Anarcho-capitalism is a political philosophy and school of anarchist thought that advocates the elimination of centralized state dictum in favor of self-ownership, private property and free markets. Anarcho-capitalists hold that in the absence of statute, society tends to contractually self-regulate and civilize through the spontaneous and organic discipline of the free market. In an anarcho-capitalist society, law enforcement and all other security services would be operated by funded competitors selected by consumers rather than centrally through confiscatory taxation. Money, along with all other goods and services, would be and competitively provided in an open market. Personal and economic activities under anarcho-capitalism would therefore be regulated by victim-based dispute resolution organizations under tort and contract law, rather than by statute through centrally determined punishment under political monopolies, which tend to become corrupt in proportion to their monopolization.
Business regulations, such as corporate standards, public relations, product labels, rules for consumer protection and labor relations would be regulated voluntarily via the use of competitive trade associations, professional societies, standards bodies. Various theorists have espoused legal philosophies similar to anarcho-capitalism. However, the first person to use the term was Murray Rothbard who, in the mid-20th century, synthesized elements from the Austrian School of economics, classical liberalism and 19th-century American individualist anarchists Lysander Spooner and Benjamin Tucker. A Rothbardian anarcho-capitalist society would operate under a mutually agreed-upon libertarian "legal code which would be accepted, which the courts would pledge themselves to follow"; this pact would recognize self-ownership, property and tort law, in keeping with the universal non-aggression principle. Anarcho-capitalists are distinguished from minarchists, who advocate a small Jeffersonian night-watchman state limited to protecting individuals and their properties from foreign and domestic aggression.
Anarcho-capitalists argue for a society based on the voluntary trade of private property and services in order to minimize conflict while maximizing individual liberty and prosperity. However, they recognize charity and communal arrangements as part of the same voluntary ethic. Although anarcho-capitalists are known for asserting a right to private property, some propose that non-state public or community property can exist in an anarcho-capitalist society. For them, what is important is that it is acquired and transferred without help or hindrance from the compulsory state. Anarcho-capitalist libertarians believe that the only just and most economically beneficial way to acquire property is through voluntary trade, gift, or labor-based original appropriation, rather than through aggression or fraud. Anarcho-capitalists see free market capitalism as the basis for a prosperous society. Murray Rothbard said that the difference between free market capitalism and "state capitalism" is the difference between "peaceful, voluntary exchange" and a collusive partnership between business and government that uses coercion to subvert the free market.
"Capitalism", as anarcho-capitalists employ the term, is not to be confused with state monopoly capitalism, crony capitalism, corporatism, or contemporary mixed economies, wherein market incentives and disincentives may be altered by state action. They therefore reject the state, seeing it as an entity which steals property, initiates aggression, has a compulsory monopoly on the use of force, uses its coercive powers to benefit some businesses and individuals at the expense of others, creates artificial monopolies, restricts trade and restricts personal freedoms via drug laws, compulsory education, laws on food and morality and the like. Many anarchists view capitalism as an inherently authoritarian and hierarchical system and seek the expropriation of private property. There is disagreement between these left anarchists and laissez-faire anarcho-capitalists as the former rejects anarcho-capitalism as a form of anarchism and considers anarcho-capitalism an oxymoron, while the latter holds that such expropriation is counterproductive to order and would require a state.
On the Nolan chart, anarcho-capitalists are located at the extreme edge of the libertarian quadrant since they reject state involvement in both economic and personal affairs. Anarcho-capitalists argue that the state relies on initiating force because force can be used against those who have not stolen private property, vandalized private property, assaulted anyone, or committed fraud. Many argue that subsidized monopolies tend to be corrupt and inefficient. Murray Rothbard argued that all government services, including
Antimilitarism is a doctrine that opposes war, relying on a critical theory of imperialism and was an explicit goal of the First and Second International. Whereas pacifism is the doctrine that disputes should be settled without recourse to violence, Paul B. Miller defines anti-militarism as "ideology and activities...aimed at reducing the civil power of the military and preventing international war". Cynthia Cockburn defines an anti-militarist movement as one opposed to "military rule, high military expenditure or the imposition of foreign bases in their country". Martin Ceadel points out that anti-militarism is sometimes equated with pacificism—general opposition to war or violence, except in cases where force is deemed necessary to advance the cause of peace. Pacifism is the belief that disputes between nations should be settled peacefully, it is the use of violence as a means of settling disputes. It can include the refusal to participate in military action. Antimilitarism does not reject war in all circumstances, but rejects the belief or desire to maintain a large and strong military organization in aggressive preparedness for war.
Anarcho-syndicalist Georges Sorel advocated the use of violence as a form of direct action, calling it "revolutionary violence", which he opposed in Reflections on Violence to the violence inherent in class struggle. Similarities are seen between Sorel and the International Workingmens' Association theorization of propaganda of the deed. Walter Benjamin, in his Critique of Violence demarcates a difference between "violence that founds the law", "violence that conserves the law", on one hand, on the other hand, a "divine violence" that breaks the "magic circle" between both types of "state violence". What distinguishes these two kinds of violence fundamentally is their mode of operation; the example Benjamin provides in his essay is that of a General Strike, the latter of, a key element of Sorel's Reflections on Violence. The "violence that conserves the law" is equivalent to the state's monopoly of legitimate violence; the "violence that founds the law" is the original violence necessary to the creation of a state.
"Revolutionary violence" removes itself from the sphere of the law by shattering its instrumental logic of violence. Giorgio Agamben showed the theoretical link between the law and violence permitted Nazi-thinker Carl Schmitt to justify the "state of exception" as the characteristic of sovereignty, thus indefinite suspension of the law may only be blocked by breaking this link between violence and right. Henry David Thoreau's 1849 essay "Civil Disobedience" titled "Resistance to Civil Government", can be considered an antimilitarist point of view, his refusal to pay taxes is justified as an act of protest against slavery and against the Mexican–American War, in accordance to the practice of civil disobedience.. He writes in his essay. Instead the individual should "break the law" if the law is "of such a nature that it requires you to be the agent of injustice to another." Capitalism has been thought by antimilitarist literature to be a major cause of wars, an influence, theorized by Vladimir Lenin and Rosa Luxemburg under the name of "imperialism".
The military-industrial complex has been accused of "pushing for war" in pursuit of private economic or financial interests. The Second International was opposed to the participation of the working classes in war, analyzed as a competition between different national bourgeois classes and different state imperialisms; the assassination of French socialist leader Jean Jaurès days before the proclamation of World War I resulted in massive participation in the coming war. In Mars. After World War II, US President Eisenhower's 1961 issued a warning on the influence of the "military-industrial complex". American right-wing antimilitarists draw upon the statements of Thomas Jefferson and other Founding Fathers condemning standing armies and foreign entanglements. Jefferson's beliefs on maintaining a standing army are as follows: "There are instruments so dangerous to the rights of the nation and which place them so at the mercy of their governors that those governors, whether legislative or executive, should be restrained from keeping such instruments on foot but in well-defined cases.
Such an instrument is a standing army."Right-wing antimilitarists in the United States believe that "A well regulated militia, composed of the body of the people, trained to arms, is the best and most natural defense of a free country", as stated by James Madison. To this end, there is much overlap between the Militia movement and right-wing antimilitarists, although the two groups are not mutually inclusive; the term "well regulated" in the above quote is taken by such antimilitarists not to mean "regulated by the state" but rather "well equipped" and "in good
Tax resistance is the refusal to pay tax because of opposition to the government, imposing the tax, or to government policy, or as opposition to taxation in itself. Tax resistance is a form of direct action and, if in violation of the tax regulations a form of civil disobedience. Examples of tax resistance campaigns include those advocating home rule, such as the Salt March led by Mahatma Gandhi, those promoting women's suffrage, such as the Women's Tax Resistance League. War tax resistance is the refusal to pay some or all taxes that pay for war, may be practiced by conscientious objectors, pacifists, or those protesting against a particular war. Tax resisters are distinct from "tax protesters," who deny that the legal obligation to pay taxes exists or applies to them. Tax resisters may accept that some law commands them to pay taxes but they still choose to resist taxation; the earliest and most widespread forms of taxation were the corvée and tithe, both of which can be traced back to the beginning of civilization.
The corvée was state-imposed forced labour on peasants too poor to pay other forms of taxation. Low taxes helped the Roman aristocracy increase their wealth, which equalled or exceeded the revenues of the central government. An emperor sometimes replenished his treasury by confiscating the estates of the "super-rich", but in the period, the resistance of the wealthy to paying taxes was one of the factors contributing to the collapse of the Empire; because some believe taxation is oppressive, governments have always struggled with tax noncompliance and resistance. Indeed, it has been suggested that tax resistance played a significant role in the collapse of several empires, including the Egyptian, Roman and Aztec. Reports of collective tax refusal include Zealots resisting the Roman poll tax during the 1st century AD, culminating in the First Jewish–Roman War. Other historic events that originated as tax revolts include the Magna Carta, the American Revolution and the French Revolution. War tax resisters highlight the relationship between income tax and war.
In Britain income tax was introduced in 1799, to pay for weapons and equipment in preparation for the Napoleonic wars, whilst the US federal government imposed their first income tax in the Revenue Act of 1861 to help pay for the American Civil War. Tax resisters aims. For example, Henry David Thoreau and William Lloyd Garrison drew inspiration from the American Revolution and the stubborn pacifism of the Quakers; some tax resisters refuse to pay tax because their conscience will not allow them to fund war, whilst others resist tax as part of a campaign to overthrow the government. Tax resisters have been violent revolutionaries like John Adams and pacifist nonresistants like John Woolman. Leo Tolstoy, a Christian anarchist, urged government leaders to change their attitude to war and citizens to taxes: If only each King and President understood that his work of directing armies is not an honourable and important duty, as his flatterers persuade him it is, but a bad and shameful act of preparation for murder — and if each private individual understood that the payment of taxes wherewith to hire and equip soldiers, above all, army-service itself, are not matters of indifference, but are bad and shameful actions by which he not only permits but participates in murder — this power of Emperors and Presidents, which now arouses our indignation, which causes them to be murdered, would disappear of itself.
As an example of the numerous tax resistance methods, below are some of the legal and illegal techniques used by war tax resisters: A resister may lower their tax payments by using legal tax avoidance techniques. Some taxpayers include protest letters along with their tax forms. Others pay in a protesting form — for instance, by writing their cheque on a toilet seat or a mock-up of a missile. Others pay in a way that creates inconvenience for the collector — for instance, by paying the entire amount in low-denomination coins; this last method is less effective in countries where small coins are legal tender only in limited amounts, allowing the tax authority to reject such payments. Other tax resisters change their lifestyles. For instance. For example, UK citizens pay no income tax. In the US the equivalent tax-free annual income is the sum of the standard deduction and personal exemption, though many deductions and credits allow people to earn much more than this and still avoid income tax. Opposition to war has led some, such as Ammon Hennacy and Ellen Thomas, to a form of tax resistance in which they reduce their income below the tax threshold by taking up a simple living lifestyle.
These individuals believe that their government is engaged in immoral, unethical or destructive activities such as war, paying taxes funds these activities. These methods differ from tax evasion in that they stay within the tax laws, they differ from tax avoidance in that the goal is to pay as little tax as possible rather than to keep as much post-tax income as possible. A resister may decide to reduce their tax paid thro
Expropriative anarchism is the name given to a practice carried out by certain anarchist affinity groups in Argentina and Spain which involved theft, robbery and counterfeiting currency. The robberies done were called "expropriations on the bourgeoisie", it had its major peak between 1920 and 1935 and some of its most famous practitioners were Buenaventura Durruti, Francisco Ascaso, Severino Di Giovanni, Miguel Arcángel Roscigna, Lucio Urtubia. It was different from French illegalism because it was not thought of as a way of life but as a way of reaching political ends such as financing revolutionary activities, anarchist propaganda and the release of anarchist prisoners. Los Solidarios known as Crisol, was a Spanish anarchist armed-struggle group founded in 1922 or 1923 in Barcelona, as a reply to the'dirty war' strategy used by the employers and government against trade unions, it was created as a successor to a previous group called Los Justicieros, created in Zaragoza. The group was instigated by anarcho-syndicalists, it set up a network in order to buy and store guns, with which to attack members of the Sindicato Libre, an employer-obeying organization.
Los Solidarios are considered responsible for bank robberies, such as the Bank of Spain Robbery, for the murder of the Zaragoza cardinal Juan Soldevilla y Romero. After that, pressured by the Primo de Rivera dictatorship, Buenaventura Durruti, Francisco Ascaso and other members fled to France, to Latin America, where they were charged with more robberies, they returned to Europe, settled down in France, were charged with making an attempt on the life of Alfonso XIII on a visit to Paris, so they had to live clandestinely. They were settled down in Belgium, where they were allowed to stay. With the advent of the Spanish Second Republic, some of the members, able to return to Catalonia decided to enter the Federación Anarquista Ibérica, as a group called Nosotros, holding more radical points of view than those of the FAI itself; when the Spanish Civil War broke out, the group dissolved as such, but they kept working inside the FAI. The first robbery in Argentina for anarchist political ends was executed by the Russian Germán Boris Wladimirovich in 1919.
The purpose was to obtain financing for pamphlets which could explain the situation of the Russian Revolution. The robbery failed and Wladimirovich was arrested along with his collaborator Andrés Babby. Miguel Arcángel Roscigna and Andrés Vázquez Paredes, who had collaborated with Buenaventura Durruti and Los Solidarios when they were in Argentina executed a series of bombings against United States interests in response to the execution of Sacco and Vanzetti. In this campaign, the notorious Italian expropriator Severino Di Giovanni joined in. Roscigna y Vázquez Paredes alongside Antonio Moretti and Vicente Moretti carried out a robbery on the Rawson Hospital of Buenos Aires in October, 1927, where they obtained the amount of 141.000 pesos. According to historian Oswaldo Bayer, with this money they financed the counterfeiting of argentinian currency; the Moretti brothers and three Catalans recommended by Durruti decided to rob the Cambio Messina in Montevideo, with an outcome of 3 deaths and only 4000 pesos.
They shortly put in practice a spectacular jailbreak. Di Giovanni started publishing a magazine called Culmine and anarchist propaganda, all of, financed by robberies; the anarcho-syndicalist publication La Protesta started criticizing Di Giovanni and his group in strong terms going as far as accusing him of being a spy and a police agent. Rosigna continued the expropriations but with the purpose of aiding anarchist prisoners; this money was used for liberating the anarchists in the Punta Carretas prison. The expropriative anarchists carried out reprisals against police and state agents who attacked the anarchist movement. Before being arrested Di Giovanni published Anarchia with "expropriations", he ended up being executed alongside Paulino Scarfó. Groups such as Rewolucyjni Mściciele and Chernoe Znamia, active at the beginning of the 20th century, used expropriation as a means to fund their activities. Lucio Urtubia Jiménez is a living Spanish anarchist famous for his practice of expropriative anarchism.
At times compared to Robin Hood, Urtubia carried out bank robberies and forgeries throughout the 1960s and 1970s. In the words of Albert Boadella, "Lucio is a Quijote that did not fight against wind mills, but against a true giant". Bayer, Osvaldo. Severino Di Giovanni, el idealista de la violencia. Booket, Buenos Aires, mayo de 2006. ISBN 987-580-092-9 Bayer Osvaldo, Los anarquistas expropiadores y otros ensayos. Booket, Buenos Aires, 2008. Bayer, Osvaldo. Severino Di Giovanni, el idealista de la violencia. Buenos Aires: Galerna, 1970. Noble, Cristina. Severino Di Giovanni, Pasión Anarquista. Buenos Aires: Ed. Capital Intellectual, 2006. Digital Archive of Expropriative Anarchism in Spanish On the case of Greek social bandit V. Palaiokostas and the anarchists arrested with him
Squatting is the action of occupying an abandoned or unoccupied area of land or a building residential, that the squatter does not own, rent or otherwise have lawful permission to use. Author Robert Neuwirth suggested in 2004. Yet, according to Kesia Reeve, "squatting is absent from policy and academic debate and is conceptualised, as a problem, as a symptom, or as a social or housing movement."Squatting can be related to political movements, such as anarchist, autonomist, or socialist. It can be a means to conserve buildings or to provide affordable housing. In many of the world's poorer countries, there are extensive slums or shanty towns built on the edges of major cities and consisting entirely of self-constructed housing built without the landowner's permission. While these settlements may, in time, grow to become both legalised and indistinguishable from normal residential neighbourhoods, they start off as squats with minimal basic infrastructure. Thus, there is no sewerage system, drinking water must be bought from vendors or carried from a nearby tap, if there is electricity, it is stolen from a passing cable.
During the Great Recession and increased housing foreclosures in the late 2000s, squatting became far more prevalent in Western, developed nations. Besides being residences, some squats are used as social centres or host give-away shops, pirate radio stations or cafés. In Spanish-speaking countries, squatters receive several names, such as okupas in Spain, Chile or Argentina, or paracaidistas in Mexico. Dutch sociologist Hans Pruijt separates types of squatters into five distinct categories: Deprivation-based – i.e. homeless people squatting for housing need An alternative housing strategy – e.g. people unprepared to wait on municipal lists to be housed take direct action Entrepreneurial – e.g. people breaking into buildings to service the need of a community for cheap bars, clubs etc. Conservational – i.e. preserving monuments because the authorities have let them decay Political – e.g. activists squatting buildings as protests or to make social centres In many countries, squatting is in itself a crime.
Property law and the state have traditionally favored the property owner. However, in many cases where squatters had de facto ownership, laws have been changed to legitimize their status. Squatters claim rights over the spaces they have squatted by virtue of occupation, rather than ownership. Anarchist Colin Ward comments: "Squatting is the oldest mode of tenure in the world, we are all descended from squatters; this is as true of the Queen with her 176,000 acres as it is of the 54 percent of householders in Britain who are owner-occupiers. They are all the ultimate recipients of stolen land, for to regard our planet as a commodity offends every conceivable principle of natural rights."Others have a different view. UK police official Sue Williams, for example, has stated that "Squatting is linked to Anti-Social Behaviour and can cause a great deal of nuisance and distress to local residents. In some cases there may be criminal activities involved." The public attitude toward squatting varies, depending on legal aspects, socioeconomic conditions, the type of housing occupied by squatters.
In particular, while squatting of municipal buildings may be treated leniently, squatting of private property leads to strong negative reaction on the part of the public and authorities. Squatting, when done in a positive and progressive manner, can be viewed as a way to reduce crime and vandalism to vacant properties, depending on the squatter's ability and willingness to conform to certain socioeconomic norms of the community in which they reside. Moreover, squatters can contribute to the maintenance or upgrading of sites that would otherwise be left unattended, the neglect of which would create abandoned and decaying neighborhoods within certain sections of moderately to urbanized cities or boroughs, one such example being New York City's Lower Manhattan from the 1970s to the post-9/11 era of the New Millennium. Adverse possession is a method of acquiring title to property through possession for a statutory period under certain conditions. Countries where this principle exists include the United States, based on common law.
However, some non-common law jurisdictions have laws similar to adverse possession. For example, Louisiana has a legal doctrine called acquisitive prescription, derived from French law. There are large squatter communities such as Kibera in Nairobi. An estimated 1,000 people live in the Grande Hotel Beira in Mozambique; the Zabbaleen settlement and the City of the Dead are both well-known squatter communities in Cairo. In South Africa, squatters tend to live in informal settlements or squatter camps on the outskirts of the larger cities but not always near townships. In the mid-1990s, an estimated 7.7 million South Africans lived in informal settlements: a fifth of the country's population. The number has grown in the post-apartheid era. Many buildings in the inner city of Johannesburg have been occupied by squatters. Property owners or government authorities can evict squatters after following certain legal procedures including requesting a court order. In Durban, the city council ro
Age of Enlightenment
The Age of Enlightenment was an intellectual and philosophical movement that dominated the world of ideas in Europe during the 18th century, the "Century of Philosophy". Some consider Descartes' 1637 statement "I think" to have sparked the period. Others cite the publication of Isaac Newton's Principia Mathematica. French historians traditionally date the Enlightenment from 1715 to 1789, from the beginning of the reign of Louis XV until the French Revolution. Most end it with the turn of the 19th century. Philosophers and scientists of the period circulated their ideas through meetings at scientific academies, Masonic lodges, literary salons, coffeehouses and in printed books and pamphlets; the ideas of the Enlightenment undermined the authority of the monarchy and the Church and paved the way for the political revolutions of the 18th and 19th centuries. A variety of 19th-century movements, including liberalism and neo-classicism, trace their intellectual heritage to the Enlightenment; the Enlightenment included a range of ideas centered on reason as the primary source of knowledge and advanced ideals such as liberty, toleration, constitutional government and separation of church and state.
In France, the central doctrines of the Enlightenment philosophers were individual liberty and religious tolerance, in opposition to an absolute monarchy and the fixed dogmas of the Roman Catholic Church. The Enlightenment was marked by an emphasis on the scientific method and reductionism, along with increased questioning of religious orthodoxy—an attitude captured by the phrase Sapere aude; the Age of Enlightenment was preceded by and associated with the scientific revolution. Earlier philosophers whose work influenced the Enlightenment included Bacon, Descartes and Spinoza; the major figures of the Enlightenment included Beccaria, Hume, Montesquieu, Adam Smith, Voltaire. Some European rulers, including Catherine II of Russia, Joseph II of Austria and Frederick II of Prussia, tried to apply Enlightenment thought on religious and political tolerance, which became known as enlightened absolutism. Benjamin Franklin visited Europe and contributed to the scientific and political debates there and brought the newest ideas back to Philadelphia.
Thomas Jefferson followed European ideas and incorporated some of the ideals of the Enlightenment into the Declaration of Independence. One of his peers, James Madison, incorporated these ideals into the United States Constitution during its framing in 1787; the most influential publication of the Enlightenment was the Encyclopédie. Published between 1751 and 1772 in thirty-five volumes, it was compiled by Diderot, d'Alembert and a team of 150 scientists and philosophers, it helped spread the ideas of the Enlightenment across Europe and beyond. Other landmark publications were Voltaire's Dictionnaire Letters on the English; the ideas of the Enlightenment played a major role in inspiring the French Revolution, which began in 1789. After the Revolution, the Enlightenment was followed by the intellectual movement known as Romanticism. René Descartes' rationalist philosophy laid the foundation for enlightenment thinking, his attempt to construct the sciences on a secure metaphysical foundation was not as successful as his method of doubt applied in philosophic areas leading to a dualistic doctrine of mind and matter.
His skepticism was refined by John Locke's Essay Concerning Human Understanding and David Hume's writings in the 1740s. His dualism was challenged by Spinoza's uncompromising assertion of the unity of matter in his Tractatus and Ethics; these laid down two distinct lines of Enlightenment thought: first, the moderate variety, following Descartes and Christian Wolff, which sought accommodation between reform and the traditional systems of power and faith, second, the radical enlightenment, inspired by the philosophy of Spinoza, advocating democracy, individual liberty, freedom of expression and eradication of religious authority. The moderate variety tended to be deistic, whereas the radical tendency separated the basis of morality from theology. Both lines of thought were opposed by a conservative Counter-Enlightenment, which sought a return to faith. In the mid-18th century, Paris became the center of an explosion of philosophic and scientific activity challenging traditional doctrines and dogmas.
The philosophic movement was led by Voltaire and Jean-Jacques Rousseau, who argued for a society based upon reason as in ancient Greece rather than faith and Catholic doctrine, for a new civil order based on natural law, for science based on experiments and observation. The political philosopher Montesquieu introduced the idea of a separation of powers in a government, a concept, enthusiastically adopted by the authors of the United States Constitution. While the Philosophes of the French Enlightenment were not revolutionaries and many were members of the nobility, their ideas played an important part in undermining the legitimacy of the Old Regime and shaping the French Revolution. Francis Hutcheson, a moral philosopher, described the utilitarian and consequentialist principle that virtue is that which provides, in his words, "the greatest happiness for the greatest numbers". Much of what is incorporated in the scientific method
Collectivist anarchism is a revolutionary anarchist doctrine that advocates the abolition of both the state and private ownership of the means of production as it instead envisions the means of production being owned collectively and controlled and managed by the producers themselves. For the collectivization of the means of production, it was envisaged that workers will revolt and forcibly collectivize the means of production. Once collectivization takes place, money would be abolished to be replaced with labour notes and workers' salaries would be determined in democratic organizations of voluntary membership based on job difficulty and the amount of time they contributed to production; these salaries would be used to purchase goods in a communal market. This contrasts with anarcho-communism, where wages would be abolished and where individuals would take from a storehouse of goods "to each according to his need". Notwithstanding the title, Mikhail Bakunin's collectivist anarchism is seen as a blend of individualism and collectivism.
Collectivist anarchism is most associated with Bakunin, the anti-authoritarian sections of the International Workingmen's Association and the early Spanish anarchist movement. Giuseppe Fanelli met Bakunin at Ischia in 1866. In October 1868, Bakunin sponsored Fanelli to travel to Barcelona to share his libertarian visions and recruit revolutionists to the International. Fanelli's trip and the meeting he organised during his travels provided the catalyst for the Spanish exiles, the largest workers' and peasants' movement in modern Spain and the largest anarchist movement in modern Europe. Fanelli's tour took him first to Barcelona, where he stayed with Elie Recluse. Recluse and Fanelli were at odds over Recluse's friendships with Spanish republicans and Fanelli soon left Barcelona for Madrid. Fanelli stayed in Madrid until the end of January 1869, conducting meetings to introduce Spanish workers, including Anselmo Lorenzo, to the First National. In February 1869, Fanelli left journeying home via Barcelona.
While there, he met with painter Josep Lluís Pellicer and his cousin Rafael Farga i Pellicer along with others who were to play an important role establishing the International in Barcelona as well as the Alliance section. In 1870, Bakunin led a failed uprising in Lyon on the principles exemplified by the Paris Commune, calling for a general uprising in response to the collapse of the French government during the Franco-Prussian War, seeking to transform an imperialist conflict into social revolution, or what Vladimir Lenin termed revolutionary defeatism. In his Letters to A Frenchman on the Present Crisis, Bakunin argued for a revolutionary alliance between the working class and the peasantry, advocated a system of militias with elected officers as part of a system of self-governing communes and workplaces and argued the time was ripe for revolutionary action, saying that "we must spread our principles, not with words but with deeds, for this is the most popular, the most potent, the most irresistible form of propaganda.
These ideas and corresponded strikingly with the program of the Paris Commune in 1871, much of, developed by followers of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon as Marxists were entirely absent from the Commune. Bakunin was a strong supporter of the Paris Commune, brutally suppressed by the French government, he saw the Paris Commune as above all a "rebellion against the State" and commended the Communards for rejecting not only the state, but revolutionary dictatorship. In a series of powerful pamphlets, he defended the Paris Commune and the International against the Italian nationalist Giuseppe Mazzini, thereby winning over many Italian republicans to the International and the cause of revolutionary socialism; the collectivist anarchists at first used the term collectivism to distinguish themselves from the mutualism of the followers of Proudhon and the state socialists associated with Karl Marx. In his 1867 essay "Federalism and Anti-Theologism", Bakunin wrote that "we shall always protest against anything that may in any way resemble communism or state socialism", which Bakunin regarded as fundamentally authoritarian.
Bakunin's disagreements with Marx which led to the attempt by the Marx party to expel him at the Hague Congress in 1872 illustrated the growing divergence between the anti-authoritarian sections of the International, which advocated the direct revolutionary action and organization of the workers and peasants in order to abolish the state and capitalism. Bakunin was "Marx's flamboyant chief opponent" and "presciently warned against the emergence of a communist authoritarianism that would take power over working people"; the anti-authoritarian majority which included most sections of the International created their own International at the St. Imier Congress, adopted a revolutionary anarchist program and repudiated the Hague resolutions, rescinding Bakunin's alleged expulsion. Although Bakunin accepted elements of Marx's class analysis and theories regarding capitalism, acknowledging "Marx's genius", he thought Marx's analysis was one-sided and that Marx's methods would compromise the social revolution.
More Bakunin criticized authoritarian socialism which he associated with Marxism and the concept of dictatorship of the proletariat which he adamantly refused. Indeed, Bakunin's maxim was that "f you took the most ardent revolutionary, vested him in absolute power, within a year he would be worse than the Tsar himself; the anti-authoritarian sections of the International proclaimed at the St. Imier Congress that "the aspirations of the proletariat can have no purpose o