressive Party and the United Farmers of Alberta. Two new movements rose out of the west, however; the new Co-operative Commonwealth Federation, a social democratic party, first competed in this election and won seven seats, promising social reform. The Social Credit Party of Canada was more successful, capturing seventeen seats on its platform of monetary reform despite winning less of the popular vote than the former. Notes: * The party did not nominate candidates in the previous election.
X - less than 0.005% of the popular vote xx - less than 0.05% of the popular vote List of Canadian federal general elections List of political parties in Canada 18th Canadian Parliament Canadian Annual Review 1935-1936 H. Blair Neatby, William Lyon Mackenzie King: 1932-1939 J. R. H. Wilbur; the Bennett new deal: fraud or portent?. Copp Clark
Sir Henri Charles Wilfrid Laurier was the seventh prime minister of Canada, in office from 11 July 1896 to 6 October 1911. Laurier is considered one of the country's greatest statesmen, he is well known for his policies of conciliation, expanding Confederation, compromise between French and English Canada. His vision for Canada was a land of decentralized federalism, he argued for an English-French partnership in Canada. "I have had before me as a pillar of fire," he said, "a policy of true Canadianism, of moderation, of reconciliation." He passionately defended individual liberty, "Canada is free and freedom is its nationality," and "Nothing will prevent me from continuing my task of preserving at all cost our civil liberty." Laurier was well-regarded for his efforts to establish Canada as an autonomous country within the British Empire, he supported the continuation of the Empire if it was based on "absolute liberty political and commercial". In addition, he was a strict nationalist, argued for a more competitive Canada through limited government, was an adherent of fiscal discipline.
A 2011 Maclean's historical ranking of the Prime Ministers placed Laurier first. Canada's first francophone prime minister, Laurier holds a number of records, he is tied with Sir John A. Macdonald for the most consecutive federal elections won, his 15-year tenure remains the longest unbroken term of office among prime ministers. In addition, his nearly 45 years of service in the House of Commons is a record for that house. At 31 years, 8 months, Laurier was the longest-serving leader of a major Canadian political party, surpassing William Lyon Mackenzie King by over two years. Along with King, he holds the distinction of serving as Prime Minister during the reigns of three Canadian Monarchs, he is the fourth-longest serving Prime Minister of Canada, behind King and Pierre Trudeau. Laurier's portrait has been displayed on the Canadian five-dollar bill since 1972; the second child of Carolus Laurier and Marcelle Martineau, Wilfrid Laurier was born in Saint-Lin, Canada East, on 20 November 1841. Laurier was among the seventh generation of his family in Canada.
He was a sixth-generation Canadian. His ancestor François Cottineau, dit Champlaurier, came to Canada from France, he grew up in a family where politics was a staple of debate. His father, an educated man having liberal ideas, enjoyed a certain degree of prestige about town. In addition to being a farmer and surveyor, he occupied such sought-after positions as mayor, justice of the peace, militia lieutenant and school board member. At the age of 11, Wilfrid left home to study in New Glasgow, a neighbouring village inhabited by immigrants from Scotland. Over the next two years, he familiarized himself with the mentality and culture of British people. Laurier attended the Collège de L'Assomption and graduated in law from McGill University in 1864, he was elected to the Legislative Assembly of Quebec from Drummond-Arthabaska in the 1871 Quebec general election, but resigned on 19 January 1874, to enter federal politics in the riding of Quebec East. He was first elected to the House of Commons of Canada in the 1874 election, serving in the Cabinet of Prime Minister Alexander Mackenzie as Minister of Inland Revenue.
Chosen as leader of the federal Liberal Party in 1887, he built up his party's strength through his personal following both in Quebec and elsewhere in Canada. He led the Liberal Party to victory in the 1896 election, contested five other federal elections. By 1909, Laurier had been able to build the Liberal Party a base in Quebec, which had remained a Conservative stronghold for decades due to the province's social conservatism and to the influence of the Roman Catholic Church, which distrusted the Liberals' anti-clericalism; the growing alienation of French Canadians from the Conservative Party due to its links with anti-French, anti-Catholic Orangemen in English Canada aided the Liberal Party. These factors, combined with the collapse of the Conservative Party of Quebec, gave Laurier an opportunity to build a stronghold in French Canada and among Catholics across Canada. Catholic priests in Quebec warned their parishioners not to vote for Liberals, their slogan was "le ciel est bleu, l'enfer est rouge".
Laurier led Canada during a period of rapid industrialization and immigration. His long career straddles a period of major economic change; as Prime Minister he was instrumental in ushering Canada into the 20th century and in gaining greater autonomy from Britain for his country. A list of his Ministers is available at the Parliamentary website, is known as the 8th Canadian Ministry. One of Laurier's first acts as Prime Minister was to implement a solution to the Manitoba Schools Question, which had helped to bring down the Conservative government of Charles Tupper earlier in 1896; the Manitoba legislature had passed a law eliminating public funding for Catholic schooling. The Catholic minority asked the federal Government for support, the Conservatives proposed remedial legislation to override Manitoba's legislation. Laurier opposed the remedial legislation on the basis of provincial rights, succeeded in blocking its passage by Parliament. Once elected, Laurier proposed a compromise stating that Catholi
Robert Daniel "Bob" Nault is a Canadian politician. A member of the Liberal Party of Canada, Nault began his career as city councillor for Kenora City Council, he was first elected to the House of Commons as the representative for Kenora—Rainy River in 1988, beating NDP incumbent John Parry. Following the 1988 election, Nault ran in the 1993,1997, 2000 federal elections. Nault served as Minister of Indian Affairs and Northern Development in the cabinet of Jean Chrétien from 1999 to 2003, he introduced a comprehensive program of reform and financial accountability measures for First Nations. In 2004, he did not seek re-election in the 2004 election. After his first stint in the House of Commons, Nault provided advisory and consulting services to high-technology firms, First Nations, major public sector organizations. In January 2015, Nault announced his intention to seek the Liberal Party of Canada nomination for Kenora, which includes nearly all of his old riding, in the 2015 federal election scheduled for October 19.
On May 31, 2015, Nault was nominated as the party's candidate. In the ensuing election, he edged out former provincial NDP leader Howard Hampton, who had represented the area provincially from 1987 to 2011, by only 2% to return to Parliament after a 12-year absence. Incumbent Conservative and cabinet minister Greg Rickford was pushed into third place. In February 2016, Nault was elected Chair by committee members of the Foreign Affairs and International Development Committee. Bob Nault – Parliament of Canada biography Interview with the Frontier Centre for Public Policy Robert Nault Profile - The Canadian Encyclopedia Macleans Interview - 2013
The working class comprises those engaged in waged or salaried labour in manual-labour occupations and industrial work. Working-class occupations include blue-collar jobs, some white-collar jobs, most pink-collar jobs. Members of the working class rely for their income upon their earnings from wage labour. In Marxist theory and socialist literature, the term working class is used interchangeably with the term proletariat and includes all workers who expend both physical and mental labour to produce economic value for the owners of the means of production; as with many terms describing social class, working class is defined and used in many different ways. The most general definition, used by Marxists and many socialists, is that the working class includes all those who have nothing to sell but their labour power and skills. In that sense it includes both white and blue-collar workers and mental workers of all types, excluding only individuals who derive their income from business ownership and the labour of others.
When used non-academically in the United States, however, it refers to a section of society dependent on physical labour when compensated with an hourly wage. For certain types of science, as well as less scientific or journalistic political analysis, for example, the working class is loosely defined as those without college degrees. Working-class occupations are categorized into four groups: unskilled labourers, artisans and factory workers. A common alternative, sometimes used in sociology, is to define class by income levels; when this approach is used, the working class can be contrasted with a so-called middle class on the basis of differential terms of access to economic resources, cultural interests, other goods and services. The cut-off between working class and middle class here might mean the line where a population has discretionary income, rather than sustenance; some researchers have suggested that working-class status should be defined subjectively as self-identification with the working-class group.
This subjective approach allows people, rather than researchers. In feudal Europe, the working class as such did not exist in large numbers. Instead, most people were part of the labouring class, a group made up of different professions and occupations. A lawyer and peasant were all considered to be part of the same social unit, a third estate of people who were neither aristocrats nor church officials. Similar hierarchies existed outside Europe in other pre-industrial societies; the social position of these labouring classes was viewed as ordained by natural law and common religious belief. This social position was contested by peasants, for example during the German Peasants' War. In the late 18th century, under the influence of the Enlightenment, European society was in a state of change, this change could not be reconciled with the idea of a changeless god-created social order. Wealthy members of these societies created ideologies which blamed many of the problems of working-class people on their morals and ethics.
In The Making of the English Working Class, E. P. Thompson argues that the English working class was present at its own creation, seeks to describe the transformation of pre-modern labouring classes into a modern, politically self-conscious, working class. Starting around 1917, a number of countries became ruled ostensibly in the interests of the working class; some historians have noted that a key change in these Soviet-style societies has been a massive a new type of proletarianization effected by the administratively achieved forced displacement of peasants and rural workers. Since four major industrial states have turned towards semi-market-based governance, one state has turned inwards into an increasing cycle of poverty and brutalization. Other states of this sort have either collapsed, or never achieved significant levels of industrialization or large working classes. Since 1960, large-scale proletarianization and enclosure of commons has occurred in the third world, generating new working classes.
Additionally, countries such as India have been undergoing social change, expanding the size of the urban working class. Karl Marx defined the working class or proletariat as individuals who sell their labour power for wages and who do not own the means of production, he argued. He asserted that the working class physically build bridges, craft furniture, grow food, nurse children, but do not own land, or factories. A sub-section of the proletariat, the lumpenproletariat, are the poor and unemployed, such as day labourers and homeless people. Marx considered them to be devoid of class consciousness. In The Communist Manifesto, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels argued that it was the destiny of the working class to displace the capitalist system, with the dictatorship of the proletariat, abolishing the social relationshi