Svarog is a Slavic deity known from the Hypatian Codex, a Slavic translation of the Chronicle of John Malalas. Svarog is there identified with Hephaestus, the god of the blacksmith in ancient Greek religion, as the father of Dažbog, a Slavic solar deity. On the basis of this text, some researchers conclude that Svarog is the Slavic god of celestial fire and of blacksmithing; the only mention of Svarog comes from the Hypatian Codex, a 15th-century compilation of several much older documents from the Ipatiev Monastery in Russia. It contains a Slavic translation of an original Greek manuscript of John Malalas from the 6th century; the complete passage, reconstructed from several manuscripts, translates as follows: began his reign Feosta, whom the Egyptians called Svarog… during his rule, from the heavens fell the smith’s prongs and weapons were forged for the first time. Feosta commanded the women that they should have only a single husband… and, why Egyptians called him Svarog… After him ruled his son, his name was the Sun, they called him Dažbog… Sun tzar, son of Svarog, this is Dažbog.
In the Greek text, the names of gods are Helios. The unknown Russian translator tried to re-tell the entire story by replacing the names of classical deities with those that were better known to his readers, it is uncertain to. Furthermore, this passage has raised quite a few theories about family relations between Slavic gods. If one assumes that Svarog was believed to be Dažbog’s father, the question arises of his relation with Svarožič, another deity, mentioned as a god of fire and war in several other medieval documents describing the beliefs of pagan Slavs. Vyacheslav Ivanov and Vladimir Toporov proposed a reconstruction of this mythical genealogy, claiming that Svarog, a deity of fire and the forge similar to the Greek Hephaestus, had two sons: Dažbog, who represented the fire in sky, Svarožič, who symbolised the flame on earth, in the forge. Henryk Łowmiański, theorised that Svarog was a Slavic sky god and personification of daylight sky itself a continuation of Proto-Indo-European *Dyēus Ph2ter, while Svarožič and solar Dažbog were one and the same deity, although he concluded that two other aspects of Svarožič existed: fiery Svarožič, as in the Sun, lunar Svarožič, associated with the Moon.
Franjo Ledić, on the other hand assumed that Svarog and Dažbog are one and the same god. Eastern Slavic sources mention Svarožič as a deity, there associated with fire. According to Thietmar of Merseburg, Svarožič was worshipped by a tribe of Ratars in the city of Ridegost; the word Svarog is cognate with the Sanskrit words Svarga. Belaj, Vitomir. Hod kroz godinu, mitska pozadina hrvatskih narodnih vjerovanja i običaja. Zagreb. Ledić, Franjo. Mitologija Slavena. I. Zagreb. Lovmjanjski, Henrik. Religija Slovena. Beograd. Thietmar of Merseburg. Kronika Słowian. Pp. 336–337 Graves, Robert. New Larousse Encyclopedia Of Mythology. Crescent Books. Ryan, W. F.. The Bathhouse at Midnight: An Historical Survey of Magic and Divination in Russia. Magic in History Series. Pennsylvania State University Press. Yoffe, Mark. Perun: The God of Thunder. Studies in the Humanities. 43. New York, N. Y.: Peter Lang Publishing. Znayenko, Myroslava T.. The gods of the ancient Slavs: Tatishchev and the beginnings of Slavic mythology. Slavica.
Svarog, Svarožič // Mythological dictionary
Rod (Slavic religion)
Rod is a conception of supreme God of the universe and of all its gods in Slavic Native Faith. The same concept is known as Sud and Prabóg among South Slavs; as attested by Helmold in his Chronica Slavorum, the Slavs believed in a single God begetting all the lesser spirits governing nature, worshipped it by their means. According to Helmold, "obeying the duties assigned to them, have sprung from his blood and enjoy distinction in proportion to their nearness to the god of the gods". In the earliest Slavic religion the supreme God of Heaven was called Deivos, but this name was soon abandoned to be replaced by the concept of Rod. In some old writings the name appears as Hrodo, Krodo, or the Latinised form Crodone; the 15th-century Saxon Chronicle attests that "Krodo" was worshipped by Saxon tribes, who inhabited modern-day northern and eastern Germany together with West Slavic tribes. The name "Rod" is attested in Old Church Slavonic and Old East Slavic sources about pre-Christian religion, where it refers to divinity and procreativity.
Michel Mathieu-Colas defines it as the "primordial God", but the term literally means the generative power of the family and "kin", "birth", "origin" and "fate" as well. The negative form, urod, means anything wretched, degenerated, monstrous. At an early stage of Slavic history "Rod" replaced "Deivos" as the conception of the supreme God. Deivos, "Heaven", was the name of the God of Heaven in the earliest Slavic religion, cognate with the Proto-Indo-European *Dyeus; the name "Deivos" was abandoned when the Slavs, in line with the parallel developments in Proto-Indo-Iranian religion, shifted the meaning of the Indo-European descriptor of heavenly deities to the designation of evil entities, began to describe gods by the term for both "wealth" and its "givers". At first the term "Deivos" was replaced with the term for cf. Slavic Nebo. Perun and/or Svarog replaced Rod as the supreme Slavic god during the ninth century. In modern Slavic Native Faith, Rod is aniconic. Traditional iconography shows Rod governing the four elements: ① He stands on a fish, symbol of water.
Scholars have defined Rod as a concept of absolute, "general power of birth and reproduction". The scholar Boris Rybakov was among the first who identified Rod as the primordial God of the whole universe; some scholars criticised Rybakov's position, including Nikolay Zubov. Rybakov identifies wheel and whirl symbols, which include patterns like the "six-petaled rose inside a circle" and the "thunder mark", as representing Rod and its various forms; such symbols were still carved in folk traditions of north Russia up to the nineteenth century. According to Soviet-era Russian folklorist E. G. Kagarov, the Domovoi is a conceptualisation of the supreme Rod itself as the specific family lineage and its possessions. Rod has been compared to Saturn. In its symbolisation of the generative process, Rod has been compared to the Celtic Toutatis, to the Latin Quirinus, the god of community and procreation. According to Émile Benveniste's definition of the Italic god of generation, it is the "god of the growth of the nation".
The Russian volkhvs Veleslav and Dobroslav explain Rod as a life force that comes in nature and is "all-pervasive" or "omnipresent". Cosmologically speaking, Rod is conceived as the spring of universal emanation, which articulates in a cosmic hierarchy of gods; this emanation proceeds according to Prav. The supreme God acts in primordial undeterminacy, giving rise to the circular pattern of Svarog, which multiplies generating new worlds. Prav works by means of a dual dynamism, conceptualised as Chernobog. Man and woman are further symbolised by father Svarog mother Lada. By emphasising the underpinning monism of their theology, Rodnovers may define themselves as rodnianin, "believers in God"; the pioneering Ukrainian leader Shaian argued that God manifests as a variety of different deities. This theological explanation is called "manifestationism" by some contemporary Rodnovers, implies the idea of a spirit–matter continuum. In their view, beings are the progeny of gods. In the wake of this theology, it is common among Slavic Native Faith practitioners to s
Superstition is a pejorative term for any belief or practice, considered irrational or supernatural: for example, if it arises from ignorance, a misunderstanding of science or causality, a positive belief in fate or magic, or fear of that, unknown. It is applied to beliefs and practices surrounding luck and certain spiritual beings the belief that future events can be foretold by specific unrelated prior events; the word superstition is used to refer to a religion not practiced by the majority of a given society regardless of whether the prevailing religion contains alleged superstitions. Due to the pejorative implications of the term, items referred to in common parlance as superstition are referred to as folk belief in folkloristics; the word superstition was first used in English in the 15th century, modelled after an earlier French superstition. The earliest known use as an English noun occurs in Friar Daw's Reply, where the foure general synnes are enumerated as Cediciouns, supersticions, þe glotouns, & þe proude.
The French word, together with its Romance cognates continues Latin superstitio. While the formation of the Latin word is clear, from the verb super-stare, "to stand over, stand upon, it can be interpreted as "‘standing over a thing in amazement or awe", but other possibilities have been suggested, e.g. the sense of excess, i.e. over scrupulousness or over-ceremoniousness in the performing of religious rites, or else the survival of old, irrational religious habits. The earliest known use as a Latin noun occurs in Plautus, Ennius and by Pliny, with the meaning of art of divination. From its use in the Classical Latin of Livy and Ovid, the term is used in the pejorative sense it still holds today, of an excessive fear of the gods or unreasonable religious belief, as opposed to religio, the proper, reasonable awe of the gods. Cicero derived the term from superstitiosi, lit; those who are "left over", i.e. "survivors", "descendants", connecting it with excessive anxiety of parents in hoping that their children would survive them to perform their necessary funerary rites.
While Cicero distinguishes between religio and superstitio, Lucretius uses only the term religio. Throughout all of his work, he distinguished only between religio; the Latin verb superstare itself is comparatively young, being "perhaps not ante-Augustan", first found in Livy, the meaning "to survive" is younger, found in late or ecclesiastical Latin, for the first time in Ennodius. The use of the noun by Cicero and Horace thus predates the first attestation of the verb, it doesn't exclude that the verb might have been used after the name. The term superstitio, or superstitio vana "vain superstition", was applied in the 1st century to those religious cults in the Roman Empire which were outlawed; this concerned the religion of the druids in particular, described as a superstitio vana by Tacitus, Early Christianity, outlawed as a superstitio Iudaica in AD 80 by Domitian. Greek and Roman polytheists, who modeled their relations with the gods on political and social terms, scorned the man who trembled with fear at the thought of the gods, as a slave feared a cruel and capricious master.
Such fear of the gods was what the Romans meant by "superstition". Diderot's Encyclopédie defines superstition as "any excess of religion in general", links it with paganism. In his Prelude on the Babylonian Captivity of the Church, Martin Luther accuses the popes of superstition: For there was scarce another of the celebrated bishoprics that had so few learned pontiffs. For the men who occupied the Roman See a thousand years ago differ so vastly from those who have since come into power, that one is compelled to refuse the name of Roman pontiff either to the former or to the latter; the current Catechism of the Catholic Church considers superstition sinful in the sense that it denotes "a perverse excess of religion", as a demonstrated lack of trust in divine providence, a violation of the first of the Ten Commandments. The Catechism is a defense against the accusation that Catholic doctrine is superstitious: Superstition is a deviation of religious feeling and of the practices this feeling imposes.
It can affect the worship we offer the true God, e.g. when one attributes an importance in some way magical to certain practices otherwise lawful or necessary. To attribute the efficacy of prayers or of sacramental signs to their mere external performance, apart from the interior dispositions that they demand is to fall into superstition. Cf. Matthew 23:16–22 In 1948, behavioral psychologist B. F. Skinner published an article in the Journal of Experimental Psychology, in which he described his pigeons exhibiting what appeared to be superstitious behaviour. One pigeon was making turns in its cage, another would swing its head in a pendulum motion, while others displayed a variety of other behaviours; because these behaviors were all done ritualistically in an attempt to receive food from a dispenser though the dispenser had been programmed to release food at set time intervals regardless of the pigeons' actions, Skinner believed that the pigeons were trying to influence their feeding schedule by performing these actions.
He extended this as a proposition regarding the nature of superstitious behavior in humans. Skinner's theory regarding superstition bei
A fairy tale, wonder tale, magic tale, or Märchen is a folklore genre that takes the form of a short story. Such stories feature entities such as dwarfs, elves, giants, goblins, mermaids, talking animals, unicorns, or witches, magic or enchantments. In most cultures, there is no clear line separating myth from fairy tale. Fairy tales may be distinguished from other folk narratives such as legends and explicit moral tales, including beast fables; the term is used for stories with origins in European tradition and, at least in recent centuries relates to children's literature. In less technical contexts, the term is used to describe something blessed with unusual happiness, as in "fairy-tale ending" or "fairy-tale romance". Colloquially, the term "fairy tale" or "fairy story" can mean any far-fetched story or tall tale. Legends are perceived as real. However, unlike legends and epics, fairy tales do not contain more than superficial references to religion and to actual places and events. Fairy tales occur both in literary form.
Many of today's fairy tales have evolved from centuries-old stories that have appeared, with variations, in multiple cultures around the world. The history of the fairy tale is difficult to trace because only the literary forms can survive. Still, according to researchers at universities in Durham and Lisbon, such stories may date back thousands of years, some to the Bronze Age more than 6,500 years ago. Fairy tales, works derived from fairy tales, are still written today. Folklorists have classified fairy tales in various ways; the Aarne-Thompson classification system and the morphological analysis of Vladimir Propp are among the most notable. Other folklorists have interpreted the tales' significance, but no school has been definitively established for the meaning of the tales; some folklorists prefer to use the German term Märchen or "wonder tale" to refer to the genre over fairy tale, a practice given weight by the definition of Thompson in his 1977 edition of The Folktale: "a tale of some length involving a succession of motifs or episodes.
It moves in an unreal world without definite locality or definite creatures and is filled with the marvellous. In this never-never land, humble heroes kill adversaries, succeed to kingdoms and marry princesses." The characters and motifs of fairy tales are simple and archetypal: princesses and goose-girls. Although the fairy tale is a distinct genre within the larger category of folktale, the definition that marks a work as a fairy tale is a source of considerable dispute; the term itself comes from the translation of Madame D'Aulnoy's Conte de fées, first used in her collection in 1697. Common parlance conflates fairy tales with beast fables and other folktales, scholars differ on the degree to which the presence of fairies and/or mythical beings should be taken as a differentiator. Vladimir Propp, in his Morphology of the Folktale, criticized the common distinction between "fairy tales" and "animal tales" on the grounds that many tales contained both fantastic elements and animals. To select works for his analysis, Propp used all Russian folktales classified as a folklore Aarne-Thompson 300-749 – in a cataloguing system that made such a distinction – to gain a clear set of tales.
His own analysis identified fairy tales by their plot elements, but that in itself has been criticized, as the analysis does not lend itself to tales that do not involve a quest, furthermore, the same plot elements are found in non-fairy tale works. Were I asked, what is a fairytale? I should reply, Read Undine:, a fairytale... of all fairytales I know, I think Undine the most beautiful. As Stith Thompson points out, talking animals and the presence of magic seem to be more common to the fairy tale than fairies themselves. However, the mere presence of animals that talk does not make a tale a fairy tale when the animal is a mask on a human face, as in fables. In his essay "On Fairy-Stories", J. R. R. Tolkien agreed with the exclusion of "fairies" from the definition, defining fairy tales as stories about the adventures of men in Faërie, the land of fairies, fairytale princes and princesses, dwarves and not only other magical species but many other marvels. However, the same essay excludes tales that are considered fairy tales, citing as an example The Monkey's Heart, which Andrew Lang included in The Lilac Fairy Book.
Steven Swann Jones identified the presence of magic as the feature by which fairy tales can be distinguished from other sorts of folktales. Davidson and Chaudri identify "transformation" as the key feature of the genre. From a psychological point of view, Jean Chiriac argued for the necessity of the fantastic in these narratives. In terms of aesthetic values, Italo Calvino cited the fairy tale as a prime example of "quickness" in literature, b
Slavic paganism or Slavic religion define the religious beliefs and ritual practices of the Slavs before the formal Christianisation of their ruling elites. The latter occurred at various stages between the 8th and the 13th century: The Southern Slavs living on the Balkan Peninsula in South Eastern Europe, bordering with the Byzantine Empire to the south, came under the sphere of influence of Byzantine Orthodox Christianity, beginning with the creation of the Slavic alphabet in 855 by the brothers Saints Cyril and Methodius and the adoption of Christianity in Bulgaria in 863 CE; the East Slavs followed with the official adoption in 988 CE by Vladimir the Great of Kievan Rus'. The West Slavs came under the sphere of influence of the Roman Catholic Church since the 12th century, Christianisation for them went hand in hand with full or partial Germanisation; the Christianisation of the Slavic peoples was, however, a slow and—in many cases—superficial phenomenon in what is today Russia. Christianisation was vigorous in western and central parts of what is today Ukraine, as they were closer to the capital Kiev, but there, popular resistance led by volkhvs, pagan priests or shamans, recurred periodically for centuries.
Though the Byzantine Christianization firstly has slowed down the Eastern Slavic traditions in Rus', it has preserved the Slavic traditions in the long term. While local Slavic figures and myths, such as Baba Roga in Croatia were forgotten, Slavic culture continued to exist and flourish in the Eastern Slavic countries. In the case of a Christian Latinization of the Eastern Slavic countries, this may not have been the case; the West Slavs of the Baltic withstood tenaciously against Christianity until it was violently imposed on them through the Northern Crusades. Among Poles and East Slavs, rebellion outbreaks occurred throughout the 11th century. Christian chroniclers reported that the Slavs re-embraced their original religion. Many elements of the indigenous Slavic religion were incorporated into Slavic Christianity, besides this, the worship of Slavic gods has persisted in unofficial folk religion until modern times; the Slavs' resistance to Christianity gave rise to a "whimsical syncretism" which in Old Church Slavonic vocabulary was defined as dvoeverie, "double faith".
Since the early 20th century, Slavic folk religion has undergone an organised reinvention and reincorporation in the movement of Slavic Native Faith. Twentieth-century scholars who pursued the study of ancient Slavic religion include Vyacheslav Ivanov, Vladimir Toporov, Marija Gimbutas, Boris Rybakov, Roman Jakobson amongst others. Rybakov is noted for his effort of re-examination of medieval ecclesiastical texts, synthesising his findings with archaeological data, comparative mythology and nineteenth-century folk practices, for having given one of the most coherent pictures of ancient Slavic religion in his major book Paganism of the Ancient Slavs and other works. Among earlier, nineteenth-century scholars there was Bernhard Severin Ingemann, known for his study of Fundamentals of a North Slavic and Wendish mythology. Historical documents about Slavic religion include the Primary Chronicle, compiled in Kiev around 1111, the Novgorod First Chronicle compiled in the Novgorod Republic, they contain detailed reports of the annihilation of the official Slavic religion of Kiev and Novgorod, the subsequent "double faith".
The Primary Chronicle contains the authentic text of Rus-Greek treatises with native pre-Christian oaths. From the eleventh century onwards, various Rus writings were produced against the survival of Slavic religion, Slavic gods were interpolated in the translations of foreign literary works, such as the Malalas Chronicle and the Alexandreis; the West Slavs who dwelt in the area between the Vistula and the Elbe stubbornly resisted the Northern Crusades, the history of their resistance is written down in the Latin Chronicles of three German clergymen—Thietmar of Merseburg and Adam of Bremen in the eleventh century and Helmold in the twelfth—, in the twelfth-century biographies of Otto of Bamberg, in Saxo Grammaticus' thirteenth-century Gesta Danorum. These documents, together with minor German documents and the Icelandic Knýtlinga saga, provide an accurate description of northwestern Slavic religion; the religions of other Slavic populations are less documented, because writings about the theme were produced late in time after Christianisation, such as the fifteenth-century Polish Chronicle, contain a lot of sheer inventions.
In the times preceding Christianisation, some Greek and Roman chroniclers, such as Procopius and Jordanes in the sixth century, sparsely documented some Slavic concepts and practices. Slavic paganism survived, in more or less pure forms, among the Slovenes along the Soča river up to the 1330s; the linguistic unity, negligible dialectal differentiation, of the Slavs until the end of the first millennium CE, the lexical uniformity of religious vocabulary, witness a uniformity of early Slavic religion. It has been argued. Ivanov and Toporov identified Slavic religion as an outgrowth of a common Proto-Indo-European religion, sharing strong similarities with other neighbouring Indo-European belief systems such as those of Balts, Thracians and Indo-Iranians. Slavic religion and mythology is considered more conservative and closer to original Proto-Indo-European reli
Živa Živena, Żiwia, Sieba or Razivia, is the Slavic goddess of life and fertility. She is worshiped throughout what is now Poland, the Czech Republic and Germany, before Christianity expanded into the area, her name means "living, existing". Živa is mentioned in The Baptism on the Savica, an epic-lyric poem by the Slovene national poet France Prešeren. Helmold names Ziva the main goddess of the Polabs. Dlugosh, speaking about Polish gods, writes: Zywye - Vita. In Kronika polska przez Prokosza, there is such information: "Divinitad Zywie fanum exstructum erat in monte ab ejusdem nomine Zywiec dicto ubi primis diebus mensis maji innumerus populus pie conveniens precabatur ab ea, quae vitae auctor habebatur, longam et prosperam valetudinem. Praecipue tamen ei litabatur ab is qui primum cantum cuculi audivissent, ominantes superstitiose, tot annos se victuros, quoties vocem repetiisset. Opinabantur enim supremum hunc universi moderayorem transfi gurari in cuculum, ut ipsis annuntiaret vitae tempora: unde crimini ducedator capitalique poena a magistratibus affi ciebatur qui cuculum occidisset".
In the Saxon Chronics by Conrad Boto, a description of Ziva's idol is given: "Unde de assdodine de heyt de hodde de hende ouer ruggen. In der eynen hant hadde se eynen guelden appel. Unde in der anderivi hant hadde se ein wyn druuelen mil еу?? gronen blade un oere hare hangede oer went in de waden". The picture which follows the description shows the goddess as a beautiful naked woman with a chaplet, she holds an apple in one hand, a bunch of grapes in the other. Partial translation: "?? In one hand she has a golden apple. In the other hand she had a wine grape. Green leaves in her hair falling??"In Mater Verborum, the goddess of fertility is named Siua: "Ceres, frumentum, vel dea frumenti: siua". "Dea frumenti, Ceres: Sius". Sif Afanasiev, Alexander. "Slavic poetic views on nature"./"Поэтические воззрения славян на природу". Moscow, 1995. Belaj, Vitomir. 1998. Hod kroz godinu. Mitska pozadina hrvatskih narodnih običaja i vjerovanja. Zagreb: Golden marketing. Kulišić, Špiro. 1979. Stara slovenska religija u svjetlu novijih istraživanja posebno balkanoloških.
Sarajevo: Akademija nauka i umjetnosti Bosne i Hercegovine. Marjanić, Suzana. 2003." Goddess and duotheism in Nodilo's The Old Faith of Serbs and Croats". Studia mythologica Slavica 6:183-205. Ivanov V. V. Toporov V. Ziva./В. В. Иванов, В. Н. Топоров - «Жива». Мифы народов мира, т. II. М.:Российская энциклопедия, 1994. Nodilo, Natko. 1981. Stara vjera Srba i Hrvata. Split: Logos. Ovsec, Damjan J. 1991. Slovanska mitologija in verovanje. Ljubljana: Domus. Słupecki, Leszek Paweł. 1994. Slavonic Pagan Sanctuaries. Warsaw:Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology Polish Academy of Sciences. Studia Mythologica Slavica page
Miloš Obilić is said to have been a Serbian knight in the service of Prince Lazar, during the invasion of the Ottoman Empire. He is not mentioned in contemporary sources, but he features prominently in accounts of the Battle of Kosovo as the assassin of the Ottoman sultan Murad I. Although the assassin remains anonymous in sources until the late 15th century, the dissemination of the story of Murad's assassination in Florentine, Serbian and Greek sources suggests that versions of it circulated across the Balkans within half a century after the event, it is not certain whether Obilić existed, but Lazar's family – strengthening their political control – "gave birth to the myth of Kosovo", including the story of Obilić. He became a major figure in Serbian epic poetry, in which he is elevated to the level of the most noble national hero of medieval Serbian folklore. Along with the martyrdom of Prince Lazar and the alleged treachery of Vuk Branković, Miloš's deed became an integral part of Serbian traditions surrounding the Battle of Kosovo.
In the 19th century, Miloš came to be venerated as a saint in the Serbian Church. Miloš is a Slavic given name recorded from the early Middle Ages among the Bulgarians, Czechs and Serbs, it is derived from the Slavic root mil-, meaning "merciful" or "dear", found in a great number of Slavic given names. Several versions of the hero's surname have been used throughout history. In his History of Montenegro, Vasilije Petrović wrote of one Miloš Obilijević, in 1765, the historian Pavle Julinac rendered the surname as Obilić. According to Czech historian Konstantin Jireček, the surname Obilić and its different renderings are derived from the Serbian words obilan and obilje; the surname Kobilić could come from the Slavic word kobila, means "mare's son", as in Serbian legends the hero is said to have been nursed by one. K. Jireček connected the surname to two noble families in medieval Ragusa and Trebinje, the Kobilić and Kobiljačić in the 14th and 15th centuries, noted that they altered their surnames in the 18th century because they considered it "indecent" to be associated with mares.
Based on a 1433 document from Ragusan archives, the historian Mihailo Dinić concluded that Miloš's original surname was indeed Kobilić. The rendering Obilić has universally been used by Serbian writers in modern times. Miloš is referred to in the epic poems as "Miloš of Pocerje", according to local legends, he came from the western Serbian region of Pocerina. In Pocerina there is a spring known as "Miloševa Banja" and an old grave, claimed to be the grave of Miloš's sister; the earliest sources on the Battle of Kosovo, which favour the cult of Prince Lazar, do not mention Miloš or his assassination of the sultan. The assassination itself is first recorded by Deacon Ignjatije on 9 July 1389, only 12 days after the battle; the assassination of sultan Murad and one of his sons was mentioned in the instructions of the Venetian Senate issued to Andrea Bembo on 23 July 1389, although Venetians were uncertain if news about the assassination were true. On 1 August 1389 King Tvrtko I of Bosnia wrote a letter to Trogir to inform its citizens about Ottoman defeat.
Victory over the Turks was reported by Coluccio Salutati, Chancellor of Florence, in his letter to King Tvrtko, dated 20 October 1389, on behalf of the Florentine Senate. The killer is not named but he is described as one of twelve Christian noblemen who managed to break through the Ottoman ranks: "Fortunate, most fortunate are those hands of the twelve loyal lords who, having opened their way with the sword and having penetrated the enemy lines and the circle of chained camels, heroically reached the tent of Amurat himself. Fortunate above all is that one who so forcefully killed such a strong vojvoda by stabbing him with a sword in the throat and belly, and blessed are all those who gave their lives and blood through the glorious manner of martyrdom as victims of the dead leader over his ugly corpse."Another Italian account, Mignanelli's 1416 work, asserted that it was Lazar who killed the Ottoman sultan. The assassin's first appearance in Serbian sources is in the biography of Stefan Lazarević, Lazar's son, by Constantine the Philosopher, written in the 1440s.
The hero, still anonymous, is described as a man of noble birth whom envious tongues had sought to defame before the prince. To prove his loyalty and courage, he left the front line on the pretext of being a deserter, seized the opportunity to stab the sultan to death and was killed himself shortly afterwards; the initial phase of ignominy and its redemption by a courageous plot of slaying the sultan are narrative ingredients which would become essential to the Serbian legend as it evolved in times. The loss of the Sultan made an impression on the earliest Ottoman sources, they describe how Murad was unaccompanied on the battlefield and an anonymous Christian, lying among the corpses stabbed him to death. In the early 15th century, for instance, the poet Ahmedi writes that "uddenly one of the Christians, covered in blood and hidden among the enemy dead, got up, rushed to Murad and stabbed him with a dagger."Halil İnalcık explained that one of the most important contemporary Ottomans sources about the Battle of Kosovo is the 1465 work of Enveri.
İnalcık argued that it was based on the testimony of a contemporary eyewitness of the battle Hoca Omer, an envoy sent by the Sultan to Lazar before the battle. In this work Enveri explains that before he became a Serbian