Women's suffrage in Canada
Women's suffrage in Canada occurred at different times in different jurisdictions and at different times to different demographics of women. By the close of 1918, all the Canadian provinces except Quebec had granted full suffrage to white and black women. Municipal suffrage was granted in 1884 to property-owning widows and spinsters in the provinces of Quebec and Ontario. In 1916, suffrage was given to women in Manitoba, Saskatchewan and British Columbia. Women in Quebec did not receive full suffrage until 1940. Asian women were not granted suffrage until after World War II in 1948, Inuit women were not granted suffrage until 1950 and it was not until 1960 that suffrage was extended to First Nations women without requiring them to give up their treaty status; the cause of women's suffrage began in 1876, when Dr. Emily Stowe came to Toronto to practise medicine, she was the first, for many years the sole woman physician in Canada. Stowe, vitally interested in all matters relating to women, at once came before the public as a lecturer upon topics somewhat new, "Woman's Sphere" and "Women in the Professions," being her subjects.
She lectured not only in Toronto, under the auspices of various Mechanics' Institutes, in Ottawa and Bradford. After attending a meeting of the American Society for the Advancement of Women, in Cleveland in 1877, meeting many women of the United States, Stowe, on returning home, felt that the time had arrived for some similar union among Canadian women. Talking it over with her friend, Helen Archibald, they decided that it would not be politic to attempt at once a suffrage association but, in November 1877, organized what was known as "The Toronto Woman's Literary Club". At the beginning suffragists were middle-class white women; these women advocated for suffrage for the sole purpose of boosting their social status resulting in a better society. However, Black abolitionists, unionists and temperance activists supported them. During the next five years, this club had phenomenal growth, adding to its ranks such woman as Mary McDonell, Mrs. W. B. Hamilton, Mrs. W. I. Mackenzie, Mrs. J. Austin Shaw, others.
It elicited a surprising amount of attention from the press. Among the most able assistants from its inception was Sarah Anne Curzon, for several years associate editor of the Canada Citizen, it was the habit of the club to meet each Thursday at 3 p.m. at one of the members’ homes. Though not avowedly a suffrage society, no opportunity was lost of promoting this basic idea of the founders. One of the earliest efforts in this direction was a paper, by Archibald, entitled "Woman Under the Civil Law," which elicited discussion and served as educational material. During these years, too through the work of the Woman's Literary Club, the University of Toronto was opened to women. Eliza Balmer was the first female student, it was believed in 1883 that public sentiment had sufficiently progressed to warrant the formation of a regular Woman-Suffrage Society. On February 1, 1883, the club met and decided the following: "... that in view of the ultimate end for which the Toronto Woman's Literary Club was formed, having been attained, viz. to foster a general and living public sentiment in favor of women suffrage, this Club hereby disband, to form a Canadian Women's Suffrage Association."
The following month, on March 5, at a meeting of the City Council, the Toronto Women's Literary and Social Progress Club requested the use of the Council Chambers on March 9. Their purpose was to hold a conversation to discuss the advisability of granting the franchise to those women who possessed the property qualification that entitled men to hold it. Accordingly, on that date, Jessie Turnbull McEwen President of the Club, was present along with Mayor Arthur Radcliffe Boswell, ex-Alderman John Hallam, Alderman John Baxter, John Wilson Bengough, Thomas Bengough, Thomas Phillips Thompson, Mr. Burgess, editor of Citizen; the Canadian Woman Suffrage Association was formally inaugurated, 40 persons enrolled themselves as members that evening. The first piece of work undertaken by the Association was the securing of the municipal franchise for the women of Ontario. On September 10, 1883, a committee was appointed to urge the City Council to petition the Local Government to pass a bill conferring the municipal franchise upon women.
The committee consisted of Stowe, McEwen, Mrs. Hamilton, Mrs. Miller, Mrs. Mackenzie, Mrs. Curzon, with the power to add others; the committee waited upon Hon. Oliver Mowat, the Premier of the Province of Ontario. From the beginning, the members of the Association recognized that it would be manifestly unjust to exclude married women from the exercise of the franchise, bestowing it only on widows and single women. However, it was agreed that it was not politic to criticize the franchise bill before the House, on the principle of'half a loaf being better than no bread'. Accordingly, objections were set aside, every woman worked towards securing this partial reform though, if married, she would not directly benefit by it. In 1882, the municipal act was amended to give married women and spinsters, if possessed of the necessary qualifications, the right to vote on by-laws and some other minor municipal matters. Again, in 1884, the act was further amended, extending the right to vote in municipal elections on all matters to widows and unmarried women.
In the municipal elections in Toronto held on January 4, 1886, women's votes were importan
Women's suffrage in New Zealand
Women's suffrage in New Zealand was an important political issue in the late nineteenth century. In early colonial New Zealand, as in European societies, women were excluded from any involvement in politics. Public opinion began to change in the latter half of the nineteenth century and after years of effort by women's suffrage campaigners, led by Kate Sheppard, New Zealand became the first self-governing colony in the world in which all women had the right to vote in parliamentary elections; the Electoral Bill granting women the franchise was given Royal Assent by Governor Lord Glasgow on 19 September 1893. Women voted for the first time in the election held on 28 November 1893. In 1893, Elizabeth Yates became Mayor of Onehunga, the first time such a post had been held by a woman anywhere in the British Empire. In the 21st century there are more eligible women voters than men and women vote at a higher rate than men. However, a higher percentage of women than men non voters perceive a barrier that prevents them from voting.
In Polynesian society and European aristocracy women could achieve significant formal political rank through ancestry. However, Polynesian and by extension Māori society differed in letting charismatic women have significant direct influence; this was limited by the inability of women to speak at some meetings on marae. As a result some historians see colonialism as a temporary step back for women's rights in New Zealand; the New Zealand suffrage movement began in the late 19th century, inspired by similar groups in the British Empire and United States. The right to vote was sought as a way to improve social morality and by extension improve women's safety and quality of life; therefore the suffrage campaigns were intertwined with the prohibition of alcohol movement. This was the focus of some resistance, with the movement being portrayed as puritanical and draconian in the local press; this led to politicians who supported the alcohol industry opposing women's suffrage, like the MP for South Dunedin Henry Fish.
In 1869 under a pseudonym, Mary Ann Müller wrote An appeal to the men of New Zealand, the first pamphlet on the issue of women's suffrage to be published in New Zealand. In the 1870's Mary Ann Colclough was an active advocate for women's rights in general and women's suffrage. John Larkins Cheese Richardson was a keen proponent of women's equality, he was responsible for allowing women to enroll at the University of Otago in 1871, helped to remove other barriers to their entry; some politicians, including John Hall, Robert Stout, Julius Vogel, William Fox and John Ballance supported women’s suffrage and in 1878, 1879 and 1887 bills extending the vote to women narrowly lost in Parliament. Women's suffrage was granted after about two decades of campaigning throughout New Zealand, by women who included Kate Sheppard and Mary Ann Müller; the New Zealand branch of the Women's Christian Temperance Union led by Anne Ward was instrumental in the campaign. Influenced by the American branch of the Women's Christian Temperance Movement and the philosophy of thinkers like Harriet Taylor Mill and John Stuart Mill, the movement argued that women could bring morality into democratic politics.
Opponents argued instead that politics was outside women's ` natural sphere' of the family. Suffrage advocates countered that allowing women to vote would encourage policies which protected and nurtured families. WCTU campaigners and suffragettes organised and delivered a series of petitions to Parliament: over 9,000 signatures were delivered in 1891, followed by a petition of 20,000 signatures in 1892, in 1893 nearly 32,000 signatures were presented – a quarter of the adult European female population of New Zealand. From 1887, various attempts were made to pass bills enabling female suffrage, the first of, authored by Julius Vogel, the 8th Premier of New Zealand; each bill came close to passing. Several electoral bills that would have given adult women the right to vote were passed in the House of Representatives but defeated in the upper Legislative Council. In 1891 Walter Carncross moved an amendment, intended to make a new bill fail in the Legislative Council, his amendment was for women to become eligible to be voted into the House of Representatives and in this way Carncross ensured that the conservative Upper House would reject the bill.
This tactic infuriated the suffragette Catherine Fulton, who organised a protest at the 1893 election. An 1892 Electoral Bill, introduced by John Ballance, provided for the enfranchisement of all women, but controversy over an impractical postal vote amendment caused its abandonment. By 1893 there was considerable popular support for women's suffrage; the 1893 Women's Suffrage Petition was presented to Parliament and a new Electoral Bill passed through the Lower House with a large majority. During debate, there was majority support for the enfranchisement of Māori as well as Pākehā women. Lobbyists for the liquor industry, concerned that women would force the prohibition of alcohol, petitioned the Upper House to reject the bill. Suffragists responded with mass telegrams to Members of Parliament, they gave their supporters in Parliament white camellias to wear in their buttonholes. The Upper House was divided on the issue, Premier Richard Seddon hoped to stop the bill. Seddon needed one more vote to defeat the measure in the Upper House.
A new Liberal Party councillor, Thomas Kelly, had decided to vote in favour of the measure, but Seddon obtained his consent by wire to change his vote. Seddon's manipulation incensed two other councillor
Timeline of women's suffrage
Women's suffrage – the right of women to vote – has been achieved at various times in countries throughout the world. In many nations, women's suffrage was granted before universal suffrage, so women and men from certain classes or races were still unable to vote; some countries granted suffrage to both sexes at the same time. This timeline lists years; some countries are listed more than once, as the right was extended to more women according to age, land ownership, etc. In many cases, the first voting took place in a subsequent year; some women in the Isle of Man gained the right to vote in 1881. Though it did not achieve nationhood until 1907, the colony of New Zealand was the first self-governing country in the world in which all women had the right to vote in, but not to stand for, parliamentary elections in 1893, followed by the colony of South Australia in 1894. In Sweden, conditional women's suffrage was granted during the age of liberty between 1718 and 1772; the Australian Commonwealth Franchise Act of 1902 enabled women to vote at federal elections and permitted women to stand for election to the Australian Parliament, making the newly-federated country of Australia the first in the modern world to do so.
In 1906, the autonomous Grand Duchy of Finland, which became the republic of Finland, was the second country in the world to implement both the right to vote and the right to run for office. Finland was the first country in Europe to give women the right to vote; the world's first female members of parliament were elected in Finland the following year. In Europe, the last jurisdiction to grant women the right to vote was the Swiss canton of Appenzell Innerrhoden, in 1991. Women in Switzerland obtained the right to vote at federal level in 1971, at local cantonal level between 1959 and 1972, except for Appenzell in 1989/1990, see Women's suffrage in Switzerland. In Saudi Arabia women were first allowed to vote in December 2015 in the municipal elections. For other women's rights, see timeline of women's legal rights; the seventh century was the century where muslims created their country "The Caliphate" After Muhammad died in 632, Abu Bakr Omar both were chosen as caliph, after Omar's Death, he decided that the caliph must be a part of the hadith of the ten with glad tidings of paradise, so the Muslim started to vote between them, the women themselves were asked to choose just like everyone else with men from all across the caliphate until Uthman was picked as the new caliph based on what the majority wanted regardless of the gender.
Friesland: Female landowners are allowed to vote in elections to the States of Friesland in rural districts. Sweden: Female taxpaying members of city guilds are allowed to vote in local city elections and national elections: Sweden: Female taxpaying property owners of legal majority are allowed to vote in local countryside elections. Corsica: Female suffrage in the independent republic's Diet US town of Uxbridge, Massachusetts: One woman, Lydia Taft, is allowed to vote in the town meeting New Jersey Pitcairn Islands Tuscany Velez Province in what was the New Granada Republic grants universal suffrage to men and women; the Supreme Court annulled the provision for women. Norfolk Island South Australia—Australian colony of South Australia: property-owning women were given the vote. Sweden: limited to local elections with votes graded after taxation. Argentina: limited to local elections, only for literate women in San Luís Province The Grand Duchy of Finland: limited to taxpaying women in the countryside for municipal elections.
Victoria—Australian colony of Victoria: women were unintentionally enfranchised by the Electoral Act, proceeded to vote in the following year's elections. The Act was amended in 1865 to correct the error. Kingdom of Bohemia - Austrian Empire: limited to taxpaying women and women in "learned professions" who were allowed to vote by proxy and made eligible for election to the legislative body in 1864. United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland: limited to single women ratepayers for local elections under the Municipal Franchise Act. United States-incorporated Territory of Wyoming: full suffrage for women. United States-incorporated Utah Territory: repealed by the Edmunds-Tucker Act in 1887. May 10, 1872, New York City: Equal Rights Party nominates Victoria C. Woodhull as their candidate for US President. Isle of Man. Universal suffrage / the franchise for all resident men and women was introduced in 1919. All men and women could stand for election from 1919. Ontario -- Canadian province: limited to spinsters to vote in municipal elections.
United States: Proposed Constitutional Amendment to extend suffrage and the right to hold office to women. The municipality of Franceville in the New Hebrides (universal suffrage within its short existence
Women's suffrage is the right of women to vote in elections. Beginning in the late 1800s, women worked for broad-based economic and political equality and for social reforms, sought to change voting laws in order to allow them to vote. National and international organizations formed to coordinate efforts to gain voting rights the International Woman Suffrage Alliance, worked for equal civil rights for women. Women who owned property gained the right to vote in the Isle of Man in 1881, in 1893, the British colony of New Zealand granted all women the right to vote. Most independent countries enacted women's suffrage in the interwar era, including Canada in 1917. Leslie Hume argues that the First World War changed the popular mood: The women's contribution to the war effort challenged the notion of women's physical and mental inferiority and made it more difficult to maintain that women were, both by constitution and temperament, unfit to vote. If women could work in munitions factories, it seemed both ungrateful and illogical to deny them a place in the polling booth.
But the vote was much more than a reward for war work. Extended political campaigns by women and their supporters have been necessary to gain legislation or constitutional amendments for women's suffrage. In many countries, limited suffrage for women was granted before universal suffrage for men; the United Nations encouraged women's suffrage in the years following World War II, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women identifies it as a basic right with 189 countries being parties to this Convention. In ancient Athens cited as the birthplace of democracy, only adult, male citizens who owned land were permitted to vote. Through subsequent centuries, Europe was ruled by monarchs, though various forms of parliament arose at different times; the high rank ascribed to abbesses within the Catholic Church permitted some women the right to sit and vote at national assemblies – as with various high-ranking abbesses in Medieval Germany, who were ranked among the independent princes of the empire.
Their Protestant successors enjoyed the same privilege into modern times. Marie Guyart, a French nun who worked with the First Nations peoples of Canada during the seventeenth century, wrote in 1654 regarding the suffrage practices of Iroquois women, "These female chieftains are women of standing amongst the savages, they have a deciding vote in the councils, they make decisions there like the men, it is they who delegated the first ambassadors to discuss peace." The Iroquois, like many First Nations peoples in North America, had a matrilineal kinship system. Property and descent were passed through the female line. Women elders could depose them; the emergence of modern democracy began with male citizens obtaining the right to vote in advance of female citizens, except in the Kingdom of Hawai'i, where universal manhood and women's suffrage was introduced in 1840. In Sweden, conditional women's suffrage was in effect during the Age of Liberty. Other possible contenders for first "country" to grant women suffrage include the Corsican Republic, the Pitcairn Islands, the Isle of Man, Franceville, but some of these operated only as independent states and others were not independent.
In 1756, Lydia Taft became the first legal woman voter in colonial America. This occurred under British rule in the Massachusetts Colony. In a New England town meeting in Uxbridge, she voted on at least three occasions. Unmarried white women who owned property could vote in New Jersey from 1776 to 1807. In the 1792 elections in Sierra Leone a new British colony, all heads of household could vote and one-third were ethnic African women; the female descendants of the Bounty mutineers who lived on Pitcairn Islands could vote from 1838. This right was transferred; the seed for the first Woman's Rights Convention in the United States in Seneca Falls, New York was planted in 1840, when Elizabeth Cady Stanton met Lucretia Mott at the World Anti-Slavery Convention in London. The conference refused to seat Mott and other women delegates from the U. S. because of their sex. In 1851, Stanton met temperance worker Susan B. Anthony, shortly the two would be joined in the long struggle to secure the vote for women in the U.
S. In 1868 Anthony encouraged working women from the printing and sewing trades in New York, who were excluded from men's trade unions, to form Working Women's Associations; as a delegate to the National Labor Congress in 1868, Anthony persuaded the committee on female labor to call for votes for women and equal pay for equal work. The men at the conference deleted the reference to the vote. In the U. S. women in the Wyoming Territory could vote as of 1869. Subsequent American suffrage groups disagreed on tactics, with the National American Woman Suffrage Association arguing for a state-by-state campaign and the National Woman's Party focusing on an amendment to the U. S. Constitution. In 1881 the Isle of Man, an internally self-governing dependent territory of the British Crown, enfranchised women property owners. With this it provide
Women's suffrage in Wales
Women's suffrage in Wales has been marginalised due to the prominence of societies and political groups in England which led the reform for women throughout the United Kingdom. Due to differing social structures and a industrialised working-class society, the growth of a national movement in Wales grew but stuttered in the late nineteenth century in comparison with that of England. Distinct Welsh groups and individuals rose to prominence and were vocal in the rise of suffrage in Wales and the rest of Great Britain. In the early twentieth century, Welsh hopes of advancing the cause of female suffrage centred around the Liberal Party and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, David Lloyd George, one of the most important Welsh politicians of the day. After Liberal success in the 1906 Election failed to materialise into political change, suffragettes and in particular members of the more militant Women's Social and Political Union, took a hard line stance towards their Members of Parliament, engaging in direct action against them.
Militant action was not a hallmark of the movements in Wales and Welsh members, who more identified themselves as suffragists, sought Parliamentary and public support through political and peaceful means. In 1918, across the United Kingdom, women over the age of 30 gained the right to vote, followed by the Representation of the People Act 1928 which saw women gain the same rights to vote as men. Women were not explicitly banned from voting in Great Britain until the 1832 Reform Act and the 1835 Municipal Corporations Act. In England the suffrage movement existed before and after the 1832 act, but did not form a national organisation until the creation of the National Society for Women's Suffrage in 1872. Although there were notable exceptions such as the working-class areas of Lancashire, the women's suffrage movement in England was predominantly a middle-class movement. In Wales there were only two narrow bands of wealthy society in the Anglicised north and south coastal areas. Much of the female population of an emerging 19th century Wales was based in the low-waged, densely-populated, industrialised valleys of the south.
At first women found work in metalworking and coal extraction, but faced mass unemployment after the 1842 Mines and Collieries Act had prohibited them from working underground. The coal mining industry, with its absence of pithead baths, led to unpaid women's employment as the need to keep both their homes and the family's menfolk clean became a never ending task; this led to the image of the stoic Welsh Mam, a matriarch of the home, but little could be further from the truth in a society controlled by men. The increase of wealth created by the mining and metalworking industries saw the creation of new upper-class families who built their wealthy homes in the centre of the community from which they prospered. Whereas the pit and foundry owners were men, many of whom had political ambitions, their wives sought more charitable activities connected to improving the lives of the women and children of their husband's workers. In Dowlais, the heart of the ironworking industry of Wales, Rose Mary Crawshay, the well-to-do English-born wife of Robert Thompson Crawshay, passed her time in such charitable work.
She set up soup kitchens, gave to the poor and established no less than seven libraries in the area, but apart from this work, for which she would be expected to do, she was a staunch feminist. Living under the rule of a notoriously tyrannical husband, for whom she bore five children, she showed a strong-will and was known in feminist circles in London from the 1850s. In 1866 she and 25 other signatories, all based in Wales, signed the country's first women's Suffrage Petition. In June 1870, Rose Crawshay held a public meeting at her home the first in Wales to discuss women's suffrage, but she was taken to task by the local newspaper for disturbing the peace and leading Wales' women astray; the first suffrage tour of Welsh towns was conducted the following year by Jessie Craigen, who travelled the south of the country visiting Pontypool, Pembroke Dock, Neyland and Newport. On 4 March 1872, Mrs. Crawshay held a second meeting, in Merthyr Tydfill, which resulted in a new petition being delivered, the effect of which saw the signing of petitions from Glamorgan, Monmouthshire and Cardiganshire.
That year the Bristol & West of England Society for Women's Suffrage sent two of their members, Caroline Biggs and Lilias Ashworth, on a sponsored speaking tour of south Wales which took in Pontypool, Newport and Haverfordwest. Despite the actions of several prominent Welsh women, such as Lady Amberley and Miss Gertrude Jenner of Wenvoe, no real suffrage movements took hold in the 1870s and the country was reliant on speaking tours from members of English societies, predominantly from Bristol and Manchester. On 25 February 1881, Gertrude Jenner addressed a meeting held in Cardiff Town Hall to "consider means of promoting interest in Cardiff" towards female voting rights; this was a preliminary to a larger meeting, held on 9 March, attended by local dignitaries, Miss Jenner, Helen Blackburn and was chaired by the Mayor of Cardiff. Despite there being a great deal of suffrage activity in the lead up to the Third Reform Act of 1884, there was little campaigning in Wales during the early 1880s.
One act of significant importance that did occur during this period was the decision in late 1884 by the delegates of the Aberdare and Dowlais District Mine Association to support a series of talks by Jeanette Wilkinson on the right of women's votes. This is the first recorded instance of interest by Welsh working men supporting female suffrage; the publication of the Reform Acts of 1867 and
Femininity is a set of attributes and roles associated with girls and women. Femininity is constructed, but made up of both socially-defined and biologically-created factors; this makes it distinct from the definition of the biological female sex, as both males and females can exhibit feminine traits. Traits traditionally cited as feminine include gentleness and sensitivity, though traits associated with femininity vary depending on location and context, are influenced by a variety of social and cultural factors. Tara Williams has suggested that modern notions of femininity in English speaking society began during the English medieval period at the time of the bubonic plague in the 1300s. Women in the Early Middle Ages were referred to within their traditional roles of maiden, wife, or widow. After the Black Death in England wiped out half the population, traditional gender roles of wife and mother changed, opportunities opened up for women in society. Prudence Allen has traced; the words femininity and womanhood are first recorded in Chaucer around 1380.
In 1949, French intellectual Simone de Beauvoir wrote that "no biological, psychological or economic fate determines the figure that the human female presents in society" and "one is not born, but rather becomes, a woman," an idea, picked up in 1959 by Canadian-American sociologist Erving Goffman and in 1990 by American philosopher Judith Butler, who theorized that gender is not fixed or inherent but is rather a defined set of practices and traits that have, over time, grown to become labelled as feminine or masculine. Goffman argued that women are socialized to present themselves as "precious and fragile, uninstructed in and ill-suited for anything requiring muscular exertion" and to project "shyness, reserve and a display of frailty and incompetence."Second-wave feminists, influenced by de Beauvoir, believed that although biological differences between females and males were innate, the concepts of femininity and masculinity had been culturally constructed, with traits such as passivity and tenderness assigned to women and aggression and intelligence assigned to men.
Girls, second-wave feminists said, were socialized with toys, games and school into conforming to feminine values and behaviours. In her significant 1963 book The Feminine Mystique, American feminist Betty Friedan wrote that the key to women's subjugation lay in the social construction of femininity as childlike and dependent, called for a "drastic reshaping of the cultural image of femininity." While the defining characteristics of femininity are not universally identical, some patterns exist: gentleness, sensitivity, sweetness, tolerance, nurturance and succorance are traits that have traditionally been cited as feminine. Femininity is sometimes linked with sexual appeal. Sexual passiveness, or sexual receptivity, is sometimes considered feminine while sexual assertiveness and sexual desire is sometimes considered masculine. People who exhibit a combination of both masculine and feminine characteristics are considered androgynous, feminist philosophers have argued that gender ambiguity may blur gender classification.
Modern conceptualizations of femininity rely not just upon social constructions, but upon the individualized choices made by women. Ann Oakley's sex/gender dichotomy has had a considerable influence on sociologists defining masculine and feminine behavior as regulated and reproduced in our society, as well as the power structures relating to the concepts. An ongoing debate with regards to sex and psychology concerns the extent to which gender identity and gender-specific behavior is due to socialization versus inborn factors. According to Diane F. Halpern, both factors play a role, but the relative importance of each must still be investigated; the nature versus nurture question, for example, is extensively debated and is continually revitalized by new research findings. Some hold that feminine identity is a'given' and a goal to be sought. In 1959, researchers such as John Money and Anke Erhardt proposed the prenatal hormone theory, their research argues that sexual organs bathe the embryo with hormones in the womb, resulting in the birth of an individual with a distinctively male or female brain.
This theory, has been criticized on theoretical and empirical grounds and remains controversial. In 2005, scientific research investigating sex and psychology showed that gender expectations and stereotype threat affect behavior, a person's gender identity can develop as early as three years of age. Money argued that gender identity is formed during a child's first three years. Mary Vetterling-Braggin argues that all characteristics associated with femininity arose from early human sexual encounters which were male-forced and female-unwilling, because of male and female anatomical differences. Others, such as Carole Pateman, Ria Kloppenborg, Wouter J. Hanegraaff, argue that the definition of femininity is the result of how females must behave in order to maintain a patriarchal social system. In his 1998 book Masculinity and Femininity: the Taboo Dimension of National Cultures, Dutch psychologist and researcher Geert Hofstede wrote that only behaviors directly connected with procreation can speaking, be described as feminine or masculine, yet every society worldwide recognizes many additional behaviors as more suitable to females than males, vice versa.
He describes these as relativ
A girl is a young female human a child or an adolescent. When she becomes an adult, she is described as a woman; the term girl may be used to mean a young woman, is sometimes used as a synonym for daughter. Girl may be a term of endearment used by an adult a woman, to designate adult female friends; the treatment and status of girls in any society is closely related to the status of women in that culture. In cultures where women have a low societal position, girls may be unwanted by their parents, the state may invest less in services for girls. Girls' upbringing ranges from being the same as that of boys to complete sex segregation and different gender roles; the English word girl first appeared during the Middle Ages between 1250 and 1300 CE and came from the Anglo-Saxon word gerle. The Anglo-Saxon word gerela meaning dress or clothing item seems to have been used as a metonym in some sense; until the late 1400s, the word meant a child of either sex. Girl has meant any young unmarried woman since about 1530.
Its first noted meaning for sweetheart is 1648. The earliest known appearance of girl-friend is in 1892 and girl next door, meant as a teenaged female or young woman with a kind of wholesome appeal, dates only to 1961; the word girl is sometimes used to refer to an adult female a younger one. This usage may be considered derogatory or disrespectful in professional or other formal contexts, just as the term boy can be considered disparaging when applied to an adult man. Hence, this usage is deprecative, it can be used deprecatively when used to discriminate against children. However, girl can be a professional designation for a woman employed as a model or other public feminine representative such as a showgirl, in such cases is not considered derogatory. In casual context, the word has positive uses, it has been used playfully for people acting in an energetic fashion or as a way of unifying women of all ages on the basis of their once having been girls. These positive uses mean gender rather than age.
The status of girls throughout world history is related to the status of women in any culture. Where women enjoy a more equal status with men, girls benefit from greater attention to their needs. Girls' formal education has traditionally been considered far less important than that of boys. In Europe, exceptions were rare before the printing press and the Reformation made literacy more widespread. One notable exception to the general neglect of girls' literacy is Queen Elizabeth I. In her case, as a child she was in a precarious position as a possible heir to the throne, her life was in fact endangered by the political scheming of other powerful members of the court. Following the execution of her mother, Anne Boleyn, Elizabeth was considered illegitimate, her education was for the most part ignored by Henry VIII. Remarkably, Henry VIII's widow, Catherine Parr, took an interest in the high intelligence of Elizabeth, supported the decision to provide her with an impressive education after Henry's death, starting when Elizabeth was 9.
Elizabeth received an education equal to that of a prominent male aristocrat. England reaped the reward of her rich education when circumstances resulted in her becoming a capable monarch. By the 18th century, Europeans recognized the value of literacy, schools were opened to educate the public in growing numbers. Education in the Age of Enlightenment in France led to up to a third of women becoming literate by the time of the French Revolution, contrasting with half of men by that time. However, education was still not considered as important for girls as for boys, who were being trained for professions that remained closed to women, girls were not admitted to secondary level schools in France until the late 19th century. Girls were not entitled to receive a Baccalaureate diploma in France until the reforms of 1924 under education minister Léon Bérard. Schools were segregated in France until the end of World War II. Since compulsory education laws have raised the education of girls and young women throughout Europe.
In many European countries, girls' education was restricted until the 1970s at higher levels. This was done by teaching different subjects to each sex since tertiary education was considered for males with regard to technical education. For example, prestigious engineering schools, such as École Polytechnique, did not allow women until the 1970s. Many cultures have traditional customs to mark the "coming of age" of a girl or boy, to recognize their transition to adulthood, or to mark other milestones of their journey to maturity as children. Japan has a coming-of-age ritual called Shichi-Go-San, which means "Seven-Five-Three"; this is a traditional rite of passage and festival day in Japan for three- and seven-year-old girls and three- and five-year-old boys, held annually on November 15. It is observed on the nearest weekend. On this day, the girl will be dressed in a traditional kimono, will be taken to a temple by her family for a blessing ceremony. Nowadays, the occasion is marked with a formal photo portrait.
Some coming-of-age ceremonies are religious rituals to recognize a girl's maturity with respect to her understanding of religious beliefs, to recognize her changing role in her religious community. Confirmation is a ceremony common to many Christian denominations for bo