Educational technology is "the study and ethical practice of facilitating learning and improving performance by creating and managing appropriate technological processes and resources". Educational technology is the use of educational theoretic, it encompasses several domains including learning theory, computer-based training, online learning, where mobile technologies are used, m-learning. Accordingly, there are several discrete aspects to describing the intellectual and technical development of educational technology: Educational technology as the theory and practice of educational approaches to learning. Educational technology as technological tools and media, for instance massive online courses, that assist in the communication of knowledge, its development and exchange; this is what people are referring to when they use the term "EdTech". Educational technology for learning management systems, such as tools for student and curriculum management, education management information systems.
Educational technology as back-office management, such as training management systems for logistics and budget management, Learning Record Store for learning data storage and analysis. Educational technology itself as an educational subject; the Association for Educational Communications and Technology defined educational technology as "the study and ethical practice of facilitating learning and improving performance by creating and managing appropriate technological processes and resources". It denoted instructional technology as "the theory and practice of design, utilization and evaluation of processes and resources for learning"; as such, educational technology refers to all valid and reliable applied education sciences, such as equipment, as well as processes and procedures that are derived from scientific research, in a given context may refer to theoretical, algorithmic or heuristic processes: it does not imply physical technology. Educational technology is the process of integrating technology into education in a positive manner that promotes a more diverse learning environment and a way for students to learn how to use technology as well as their common assignments.
Educational technology is an inclusive term for both the material tools and the theoretical foundations for supporting learning and teaching. Educational technology is not restricted to high technology but is anything that enhances classroom learning in the utilization of blended, face to face, or online learning. An educational technologist is someone, trained in the field of educational technology. Educational technologists try to analyze, develop and evaluate process and tools to enhance learning. While the term educational technologist is used in the United States, learning technologist is synonymous and used in the UK as well as Canada. Modern electronic educational technology is an important part of society today. Educational technology encompasses e-learning, instructional technology and communication technology in education, EdTech, learning technology, multimedia learning, technology-enhanced learning, computer-based instruction, computer managed instruction, computer-based training, computer-assisted instruction or computer-aided instruction, internet-based training, flexible learning, web-based training, online education, digital educational collaboration, distributed learning, computer-mediated communication, cyber-learning, multi-modal instruction, virtual education, personal learning environments, networked learning, virtual learning environments, m-learning, ubiquitous learning and digital education.
Each of these numerous terms has had its advocates. However, many terms and concepts in educational technology have been defined nebulously. Moreover, Moore saw these terminologies as emphasizing particular features such as digitization approaches, components or delivery methods rather than being fundamentally dissimilar in concept or principle. For example, m-learning emphasizes mobility, which allows for altered timing, location and context of learning. In practice, as technology has advanced, the particular "narrowly defined" terminological aspect, emphasized by name has blended into the general field of educational technology. "virtual learning" as narrowly defined in a semantic sense implied entering an environmental simulation within a virtual world, for example in treating posttraumatic stress disorder. In practice, a "virtual education course" refers to any instructional course in which all, or at least a significant portion, is delivered by the Internet. "Virtual" is used in that broader way to describe a course, not taught in a classroom face-to-face but through a substitute mode that can conceptually be associated "virtually" with classroom teaching, which means that people do not have to go to the physical classroom to learn.
Accordingly, virtual education refers to a form of distance learning in which course content is delivered by various methods such as course management applications, multimedia resources, videoconferencing. Virtual education and simulated learning opportunities, such as games or dissections, offer opportunities for students to connect classroom content to authentic situations. Educational conte
Howard Johnson's, or Howard Johnson by Wyndham, is an American chain of hotels and motels located throughout the United States and Canada. It had once been a chain of restaurants for over 90 years and its name was known for that alone. Founded by Howard Deering Johnson, it was the largest restaurant chain in the U. S. throughout the 1960s and 1970s, with more than 1,000 combined company-owned and franchised outlets. Howard Johnson hotels and motels are now part of Wyndham Worldwide. Howard Johnson's restaurants were franchised separately from the hotel brand beginning in 1986, but in the years that followed dwindled in number and all but disappeared by the turn of the century; as of 2018, only one Howard Johnson's restaurant remains: in Lake George, New York. The food and beverage rights to the restaurant are owned by Wyndham Worldwide; the line of branded supermarket frozen foods, including ice cream, is no longer manufactured. In 1925, Howard Deering Johnson borrowed $2,000 to buy and operate a small corner pharmacy in Wollaston, a neighborhood in Quincy, Massachusetts.
Johnson was surprised to find it easy to pay back the money lent to him, after discovering his installed soda fountain had become the busiest part of his drugstore. Eager to ensure that his store would remain successful, Johnson decided to come up with a new ice cream recipe; some sources say the recipe was based on his mother's homemade ice creams and desserts, while others say that it was from a local German immigrant, who either sold or gave Johnson the ice cream recipe. Regardless, the new recipe made the ice cream more flavorful due to an increased content of butterfat. Johnson came up with 28 flavors of ice cream. Johnson is quoted as saying, "I thought. That'28' became my trademark."Throughout the summers of the late 1920s, Johnson opened up concession stands on beachfront property along the coast of Massachusetts. The stands sold soft drinks, hot dogs, ice cream; each stand proved to be successful. With his success becoming more noticeable every year, Johnson convinced local bankers to lend him enough money to operate a sit-down restaurant.
Negotiations were made and, toward the end of the decade, the first Howard Johnson's restaurant opened in Quincy. The first Howard Johnson's restaurant featured fried clams, baked beans, chicken pot pies, ice cream, soft drinks; the first Howard Johnson's restaurant and Howard Johnson's company received an incredible break in 1929, owing to an unusual set of circumstances: The mayor of nearby Boston, Malcolm Nichols, banned the planned production of Eugene O'Neill's play, Strange Interlude, in the city of Boston. Rather than fight the mayor, the Theatre Guild moved the production to Quincy; the five-hour play was presented in two parts with a dinner break. The first Howard Johnson's restaurant was near the theater. Through word of mouth, more Americans became familiar with the Howard Johnson's company. Johnson wanted to expand his company, but the stock market crash of 1929 prevented him from doing so. After waiting a few years and maintaining his business, Johnson was able to persuade an acquaintance in 1932 to open a second Howard Johnson's restaurant in Orleans, Massachusetts.
The second restaurant was not company-owned. This was one of America's first franchising agreements. By the end of 1936, there were 39 more franchised restaurants, creating a total of 41 Howard Johnson's restaurants. By 1939, there were 107 Howard Johnson's restaurants along various American East Coast highways, generating revenues of $10.5 million. In less than 14 years, Johnson directed a franchise network of over 10,000 employees with 170 restaurants, many serving 1.5 million people a year. The unique icons of orange roofs and weather vanes on Howard Johnson properties helped patrons identify the chain's restaurants and motels; the restaurant's trademark Simple Simon and the Pieman logo was created by artist John Alcott in the 1930s. There were 200 Howard Johnson's restaurants when America entered World War II. By 1944, only 12 Howard Johnson's restaurants remained in business; the effects of war rationing had crippled the company. Johnson managed to maintain his business by serving commissary food to war workers and U.
S. Army recruits; when the Pennsylvania Turnpike, the Ohio Turnpike, New Jersey Turnpike and Connecticut Turnpike were built, Johnson bid for and won exclusive rights to serve drivers at service station turnoffs through the turnpike systems. In the process of recovering from these losses, in 1947 the Howard Johnson's company began construction of 200 new restaurants throughout the American Southeast and Midwest. By 1951, the sales of the Howard Johnson's company totaled $115 million. By 1954, there were 400 Howard Johnson's restaurants in 32 states, about 10% of which were profitable company-owned turnpike restaurants; this was one of the first nationwide restaurant chains. While many places sold "fried clams", they were whole, not universally accepted by the American dining public. Howard Johnson popularized Soffron Brothers Clam Company's fried clam strips, the "foot" of hard-shelled sea clams, they became popular to eat in this fashion throughout the country. In 1954, the company opened the first Howard Johnson's motor lodge in Georgia.
The company employed architects Rufus Nims and Karl Koch to oversee the design of the rooms and gate lodge. Nims had worked with the company, designing restaurants; the restaurant's trademark Simple Simon and the Pieman was now joined by a lamplighter character in the firm's marketing of its motels. According to cultural historians, the chain bec
Ontario New Democratic Party
The Ontario New Democratic Party is a social-democratic political party in Ontario, Canada. The Ontario NDP, led by Andrea Horwath since March 2009 forms the Official Opposition in Ontario following the 2018 general election, it is a provincial section of the federal New Democratic Party. It was formed in October 1961 from the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation and the Ontario Federation of Labour. For many years, the Ontario NDP was the most successful provincial NDP branch outside the national party's western heartland, it had its first breakthrough under its first leader, Donald C. MacDonald in the 1967 provincial election, when the party elected 20 Members of Provincial Parliament to the Ontario Legislative Assembly. After the 1970 leadership convention, Stephen Lewis became leader, guided the party to Official Opposition status in 1975, the first time since the Ontario CCF did it twice in the 1940s. After the party's disappointing performance in the 1977 provincial election, that included losing second party status, Lewis stepped down and Michael Cassidy was elected leader in 1978.
Cassidy led the party through the 1981 election. The party did poorly again, Cassidy resigned. In 1982, Bob Rae was elected leader. Under his leadership, in 1985, the party held the balance-of-power with the signing of an accord with the newly elected Liberal minority government. After the 1987 Ontario general election, the ONDP became the Official Opposition again; the 1990 Ontario general election produced the ONDP's breakthrough first government in 1990. The victory produced the first NDP provincial government east of Manitoba, but it took power just when Canada's economy was in a recession, as a result of unpopular economic policies it was defeated in 1995. Rae stepped down as leader in 1996. Howard Hampton was elected leader in at the 1996 Hamilton convention, led the party through three elections. Hampton's period as leader saw the ONDP lose official party status twice: after the 1999 and 2003 elections, he was able to regain party status the first time after the governing Progressive Conservatives revised party status requirements in accordance with that election's reduction in the number of seats in the legislature, the second time after winning a string of by-elections in the mid-2000s.
The party maintained party status after the 2007 Ontario general election and he stepped down as leader in 2009. Andrea Horwath replaced him after she was elected leader at the 2009 leadership convention in Hamilton. Under her leadership in the 2011 Ontario general election, the party elected 17 MPPs to the legislature and in the 2014 Ontario general election, the party elected 21 MPPs. Under Horwath, the party achieved its second highest seat count when it formed the Official Opposition with 40 MPPs after the 2018 Ontario general election; the NDP's predecessor, the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation, was a democratic socialist political party, founded in 1932. The Ontario CCF in turn was indirectly the successor to the 1919–23 United Farmers of Ontario–Labour coalition that formed the government in Ontario under Ernest C. Drury; as the Ontario Co-operative Commonwealth Federation under Ted Jolliffe as their first leader, the party nearly won the 1943 provincial election, winning 34 seats and forming the official opposition for the first time.
Two-years they would be reduced to 8 seats. The final glory for the Ontario CCF came in the 1948 provincial election, when party elected 21 MPPs, again formed the official opposition, they were able to defeat Premier George A. Drew in his own constituency, when the CCF's Bill Temple won in High Park though the Progressive Conservative Party of Ontario won another majority government; the breaking point for the Ontario CCF came in 1951. They were reduced to two MPP's in that year's provincial election, never recovered. In the two remaining elections while it existed, the party never had more than five members in the legislature. Jolliffe resigned as leader in 1953. Donald C. MacDonald became leader in 1953, spent the next fifteen years rebuilding the party, from two seats when he took over the party's helm, to ten times that number when he stepped down in 1970. Delegates from the Ontario CCF, delegates from affiliated union locals, delegates from New Party Clubs took part in the founding convention of the New Democratic Party of Ontario held in Niagara Falls at the Sheraton Brock hotel from 7–9 October 1961 and elected MacDonald as their leader.
The Ontario CCF Council ceased to exist formally on Sunday, 8 October 1961, when the newly elected NDP executive took over. The Ontario NDP picked up seats through the 1960s, it achieved a breakthrough in the 1967 provincial election, when its popular vote rose from 15% to 26%. The party increased its presence in the legislature from 8 to 20 seats. In that election the party ran on the themes of the cost of living, tax distribution, education costs, Canadian unity, housing. Stephen Lewis took over the party's leadership in 1970, the NDP's popularity continued to grow. With the 1975 provincial election, the governing Progressive Conservative party was reduced to a minority government for the first time in thirty years; the charismatic and dynamic Lewis ran a strong election campaign that forced the Tories to promise to implement the NDP's rent control policies. The NDP overtook the Liberals to become the Official Opposition with 29 % of the vote. However, the Tories retained power as a minority government.
Hopes were high tha
York Centre is a federal electoral district in Ontario, represented in the House of Commons of Canada from 1904 to 1917 and since 1953. As per the 2016 Census, 17.0% of York Centre residents are of Filipino ethnic origin and 16.0% belong to the Filipino visible minority, which are the highest such figures among all City of Toronto ridings. At the same time, the York Centre riding has the highest percentage of residents of Russian and Jewish ethnic origins; the riding was considered one of the safest Liberal Party seats in Canada. However, the Liberal Party regained the seat in 2015 with its candidate Michael Levitt. York Centre consists of the part of the City of Toronto bounded on the north by the northern city limit, on the east and west by a line drawn from the city limit south along Bathurst Street, southeast along the Don River West Branch and west along Highway 401, north along Jane Street, east along Sheppard Avenue West, northwest along Black Creek, east along Grandravine Drive, north along Keele Street to the city limit.
It contains the neighbourhoods of Westminster–Branson, Bathurst Manor, Wilson Heights and York University Heights. At the approximate centre of the district is Downsview Park, an urban park controlled by the federal government, on former grounds of Canadian Forces Base Toronto. York Centre was created in 1903 from parts of York East and York West ridings, it was created when the county of York was divided into three ridings: York Centre, York North and York South. The centre riding consisted of the townships of Etobicoke, Markham and Vaughan, the villages of Markham, Richmond Hill and Woodbridge; the electoral district was abolished in 1914 when it was redistributed between York East, York South and York West. In 1952, York Centre was re-designated with parts of Eglinton—Lawrence, York North and York West ridings; the new riding consisted of the part of the township of North York west of Yonge Street, the part of the township of Vaughan south of Highway Number 7, the town of Woodbridge. In 1966, it was redefined to consist of the part of Metropolitan Toronto bounded on the north by the northern limit, on the west and east by a line drawn from that borough limit south along Highway 400, east along Sheppard Avenue West, south along Jane Street, southeast along Exbury Road, east along Calvington Drive, south along Keele Street, east along Highway 401, south along the Canadian National Railway line, east along Lawrence Avenue West, north along the Spadina Expressway, northeast along Highway 401, north along Bathurst Street, east along Sheppard Avenue West, south along Easton Street, east along Cameron Avenue, north along Yonge Street to the Metro Toronto limit.
In 1976, it was redefined to consist of the part of the Borough of North York bounded on the north by the borough limit, on the west and east by a line drawn from the borough limit south along Highway 400, east along Sheppard Avenue West, south along Keele Street, east along Highway 401, north along Bathurst Street, northwest along the West Branch of the Don River to the borough limit. In 1987, it was redefined to consist of the part of the City of North York bounded on the north by the city limit, on the east and west by a line drawn from the city limit southeast along the Don River West Branch, west along Highway 401, north along Jane Street, east along Grandravine Drive, north along Black Creek to the northern city limit. In 1996, it was redefined to consist of the part of the City of North York bounded on the north by the city limit, on the east and west by a line drawn from the city limit south along Dufferin Street, west along Sheppard Avenue West, north along Keele Street, west along Grandravine Drive, south along Jane Street, east along Highway 401, northwest along the Don River West Branch, north along Bathurst Street, east along Drewry Avenue, north along Chelmsford Avenue, west along Greenwin Village Road, north along Village Gate to the city limit.
In 2003, it was given its current boundaries. This riding lost territory to Willowdale and a small piece to Thornhill during the 2012 electoral redistribution; this riding has elected the following Members of Parliament: List of Canadian federal electoral districts Past Canadian electoral districts " Census Profile". 2011 census. Statistics Canada. 2012. Retrieved 2011-03-03. Riding history 1903-1914 from the Library of Parliament Riding history 1952-2008 from the Library of Parliament Elections Canada profile Statistics Canada profile Campaign expense data from Elections Canada
New Democratic Party
The New Democratic Party is a social democratic federal political party in Canada. The party was founded in 1961 out of the merger of the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation with the Canadian Labour Congress; the party sits to the left of the Liberal Party of Canada within the Canadian political spectrum. The current leader of the federal NDP is Jagmeet Singh; the NDP has been Canada's third- or fourth-largest party in Parliament. Following the 1993 federal election the NDP was reduced to fourth place behind the Bloc Québécois, a position it would maintain for the next 18 years. In the 2011 federal election under the leadership of Jack Layton, the NDP won the second largest number of seats in the House of Commons, gaining the position of Official Opposition for the first time in the party's history; the NDP lost 59 seats during the 2015 federal election and fell to third place in Parliament, though it is their second best seat count to date. The federal and provincial level NDPs are more integrated than other political parties in Canada, have shared membership.
In 1956, after the birth of the Canadian Labour Congress by a merger of two previous labour congresses, negotiations began between the CLC and the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation to bring about an alliance between organized labour and the political left in Canada. In 1958 a joint CCF-CLC committee, the National Committee for the New Party, was formed to create a "new" social-democratic political party, with ten members from each group; the NCNP spent the next three years laying down the foundations of the New Party. During this process, a large number of New Party Clubs were established to allow like-minded Canadians to join in its founding, six representatives from New Party Clubs were added to the National Committee. In 1961, at the end of a five-day long Founding Convention which established its principles and structures, the New Democratic Party was born and Tommy Douglas, the long-time CCF Premier of Saskatchewan, was elected its first leader. In 1960, before the NDP was founded, one candidate, Walter Pitman, won a by-election under the New Party banner.
The influence of organized labour on the party is still reflected in the party's conventions as affiliated trade unions send delegates on a formula based on their number of members. Since one-quarter of the convention delegates have been from affiliated labour groups, after the party changed to an one member, one vote method of electing leaders in leadership races, labour delegate votes are scaled to 25% of the total number of ballots cast for leader. At the 1971 leadership convention, an activist group called The Waffle tried to take control of the party, but were defeated by David Lewis with the help of the union members; the following year, most of The Waffle formed their own party. The NDP itself supported the minority government formed by the Pierre Trudeau–led Liberals from 1972 to 1974, although the two parties never entered into a coalition. Together they succeeded in passing several progressive initiatives into law such as pension indexing and the creation of the crown corporation Petro-Canada.
In 1974, the NDP worked with the Progressive Conservatives to pass a motion of non-confidence, forcing an election. However, it backfired as Trudeau's Liberals regained a majority government at the expense of the NDP, which lost half its seats. Lewis resigned as leader the following year. Under the leadership of Ed Broadbent, the NDP attempted to find a more populist image to contrast with the governing parties, focusing on more pocketbook issues than on ideological fervor; the party played a critical role during Joe Clark's minority government of 1979–1980, moving the non-confidence motion on John Crosbie's budget that brought down the Progressive Conservative government, forced the election that brought Trudeau's Liberal Party back to power. The result in 1980 created two unexpected results for the party: The first was an offer by Trudeau to form a coalition government to allow for greater Western representation in Cabinet and a "united front" regarding the upcoming Quebec referendum. Broadbent, aware that the NDP would have no ability to hold the balance of power and thus no leverage in the government, declined out of fear the party would be subsumed.
The second was Trudeau's Canada Bill to patriate the Constitution of Canada unilaterally and to bring about what would become the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Broadbent endorsed the initiative, directly opposed by the NDP government of Saskatchewan and many of the party's Western parties and members, creating severe internal tension. Broadbent would act as a moderating influence on Trudeau during the debates, the eventual compromise that brought about the Constitution Act, 1982 was authored by Saskatchewan NDP Attorney General and future premier Roy Romanow. In the 1984 election, which saw the Progressive Conservatives win the most seats in Canadian history, the NDP won 30 seats, while the governing Liberals fell to 40 seats. Struggles within the governing Conservatives and opposition Liberals would see dramatic rise in the NDP's polling fortunes; the NDP set a then-record of 43 Members of Parliament elected to the house in the election of 1988. The Liberals, had reaped most of the benefits of opposing free trade to emerge as the dominant alternative to the ruling government.
In 1989, Broadbent stepped down after 14 years as federal leader of the NDP. At the party's leadership convention in 1989, former B. C. Premier Dave Barrett and Yukon MP Audrey McLaughlin
1993 Canadian federal election
The 1993 Canadian federal election was held on October 25 of that year to elect members to the House of Commons of Canada of the 35th Parliament of Canada. Fourteen parties competed for the 295 seats in the House at that time, it was one of the most eventful elections in Canada's history, with more than half of the electorate switching parties from the 1988 election. The Liberals, led by Jean Chrétien, won a strong majority in the House and formed the next government of Canada; the election was called on September 8, 1993, by the new Progressive Conservative Party leader, Prime Minister Kim Campbell, near the end of her party's five-year mandate. When she assumed office, the party was unpopular, was further weakened by the emergence of new parties that were competing for its core supporters. Campbell's initial efforts helped the party recover somewhat in pre-election polls before the writs were issued. However, this momentum did not last, the Progressive Conservatives suffered the most lopsided defeat for a Canadian governing party at the federal level, among the worst suffered by a governing party in the Western world.
They lost more than half their vote from all but two of their 156 seats. Though they recovered in the 1997 election, the Progressive Conservatives lost seats in 2000 and would never be a major force in Canadian politics again. In 2003, the Progressive Conservative Party disappeared when it merged with the larger Canadian Alliance party to create the new Conservative Party of Canada. Two new parties emerged in this election from former supporters of the Progressive Conservatives; the sovereigntist Bloc Québécois won half the votes in Quebec and became the Official Opposition. To date, this is the only time that a party committed to the political secession of a region of Canada has become the Official Opposition of Canada; the Reform Party won nearly as many seats and replaced the PCs as the major right-wing party in the Commons, although it won only one seat east of Manitoba. The traditional third party, the NDP, collapsed to nine seats only one election after having what was its best performance.
It remains the NDP's worst result in a federal election since its formation and the only election where the party polled fewer than one million votes. Voter turnout was 70.9%, adjusted from initial tallies of 69.6% to account for deceased electors. The Liberal Party had dominated Canadian politics for much of the 20th century; the party had been in office for all but 22 years between 1896 and 1984. The Conservatives only formed government six times in this period. In 1984 Brian Mulroney led the Progressive Conservatives to the biggest majority government in Canadian history, winning a majority of the seats in every province; the Liberals lost 95 seats in the worst defeat for a governing party at the federal level at the time. The PCs made a strong showing in Quebec, a province where they had held few seats for much of the century. Between 1896 and 1984, the Conservatives had only managed to win the majority of seats in that province once, in their landslide of 1958—the only other time besides 1984 that a party has won 200 seats in an election.
After winning only one seat in the province in 1980, the Tories won 58 seats in 1984, leaving the Liberals with no seats outside of Montreal. Mulroney's government was based on a "grand coalition" of conservative populists from the West, fiscal conservatives from Atlantic Canada and Ontario, Quebec nationalists; this coalition helped him win reelection in 1988, with a smaller mandate. That election was wholly focused on the proposed Free Trade Agreement with the United States. Over the next five years, the popularity of Mulroney and his party collapsed; the late 1980s recession badly harmed the Canadian economy, as unemployment increased and the federal budget deficit grew. When the Conservatives had come to office in 1984, the federal deficit was at an unprecedented $34.5 billion. Despite pledges to reduce it, the deficit had grown to over $40 billion by 1993; the federal debt had grown to $500 billion. In an attempt to restore the fiscal balance, Mulroney had brought in the unpopular Goods and Services Tax.
Mulroney had promised to change the constitutional status quo in favour of increasing provincial autonomy. This was one of the most important reasons for his party's support in Quebec, he attempted to amend the constitution twice. The Meech Lake Accord failed when the provincial legislatures of Newfoundland and Manitoba adjourned without bringing the issue to a vote; the Charlottetown Accord was defeated by the Canadian people in a 1992 referendum. In the case of the Charlottetown Accord, the majority of Canada's population voted against an agreement endorsed by every First Minister and most other political groups; this stinging rebuke against the "political class" in Canada was a preview of things to come, as the upcoming election would be held on October 25, 1993, a year less a day after the Charlottetown referendum. These factors combined to make Mulroney the least popular leader since opinion polling began in the 1940s; the Progressive Conservative Party's popularity reached a low of just over 15% in 1991.
With polls showing him facing certain defeat in the next election, in February 1993, Mulroney announced his retirement from politics. While several senior members of cabinet had passed over contesting the leadership, Minister of Justice Kim Campbell emerged as the leading candidate to replace Mulroney as party leader and prime minister. Despite a vigorous challenge from Environment Minister Jean Charest, Campbe
Brantford—Brant is a federal electoral district in Ontario, represented in the House of Commons of Canada from 1904 to 1949 and since 1968. Prior to the 2015 election, the riding was known as Brant; the federal riding was first created in 1903 from parts of Brant South riding. It consisted excluding parts included in the Brantford riding. In 1924, it was defined as consisting of the townships of Burford, South Dumfries, Tuscarora the part of the township of Brantford lying east of the Grand River, the part of the city of Brantford not included in the electoral district of Brantford City. In 1933, it was expanded to include the town of Paris; the federal electoral district was abolished in 1947 when it was redistributed between Brant—Wentworth and Brantford ridings. The federal riding was recreated in 1966 from parts of Brant—Haldimand and Haldimand—Norfolk—Brant ridings, it consisted of the County of Brant, the Six Nations and New Credit Indian reserves. In 1976, it was defined as consisting of the County of Brant.
In 1987, it was defined as consisting of the City of Brantford, the Town of Paris, the townships of Brantford and South Dumfries. In 2003, it was redefined as using the 1966 definition. Brant was incorporated into the new riding of Brantford—Brant, with small territories going to Oxford and Cambridge during the 2012 electoral redistribution. According to the Canada 2011 Census. Note: "National Government" vote is compared to Conservative vote in 1935 election. Note: Conservative vote is compared to Unionist vote in 1917 election, Liberal vote is compared to Opposition vote. Note: Unionist vote is compared to Conservative vote in 1911 election. List of Canadian federal electoral districts Past Canadian electoral districts " Census Profile". 2011 census. Statistics Canada. 2012. Retrieved 2012-03-01. Federal riding history 1904-1949 from the Library of Parliament Federal riding history 1968-2008 from the Library of Parliament 2011 results from Elections Canada Campaign expense data from Elections Canada