Harvey LeRoy "Lee" Atwater was an American political consultant and strategist for the Republican Party. He was an adviser to US presidents Ronald Reagan and George H. W. Bush and chairman of the Republican National Committee. Atwater aroused controversy through his aggressive campaign tactics. Atwater was born in Atlanta, the son of Alma "Toddy", a school teacher, Harvey Dillard Atwater, an insurance adjustor, he had two siblings and Joe. He grew up in South Carolina; when Lee was five, his three-year-old brother, died when he pulled a deep fryer full of hot oil onto himself. As a teenager in Columbia, South Carolina, Atwater played guitar in a rock band, The Upsetters Revue. At the height of his political power, he would play concerts in clubs and church basements, solo or with B. B. King, in the Washington, D. C. area. He released an album called Red, Hot And Blue on Curb Records, featuring Carla Thomas, Isaac Hayes, Sam Moore, Chuck Jackson, King. Robert Hilburn wrote about the album in the Los Angeles Times on April 5, 1990: "The most entertaining thing about this ensemble salute to spicy Memphis-style 1950s and 1960s R&B is the way it lets you surprise your friends.
Play a selection such as'Knock on Wood' or'Bad Boy' for someone without identifying the singer watch their eyes bulge when you reveal that it's the controversial national chairman of the Republican Party, Lee Atwater." During the 1960s, Atwater played backup guitar for Percy Sledge. In 1973, Atwater graduated from Newberry College, a small private Lutheran institution in Newberry, South Carolina, where he was a member of the Alpha Tau Omega fraternity. At Newberry, Atwater served as the governor of the South Carolina Student Legislature, he earned a Master of Arts degree in communications from the University of South Carolina in 1977. During the 1970s and the 1980 election, Atwater rose to prominence in the South Carolina Republican Party participating in the campaigns of Governor Carroll Campbell and Senator Strom Thurmond. During his years in South Carolina, Atwater became well-known for managing hard-edged campaigns based on emotional wedge issues. Atwater's aggressive tactics were first demonstrated during the 1980 Congressional campaigns.
He was a campaign consultant to Republican incumbent Floyd Spence in his campaign for Congress against Democratic nominee Tom Turnipseed. Atwater's tactics in that campaign included push polling in the form of fake surveys by so-called independent pollsters to inform white suburbanites that Turnipseed was a member of the NAACP, he sent out last-minute letters from Senator Thurmond telling voters that Turnipseed would disarm the United States, turn it over to liberals and Communists. At a press briefing, Atwater planted a fake reporter who rose and said, "We understand that Turnipseed has had psychiatric treatment". Atwater told reporters off the record that Turnipseed "got hooked up to jumper cables", referring to electroconvulsive therapy that Turnipseed underwent as a teenager. Spence went on to win the race. "Lee seemed to delight in making fun of a suicidal 16-year-old, treated for depression with electroshock treatments", Turnipseed recalled. "In fact, my struggle with depression as a student was no secret.
I had talked about it in a widely-covered news conference as early as 1977, when I was in the South Carolina State Senate. Since I have shared with appropriate groups the full story of my recovery to responsible adulthood as a professional and civic leader and father. Teenage depression and suicide are major problems in the United States, I believe that my life story offers hope to young people who are suffering with a constant fear of the future". After the 1980 election, Atwater went to Washington and became an aide in the Ronald Reagan administration, working under political director Ed Rollins. In 1984, Rollins managed Reagan's re-election campaign, Atwater became the campaign's deputy director and political director. Rollins mentions Atwater's work several times in his 1996 book Bare Back Rooms, he states that Atwater ran a dirty tricks operation against Democratic vice-presidential nominee Geraldine Ferraro, including publicizing the fact that Ferraro's parents had been indicted on numbers running in the 1940s.
Rollins described Atwater as "ruthless", "Ollie North in civilian clothes", someone who "just had to drive in one more stake". Atwater became a senior partner at the political consulting firm of Black, Manafort and Kelly the day after the 1984 presidential election. During his years in Washington, Atwater became aligned with Vice President George H. W. Bush, who chose Atwater to manage his 1988 presidential campaign; as a member of the Reagan administration in 1981, Atwater gave an anonymous interview to political scientist Alexander P. Lamis. Part of the interview was printed in Lamis' book The Two-Party South reprinted in Southern Politics in the 1990s with Atwater's name revealed. Bob Herbert reported on the interview in the October 6, 2005, issue of The New York Times. On November 13, 2012, The Nation magazine released a 42-minute audio recording of the interview. James Carter IV, grandson of former president Jimmy Carter, had asked and been granted access to these tapes by Lamis' widow. Atwater talked about the Republican Southern strategy: Atwater: As to the whole Southern strategy that Harry S. Dent, Sr. and others put together in 1968, opposition to the Voting Rights Act would have been a central part of keeping the South.
Now you don't have to do that. All that you need to do to keep the South is for Reagan to run in place on the issues that he's campaigned on since 1964, that's fiscal conservatism, balancing the budget, cut taxes, you know, the
Free trade is a trade policy that does not restrict imports or exports. In government, free trade is predominantly advocated by political parties that hold liberal economic positions while economically left-wing and nationalist political parties support protectionism, the opposite of free trade. Most nations are today members of the World Trade Organization multilateral trade agreements. Free trade is additionally exemplified by the European Economic Area and the Mercosur which have established open markets. However, most governments still impose some protectionist policies that are intended to support local employment, such as applying tariffs to imports or subsidies to exports. Governments may restrict free trade to limit exports of natural resources. Other barriers that may hinder trade include import quotas and non-tariff barriers, such as regulatory legislation. There is a broad consensus among economists that protectionism has a negative effect on economic growth and economic welfare while free trade and the reduction of trade barriers has a positive effect on economic growth.
However, liberalization of trade can cause significant and unequally distributed losses, the economic dislocation of workers in import-competing sectors. Free trade policies may promote the following features: Trade of goods without taxes or other trade barriers. Trade in services without taxes or other trade barriers; the absence of "trade-distorting" policies that give some firms, households, or factors of production an advantage over others. Unregulated access to markets. Unregulated access to market information. Inability of firms to distort markets through government-imposed monopoly or oligopoly power. Trade agreements which encourage free trade. Two simple ways to understand the proposed benefits of free trade are through David Ricardo's theory of comparative advantage and by analyzing the impact of a tariff or import quota. An economic analysis using the law of supply and demand and the economic effects of a tax can be used to show the theoretical benefits and disadvantages of free trade.
Most economists would recommend that developing nations should set their tariff rates quite low, but the economist Ha-Joon Chang, a proponent of industrial policy, believes higher levels may be justified in developing nations because the productivity gap between them and developed nations today is much higher than what developed nations faced when they were at a similar level of technological development. Underdeveloped nations today, Chang believes, are weak players in a much more competitive system. Counterarguments to Chang's point of view are that the developing countries are able to adopt technologies from abroad whereas developed nations had to create new technologies themselves and that developing countries can sell to export markets far richer than any that existed in the 19th century. If the chief justification for a tariff is to stimulate infant industries, it must be high enough to allow domestic manufactured goods to compete with imported goods in order to be successful; this theory, known as import substitution industrialization, is considered ineffective for developing nations.
The chart at the right analyzes the effect of the imposition of an import tariff on some imaginary good. Prior to the tariff, the price of the good in the world market is Pworld; the tariff increases the domestic price to Ptariff. The higher price causes domestic production to increase from QS1 to QS2 and causes domestic consumption to decline from QC1 to QC2; this has three main effects on societal welfare. Consumers are made worse off. Producers are better off; the government has additional tax revenue. However, the loss to consumers is greater than the gains by the government; the magnitude of this societal loss is shown by the two pink triangles. Removing the tariff and having free trade would be a net gain for society. An identical analysis of this tariff from the perspective of a net producing country yields parallel results. From that country's perspective, the tariff leaves producers worse off and consumers better off, but the net loss to producers is larger than the benefit to consumers. Under similar analysis, export tariffs, import quotas and export quotas all yield nearly identical results.
Sometimes consumers are better off and producers worse off and sometimes consumers are worse off and producers are better off, but the imposition of trade restrictions causes a net loss to society because the losses from trade restrictions are larger than the gains from trade restrictions. Free trade creates winners and losers, but theory and empirical evidence show that the size of the winnings from free trade are larger than the losses. According to mainstream economics theory, the selective application of free trade agreements to some countries and tariffs on others can lead to economic inefficiency through the process of trade diversion, it is economically efficient for a good to be produced by the country, the lowest cost producer, but this does not always take place if a high cost producer has a free trade agreement while the low cost producer faces a high tariff. Applying free trade to the high cost producer and not the low cost producer as well can lead to trade diversion and a net economic loss.
This is why many economists place such high importance on negotiations for global tar
Elliott Abrams is an American diplomat and lawyer who has served in foreign policy positions for Presidents Ronald Reagan, George W. Bush, Donald Trump. Abrams is considered to be a neoconservative, he is a senior fellow for Middle Eastern studies at the Council on Foreign Relations. On January 25, 2019, he was appointed as Special Representative for Venezuela, he is best known for his involvement in the Iran-Contra scandal during the Reagan administration, which led to his conviction in 1991 on two misdemeanor counts of unlawfully withholding information from Congress. He was pardoned by George H. W. Bush. During George W. Bush's first term, he served as Special Assistant to the President and Senior Director on the National Security Council for Near East and North African Affairs. At the start of Bush's second term, Abrams was promoted to be his Deputy National Security Advisor for Global Democracy Strategy, in charge of promoting Bush's strategy of "advancing democracy abroad." In the Bush administration, Abrams was a key architect behind the Iraq War.
Elliott Abrams was born into a Jewish family in New York in 1948. His father was an immigration lawyer. Abrams attended the Little Red School House in New York City, a private high school whose students at the time included the children of many of the city's notable left-wing activists and artists. Abrams' parents were Democrats. Abrams received his Bachelor of Arts from Harvard College in 1969, a master's degree in international relations from the London School of Economics in 1970, his J. D. from Harvard Law School in 1973. He practised law in New York in the summers for his father, at Breed and Morgan from 1973 to 1975 and with Verner, Bernhard, McPherson and Hand from 1979 to 1981. Abrams worked as an assistant counsel on the Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations in 1975 worked as a staffer on Senator Henry "Scoop" Jackson's brief campaign for the 1976 Democratic Party presidential nomination. From 1977 through 1979, he served as special counsel and as chief of staff for the then-new senator Daniel Moynihan.
Dissatisfaction with President Carter's foreign policy led Abrams to campaign for Ronald Reagan in the 1980 presidential election. Abrams first came to national prominence when he served as Reagan's Assistant Secretary of State for Human Rights and Humanitarian Affairs in the early 1980s and as Assistant Secretary for Inter-American Affairs, his nomination to Assistant Secretary of State for Human Rights and Humanitarian Affairs was unanimously approved by the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on November 17, 1981. Abrams was Reagan's second choice for the position. During his time in the post, Abrams clashed with church groups and human rights organizations, including Human Rights Watch. According to an article in The Washington Post, in a 1984 appearance on the program Nightline, Abrams clashed with Aryeh Neier, the Executive Director of Human Rights Watch and with the leader of Amnesty International, over the Reagan administration's foreign policies, they accused him of covering up atrocities committed by the military forces of U.
S.-backed governments, including those in El Salvador and Guatemala, the rebel Contras in Nicaragua. Abrams accused critics of the Reagan administration's foreign policy towards Latin America of being "Un-American" and "unpatriotic."In an October 1981 memo, weeks prior to his confirmation in the Senate, Abrams asserted, "human rights is at the core of our foreign policy." Critics say that Abrams and the Reagan administration misappropriated the term human rights, with Tamar Jacoby writing in 1986, "in a period that more or less coincided with Abrams' tenure as assistant secretary of state for human rights, the White House endeavored to appropriate the banner of human rights for itself to use it in battle not only against communist regimes but in a more defensive way, against domestic opponents of its human rights policy." The Lawyers Committee, Americas Watch and Helsinki Watch wrote a report in 1985, charging that Abrams had "developed and articulated a human rights ideology which complements and justifies Administration policies" and undermined the purpose of the human rights bureau in the State Department.
According to American University political scientist William M. LeoGrande, Communist governments were the worst human rights violators in the world, Abrams believed, so anything done to prevent Communists from coming to power was justifiable on human rights grounds; this theory fit neatly into the Cold War presumptions that framed Reagan's foreign policy and allowed the administration to rationalize supporting murderous regimes so long as they were anti-Communists. In practice, it was little different from Henry Kissinger's realpolitik that discounted human rights issues entirely. Abrams was considered a skilled and influential bureaucrat in the human rights bureau; as Assistant Secretary of State, Abrams advocated for aid to Guatemala under dictator Efraín Ríos Montt. Ríos Montt came to power via a coup in 1982, overcoming the forces of General Fernando Romeo Lucas García. Thirty years Ríos Montt was found guilty of overseeing a campaign of mass murder and torture of indigenous people, genocide, in Guatemala.
Ríos Montt, who claimed he had no operational control of the forces involved, was convicted of genocide against the Maya-Ixil population. Abrams defended the human rights record of the El Salvador government and attacked human rights groups as communist sympathizers when they criticized the El Salvador government. In early 1982, when reports of the El Mozote massacre of hundreds o
George H. W. Bush
George Herbert Walker Bush was an American politician who served as the 41st president of the United States from 1989 to 1993 and the 43rd vice president of the United States from 1981 to 1989. A member of the Republican Party, he held posts that included those of congressman, CIA director; until his son George W. Bush became the 43rd president in 2001, he was known as George Bush. Bush postponed his university studies after the attack on Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941, enlisted in the Navy on his 18th birthday, became one of its youngest aviators, he served until September 1945, attended Yale University, graduating in 1948. He moved his family to West Texas where he entered the oil business and became a millionaire by the age of 40 in 1964. After founding his own oil company, Bush was defeated in his first run for the United States Senate in 1964, but won election to the House of Representatives from Texas's 7th congressional district in 1966, he was reelected in 1968 but was defeated for election to the Senate in 1970.
In 1971, President Richard Nixon appointed Bush as Ambassador to the United Nations, he became Chairman of the Republican National Committee in 1973. The following year, President Gerald Ford appointed him Chief of the Liaison Office in China and made him the director of Central Intelligence. Bush ran for president in 1980, was defeated in the Republican primary by Ronald Reagan, as Reagan's running mate Bush became vice-president after the ticket's election. During his eight-year tenure as vice president, Bush headed task forces on deregulation and the war on drugs. Bush in 1988 defeated Democratic opponent Michael Dukakis, becoming the first incumbent vice president to be elected president in 152 years. Foreign policy drove the Bush presidency. Bush signed the North American Free Trade Agreement, which created a trade bloc consisting of the United States and Mexico. Domestically, Bush signed a bill to increase taxes, he lost the 1992 presidential election to Democrat Bill Clinton following an economic recession and the decreased importance of foreign policy in a post–Cold War political climate.
After leaving office in 1993, Bush was active in humanitarian activities alongside Clinton, his former opponent. With George W. Bush's victory in the 2000 presidential election and his son became the second father–son pair to serve as President, following John Adams and John Quincy Adams. At the time of his death, he was the longest-lived president in U. S. history, a record surpassed by Jimmy Carter on March 22, 2019. George Herbert Walker Bush was born at 173 Adams Street in Milton, Massachusetts on June 12, 1924 to Prescott Sheldon Bush and Dorothy Bush; the Bush family moved from Milton to Connecticut shortly after his birth. Bush was named after his maternal grandfather George Herbert Walker, known as "Pop", young Bush was called "Poppy" as a tribute to his namesake. Bush began his formal education at the Greenwich Country Day School attended Phillips Academy in Andover, Massachusetts beginning in 1938, where he held a number of leadership positions which included president of the senior class, secretary of the student council, president of the community fund-raising group, a member of the editorial board of the school newspaper, captain of the varsity baseball and soccer teams.
Six months after the United States entered World War II following Japan's attack on Pearl Harbor, Bush enlisted in the U. S. Navy after he graduated from Phillips Academy on his 18th birthday, he became a naval aviator. After completing the 10-month course, he was commissioned as an ensign in the Naval Reserve at Naval Air Station Corpus Christi on June 9, 1943, just three days before his 19th birthday, which made him one of the youngest aviators in the Navy. In September 1943, he was assigned to Torpedo Squadron 51 as the photographic officer; the following year, his squadron was based in USS San Jacinto as a member of Air Group 51, where his lanky physique earned him the nickname "Skin". During this time, the task force was victorious at the Battle of the Philippine Sea, one of the largest air battles of World War II. Bush was promoted to lieutenant on August 1, 1944, San Jacinto commenced operations against the Japanese in the Bonin Islands, he piloted one of the four Grumman TBM Avengers of VT-51 that attacked the Japanese installations on Chichijima on September 2, 1944.
His crew included Lt. William White, his aircraft was hit by flak during the attack, but Bush released bombs and scored several hits. With his engine ablaze, he flew several miles from the island, where he and one other crew member bailed out. Bush spent four hours in his inflated liferaft, protected by fighter aircraft circling above, until the submarine USS Finback came to his rescue, he participated in the rescue of other aviators. Several of those shot down during the attack were executed, their livers were eaten by their captors; this experience shaped Bush profoundly, leading him to ask, "Why had I been spared and what did God have for me?"In November 1944, Bush returned to San Jacinto and participated in operations in the Philippines until his squadron was replaced and sent home to the United States. By 1944 he had flown 58 combat missions for which he received the Distinguished Flying Cross, three Air Medals, the Presiden
Barry Morris Goldwater was an American politician and author, a five-term Senator from Arizona and the Republican Party nominee for President of the United States in 1964. Despite his loss of the 1964 presidential election in a landslide, Goldwater is the politician most credited with having sparked the resurgence of the American conservative political movement in the 1960s, he had a substantial impact on the libertarian movement. Goldwater rejected the legacy of the New Deal and fought with the conservative coalition against the New Deal coalition. Although he had supported earlier civil rights legislation, he notably opposed the Civil Rights Act of 1964 as he believed it to be an overreach by the federal government. In 1964, Goldwater mobilized a large conservative constituency to win the hard-fought Republican presidential primaries. Although raised as an Episcopalian, Goldwater was the first candidate of ethnically Jewish heritage to be nominated for President by a major American party. Goldwater's platform failed to gain the support of the electorate and he lost the 1964 presidential election to incumbent Democrat Lyndon B. Johnson.
Goldwater returned to the Senate in specialized in defense and foreign policy. As an elder statesman of the party, Goldwater urged President Richard Nixon to resign in 1974 when evidence of a cover-up in the Watergate scandal became overwhelming and impeachment was imminent. Goldwater's views grew libertarian as he reached the end of his career, chose to retire from the Senate in 1987. A significant accomplishment in his career was the passage of the Goldwater–Nichols Act of 1986, he was succeeded by John McCain, who praised his predecessor as the man who "transformed the Republican Party from an Eastern elitist organization to the breeding ground for the election of Ronald Reagan." Goldwater supported the 1980 presidential campaign of Reagan, who had become the standard-bearer of the conservative movement after his Time for Choosing speech. Reagan reflected many of the principles of Goldwater's earlier run in his campaign. Washington Post columnist George Will took note of this, writing, "We...who voted for him in 1964 believe he won, it just took 16 years to count the votes."
After leaving the Senate, Goldwater's views cemented as libertarian. He began to criticize the "moneymaking ventures by fellows like Pat Robertson and others who are trying to...make a religious organization out of it." He lobbied for homosexuals to be able to serve in the military, opposed the Clinton administration's plan for health care reform, supported abortion rights and the legalization of medicinal marijuana. In 1997, Goldwater was revealed to be in the early stages of Alzheimer's disease, he died one year at the age of 89. To this day, Goldwater remains a controversial figure in U. S. politics. Goldwater was born in Phoenix in what was the Arizona Territory, the son of Baron M. Goldwater and his wife, Hattie Josephine "JoJo" Williams, his father's family had founded a leading upscale department store in Phoenix. Goldwater's paternal grandfather, Michel Goldwasser, a Polish Jew, was born in 1821 in Konin, whence he immigrated to London following the Revolutions of 1848. Soon after arriving in London, he anglicized his name from "Goldwasser" to "Goldwater".
Michel married a member of an English Jewish family, in the Great Synagogue of London. His father was Jewish and his mother, Episcopalian, came from a New England family that included the theologian Roger Williams of Rhode Island. Goldwater's parents were married in an Episcopal church in Phoenix. While he did not attend church, he stated that "If a man acts in a religious way, an ethical way he's a religious man—and it doesn't have a lot to do with how he gets inside a church."The family department store made the Goldwaters comfortably wealthy. Goldwater graduated from Staunton Military Academy, an elite private school in Virginia, attended the University of Arizona for one year, where he joined the Sigma Chi fraternity. Barry had never been close to his father, but he took over the family business after Baron's death in 1930, he became a Republican, promoted innovative business practices, opposed the New Deal because it fostered labor unions. Goldwater came to know former President Herbert Hoover, whose conservative politics he admired greatly.
In 1934, he married Margaret "Peggy" Johnson, daughter of a prominent industrialist from Muncie, Indiana. They had four children: Joanne, Barry and Peggy. Goldwater became a widower in 1985, in 1992 he married Susan Wechsler, a nurse 32 years his junior. Goldwater's son Barry Goldwater Jr. served as a United States House of Representatives member from California from 1969 to 1983. Goldwater's uncle Morris Goldwater was an Arizona territorial and state legislator, mayor of Prescott, a businessman. Goldwater's grandson, Ty Ross, a former Zoli model, is gay and HIV positive, the one who inspired the elder Goldwater "to become an octogenarian proponent of gay civil rights". With the American entry into World War II, Goldwater received a reserve commission in the United States Army Air Forces, he became a pilot assigned to the Ferry Command, a newly formed unit that flew aircraft and supplies to war zones worldwide. He spent most of the war flying between the U. S. and India, via the Azores and North Africa or South America
Robert Heron Bork was an American judge, government official and legal scholar who served as the Solicitor General of the United States from 1973 to 1977. A professor at Yale Law School by occupation, he served as a judge on the influential U. S. Court of Appeals for the D. C. Circuit from 1982 to 1988. In 1987, President Ronald Reagan nominated Bork to the U. S. Supreme Court, but the U. S. Senate rejected his nomination. Bork was born in Pennsylvania, he pursued a legal career after attending the University of Chicago. After working at the law firm of Kirkland & Ellis, he served as a Yale Law School Professor, he became a prominent advocate of originalism, calling for judges to hew to the framers' original understanding of the United States Constitution. He became an influential antitrust scholar, arguing that consumers benefited from corporate mergers and that antitrust law should focus on consumer welfare rather than on ensuring competition. Bork wrote several notable books, including Slouching Towards Gomorrah.
From 1973 to 1977, he served as the solicitor general under President Richard Nixon and President Gerald Ford, arguing several cases before the Supreme Court. In the October 1973 Saturday Night Massacre, Bork became acting attorney general after his superiors in the Justice Department resigned rather than fire Special Prosecutor Archibald Cox, investigating the Watergate scandal. Bork fired Cox, served as acting attorney general until January 1974. In 1982 President Reagan appointed Bork to the Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit. After Supreme Court Justice Lewis Powell announced his impending retirement, Reagan nominated Bork to the Supreme Court in 1987, precipitating a contested Senate debate. Opposition to Bork centered on his stated desire to roll back the civil rights decisions of the Warren and Burger courts and his role in the Saturday Night Massacre, his nomination was defeated with 58 of the 100 Senators opposing his nomination. That Supreme Court vacancy was filled by another Reagan nominee, Anthony Kennedy.
Bork resigned his judgeship in 1988 and served as a professor at the George Mason University School of Law and other institutions. He advised presidential candidate Mitt Romney and was a fellow at the American Enterprise Institute and the Hudson Institute before his death in 2012. Bork was born in Pennsylvania, his father was Harry Philip Bork Jr. a steel company purchasing agent, his mother was Elisabeth, a schoolteacher. His father was of Irish ancestry, while his mother was of Pennsylvania Dutch descent, he was married to Claire Davidson from 1952 until 1980. They had a daughter and two sons and Charles. In 1982, he married a Catholic religious sister turned activist. Bork attended the Hotchkiss School in Lakeville and earned B. A. and J. D. degrees from the University of Chicago. While pursuing his bachelor's degree he became a brother of the international social fraternity of Phi Gamma Delta. While pursuing his law degree he served on the University of Chicago Law Review. At Chicago he was awarded a Phi Beta Kappa key with his J.
D. degree in 1953, passed the bar in Illinois that same year. After a period of service in the United States Marine Corps, Bork began as a lawyer in private practice in 1954 at Kirkland & Ellis in Chicago, was a professor at Yale Law School from 1962 to 1975, again from 1977 to 1981. Among his students during this time were Bill Clinton, Hillary Clinton, Anita Hill, Robert Reich, Jerry Brown, John R. Bolton, Samuel Issacharoff, Cynthia Estlund. Bork is known for his theory that the only way to reconcile the role of the judiciary in the U. S. government against what he terms the "Madisonian" or "counter-majoritarian" dilemma of the judiciary making law without popular approval is for constitutional adjudication to be guided by the framers' original understanding of the United States Constitution. Reiterating that it is a court's task to adjudicate and not to "legislate from the bench," he advocated that judges exercise restraint in deciding cases, emphasizing that the role of the courts is to frame "neutral principles" and not ad hoc pronouncements or subjective value judgments.
Bork once said, "The truth is that the judge who looks outside the Constitution always looks inside himself and nowhere else."Bork built on the influential critiques of the Warren Court authored by Alexander Bickel, who criticized the Supreme Court under Earl Warren, alleging shoddy and inconsistent reasoning, undue activism, misuse of historical materials. Bork's critique was harder-edged than Bickel's, he has written, "We are governed not by law or elected representatives but by an unelected, unaccountable committee of lawyers applying no will but their own." Bork's writings influenced the opinions of judges such as Associate Justice Antonin Scalia and Chief Justice William Rehnquist of the U. S. Supreme Court, sparked a vigorous debate within legal academia about how to interpret the Constitution; some conservatives criticized Bork's approach. Conservative scholar Harry Jaffa criticized Bork for failing to adhere to natural law principles. Robert P. George explained Jaffa's critique this way: "He attacks Rehnquist and Scalia and Bork for their embrace of legal positivism, inconsistent with the doctrine of natural rights, embedded in the Constitution they are supposed to be interpreting."
At Yale he was best known for writing The Antitrust Paradox, a book in which he argued that consumers benefited from
John Calvin Coolidge Jr. was an American politician and lawyer who served as the 30th president of the United States from 1923 to 1929. A Republican lawyer from New England, born in Vermont, Coolidge worked his way up the ladder of Massachusetts state politics becoming governor, his response to the Boston Police Strike of 1919 thrust him into the national spotlight and gave him a reputation as a man of decisive action. The next year, he was elected vice president of the United States, he succeeded to the presidency upon the sudden death of Warren G. Harding in 1923. Elected in his own right in 1924, he gained a reputation as a small government conservative and as a man who said little and had a rather dry sense of humor. Coolidge restored public confidence in the White House after the scandals of his predecessor's administration, left office with considerable popularity; as a Coolidge biographer wrote: "He embodied the spirit and hopes of the middle class, could interpret their longings and express their opinions.
That he did represent the genius of the average is the most convincing proof of his strength". Scholars have ranked Coolidge in the lower half of those presidents, he is praised by advocates of smaller government and laissez-faire economics, while supporters of an active central government view him less favorably, though most praise his stalwart support of racial equality. John Calvin Coolidge Jr. was born in Plymouth Notch, Windsor County, Vermont, on July 4, 1872, the only US president to be born on Independence Day. He was the elder of the two children of John Calvin Coolidge Sr. and Victoria Josephine Moor. Coolidge Junior was called by his middle name, Calvin. Coolidge Senior engaged in many occupations and developed a statewide reputation as a prosperous farmer and public servant, he held various local offices, including justice of the peace and tax collector and served in the Vermont House of Representatives as well as the Vermont Senate. Coolidge's mother was the daughter of a Plymouth Notch farmer.
She was chronically ill and died from tuberculosis, when Coolidge was twelve years old. His younger sister, Abigail Grace Coolidge, died at the age of 15 of appendicitis, when Coolidge was 18. Coolidge's father married a Plymouth schoolteacher in 1891, lived to the age of 80. Coolidge's family had deep roots in New England. Another ancestor, Edmund Rice, arrived at Watertown in 1638. Coolidge's great-great-grandfather named John Coolidge, was an American military officer in the Revolutionary War and one of the first selectmen of the town of Plymouth, his grandfather Calvin Galusha Coolidge served in the Vermont House of Representatives. Coolidge was a descendant of Samuel Appleton, who settled in Ipswich and led the Massachusetts Bay Colony during King Philip's War. Coolidge attended Black River Academy and St. Johnsbury Academy, before enrolling at Amherst College, where he distinguished himself in the debating class; as a senior, he graduated cum laude. While at Amherst, Coolidge was profoundly influenced by philosophy professor Charles Edward Garman, a Congregational mystic, with a neo-Hegelian philosophy.
Coolidge explained Garman's ethics forty years later: here is a standard of righteousness that might does not make right, that the end does not justify the means, that expediency as a working principle is bound to fail. The only hope of perfecting human relationships is in accordance with the law of service under which men are not so solicitous about what they shall get as they are about what they shall give, yet people are entitled to the rewards of their industry. What they earn is theirs, no matter how small or how great, but the possession of property carries the obligation to use it in a larger service... At his father's urging after graduation, Coolidge moved to Northampton, Massachusetts to become a lawyer. To avoid the cost of law school, Coolidge followed the common practice of apprenticing with a local law firm, Hammond & Field, reading law with them. John C. Hammond and Henry P. Field, both Amherst graduates, introduced Coolidge to law practice in the county seat of Hampshire County.
In 1897, Coolidge was admitted to the Massachusetts bar. With his savings and a small inheritance from his grandfather, Coolidge opened his own law office in Northampton in 1898, he practiced commercial law. As his reputation as a hard-working and diligent attorney grew, local banks and other businesses began to retain his services. In 1903, Coolidge met Grace Anna Goodhue, a University of Vermont graduate and teacher at Northampton's Clarke School for the Deaf, they married on October 4, 1905 at 2:30 p.m. in a small ceremony which took place in the parlor of Grace's family's house, following a vain effort at postponement by Grace's mother. The newlyweds went on a honeymoon trip to Montreal planned for two weeks but cut short by a week at Coolidge's request. After 25 years he wrote of Grace, "for a quarter of a century she has borne with my infirmities and I have rejoiced in her graces"; the Coolidges had two sons: John and Calvin Jr.. Calvin Jr. died at age 16 from blood poisoning. On June 30, 1924 Calvin Jr had played tennis with his brother on the White House tennis courts without putting on socks and developed a blister on one of his toes.
The blister subsequently