Juan Esteban Pedernera
Juan Esteban Pedernera was interim President of Argentina during a brief period in 1861. Born in 1796 in San Luis Province, he studied in a Franciscan monastery when young, left his studies to join the Regiment of Mounted Grenadiers being summoned by José de San Martín to fight in the War of Independence against Spanish rule. In 1815, he fought in Chile, he was imprisoned by the Spanish during the former campaign in Chiloé Island, but managed to escape and rejoin his army. Lieutenant-general Juan Esteban Pedernera married the former Rosa Juana Heredia in Callao on September 23, 1823. In 1826 engaged again in military activity, this time in the Cisplatine War. In the Argentine Civil War, he joined the Unitarian side, under the command of General José María Paz, fought in La Tablada against federalist forces. After a long time in exile, he returned to the country after the fall of the Rosas' regime, acted as Senator for San Luis Province. In 1856, he was designated commander of the frontier armed forces, in 1859 he was elected Governor of San Luis, fought at the Battle of Cepeda that same year.
He was elected Vice-President to President of the Argentine Confederation Santiago Derqui, served from 1860 until 1861, when Derqui resigned after the Battle of Pavón. Pedernera acted as President until the political situation forced the dissolution of the office. In 1882 he was designated Lieutenant General of the Armies of the Republic. Argentine War of Independence Argentine Confederation Battle of Caseros
Visa requirements for Argentine citizens
Visa requirements for Argentine citizens are administrative entry restrictions by the authorities of other states placed on citizens of Argentina. As of 26 March 2019, Argentine citizens had visa-free or visa on arrival access 171 countries and territories ranking the Argentine passport 18th, in terms of travel freedom according to the Henley Passport Index. For journeys within South America, Argentines do not need to use a passport, as they may use their National Identity Document. Visa requirements for holders of normal passports not travelling as journalists: Argentina is a full member of Mercosur; as such, its citizens enjoy unlimited access to any of the other full members and associated members with the right to residence and work, with no requirement other than nationality. Citizens of these nine countries may apply for the grant of "temporary residence" for up to two years in another country of the bloc, they may apply for "permanent residence" just before the term of their "temporary residence" expires.
Many countries have entry restrictions on foreigners that go beyond the common requirement of having either a valid visa or a visa exemption. Such restrictions may be health related or impose additional documentation requirements on certain classes of people for diplomatic or political purposes. In the absence of specific bilateral agreements, countries requiring passports to be valid for at least 6 more months on arrival include Afghanistan, Anguilla, Bhutan, British Virgin Islands, Cambodia, Cape Verde, Cayman Islands, Central African Republic, Comoros, Costa Rica, Côte d'Ivoire, Curaçao, Egypt, El Salvador, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, Guinea Bissau, Haiti, Iran, Israel, Kenya, Kuwait, Madagascar, Maldives, Marshall Islands, Myanmar, Nepal, Nigeria, Palau, Papua New Guinea, Qatar, Samoa, Saudi Arabia, Solomon Islands, Sri Lanka, Suriname, Thailand, Timor-Leste, Tonga, Uganda, United Arab Emirates, Vanuatu and Vietnam. Turkey requires passports to be valid for at least 150 days upon entry.
Countries requiring passports valid for at least 4 months on arrival include Zambia. Countries requiring passports with a validity of at least 3 months beyond the date of intended departure include European Union countries. Azerbaijan and Herzegovina, Nauru and New Zealand require 3 months validity beyond the date of the bearer's intended departure. Countries requiring passports valid for at least 3 months validity upon arrival include Albania, North Macedonia and Senegal. Bermuda requires passports to be valid for at least 45 days upon entry. Countries that require a passport validity of at least one month beyond the date of intended departure include Eritrea, Hong Kong, Lebanon and South Africa. Other countries require either a passport valid on arrival or a passport valid throughout the period of the intended stay; some countries have bilateral agreements with other countries to shorten the period of passport validity required for each other's citizens or accept passports that have expired.
Many countries require a minimum number of blank pages in the passport being presented one or two pages. Endorsement pages, which appear after the visa pages, are not counted as being available. Many African countries, including Angola, Burkina Faso, Central African Republic, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Republic of the Congo, Côte d'Ivoire, Equatorial Guinea, Ghana, Liberia, Mauritania, Rwanda, São Tomé and Príncipe, Sierra Leone and Zambia, require all incoming passengers to have a current International Certificate of Vaccination; some other countries require vaccination only if the passenger is coming from an infected area or has visited one recently. Kuwait, Libya, Saudi Arabia, Sudan and Yemen do not allow entry to people with passport stamps from Israel or whose passports have either a used or an unused Israeli visa, or where there is evidence of previous travel to Israel such as entry or exit stamps from neighbouring border posts in transit countries such as Jordan and Egypt. To circumvent this Arab League boycott of Israel, the Israeli immigration services have now ceased to stamp foreign nationals' passports on either entry to or exit from Israel.
Since 15 January 2013, Israel no longer stamps foreign passports at Ben Gurion Airport, giving passengers a card instead that reads: "Since January 2013 a pilot scheme has been introduced whereby visitors are given an entry card instead of an entry stamp on arrival. You should keep this card with your passport; this is evidence of your legal entry into Israel and may be required at any crossing points into the Occupied Palestinian Territories." Passports are still stamped at Erez when travelling out of Gaza. Passports are still stamped at the Jordan Valley/Sheikh Hussein and Yitzhak Rabin/Arava land borders with Jordan. Iran refuses admission to holders of passports containing an Israeli visa or stamp, less than 12 months old. Due to a state of war existing between Armenia and Azerbaijan, the government of Azerbaijan not only bans entry of citizens from Armenia, but all citizens and nationals of any othe
Unitarianists or Unitarians were the proponents of the concept of a unitary state in Buenos Aires during the civil wars which shortly followed the Declaration of Independence of Argentina in 1816. They were opposed to the Argentine Federalists. In the Argentine War of Independence the forces of the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata fought Spanish royalists who attempted to regain control of their American colonies after the Napoleonic Wars. After the victorious May Revolution of 1810, disagreements arose between the dominant province of Buenos Aires, who were known as Unitarianists, the other provinces of Argentina, known as the Federalists; these were evident at least as early as the declaration of Argentine independence in 1816. The Unitarianists lost their controlling power after the Battle of Cepeda, followed by several months of chaos. However, the Unitarianists were forced to sign a treaty with other provinces; this did not solve the conflicts between the Federalists and the Unitarians.
Under President Bernardino Rivadavia, the Unitarianists gained control for a short period of time. The Constitution of 1826 allowed for a balance between the ideas of the Unitarianists and the Federalists: “It provided for a centralized national authority while leaving the provinces with considerable local powers.” However, the constitution was rejected by provincial caudillos, military leaders, the conflict continued. Forced to resign, the Government of Buenos Aires and the Foreign relations of the country were taken over by Federalist Manuel Dorrego. However, a contingent of military led by Juan Lavalle, opposed to the peace negotiations with the Brazilian Empire after the end of the Cisplatine War took over the Buenos Aires Government and shot Dorrego at Navarro. In 1829, Juan Manuel de Rosas, the leader of a troop of Federalists, became the Governor of Buenos Aires after defeating General Juan Lavalle, forced into exile. Although Rosas was a Federalist, his following of the principles of Federalism has been questioned.
In 1830, the Unitarian League was created by General José María Paz in order to defeat the Federalists. The Federalists faced Paz and his troops on May 31, 1831 and the Unitarianists were defeated after the Gauchos captured the Unitarianist commander; the Provinces of the Unitarian League joining into the Federal Pact and the Argentine Confederation. Although the Unitarians exiled in neighboring countries, the Civil War would continue for another two decades, the Unitarians being led by Lavalle, Paz and many others. With support from Corrientes Province and the Brazilian Empire, Justo José de Urquiza, Federalist caudillo of Entre Ríos Province defeated Rosas at the Battle of Caseros on February 3, 1852. On May, the San Nicolás Agreement was signed by the provincial governors; the pact reinstated the 1831 Federal Pact original provisions for a constitutional convention. In 1853 the Autonomists of Buenos Aires broke away from the Argentine Confederation after Urquiza nationalized the customs receipts from Buenos Aires and allowed the free flow of trade on the Parana and Uruguay rivers.
In 1859 Buenos Aires was forced to accept the federal constitution of 1853 after six years of secession, after Mitre was defeated at the 1859 Battle of Cepeda by Urquiza. However, the federal constitution was "amended to allow Buenos Aires greater influence" after the ensuing 1861 Battle of Pavón. Mitre was chosen as President of a new national government. Opposition to the Unitarianists continued until 1890 under the Córdoba League. History of Argentina United Provinces of South America Bernardino Rivadavia "unitario" Encyclopædia Britannica. 2008. Encyclopædia Britannica Online. 3 Nov. 2008 <http://search.eb.com/eb/article-9100157>. "Cepeda, battles of" Encyclopædia Britannica. 2008. Encyclopædia Britannica Online. 5 Nov. 2008 <http://search.eb.com/eb/article-9022115>. Crow, John A. he Epic of Latin America. University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-07723-2
Salvador María del Carril
Salvador María del Carril was a prominent Argentine jurist and policy-maker, as well as his country's first Vice President Born in the Andes-range city of San Juan, del Carril was a precocious student, enrolled in the University of Córdoba Law School while still in his teens. Mentored by the school's prestigious ecclesiastical Dean, Gregorio Funes, del Carril received a juris doctor in 1816, at age 18, he relocated to Buenos Aires, the capital of the newly declared United Provinces of South America, following a stint as a journalist, he was appointed as an official in the Finance Ministry. General José María Pérez de Urdininea, Governor of his native San Juan Province, called on del Carril to replace Francisco Narciso de Laprida as his Minister of Government in 1822, the highest-ranking advisory position. Amid the turmoil surrounding the Argentine War of Independence, however, Pérez de Urdininea was returned to active duty in Bolivia by General José de San Martín, leaving del Carril as Governor of San Juan.
Taking office in January 1823, the 24-year-old Governor undertook an ambitious modernization program, commissioning the construction of roads, water works, public buildings and parks, purchasing the province's first printing press, establishing San Juan's first newspaper. Inheriting a province devastated by the wars, he ordered the first Agricultural Census and created a charitable association; the first lawyer to occupy the governor's post, he established San Juan's judicial system and in 1825, promulgated the "May Charter," the province's first constitution. The liberal May Charter, the first in Argentina to guarantee freedom of worship and mandate the separation of church and state forced the closure of monasteries, ran into arduous opposition from the Catholic Church. Facing a firestorm of protest, the governor was overthrown on July 26, the May Charter was publicly burned. Del Carril's efforts, had gained him the respect of the influential Bernardino Rivadavia, a Buenos Aires lawmaker who, in 1826, was elected the first President of Argentina, who appointed del Carril Argentina's first Finance Minister.
Saddled by the Cisplatine War, the nation's finances became dependent on credit from Baring Brothers in London, del Carril offered the nation's exports as collateral. His introduction of the Argentine peso fuerte - the first local currency convertible into gold, the first in Argentina with that name - concentrated wealth into exporters and others with access to hard currency, making peso circulation scarce for the public in general and the war more difficult to finance. Rivadavia's National Bank was mismanaged under del Carril and unrest resulted in President Rivadavia's resignation in 1827; the dissolution of national government ensued in favor of an Argentine Confederation. The advent of the populist Governor of Buenos Aires Province, Manuel Dorrego, was opposed by del Carril, who became an adviser to a conservative insurrection led by General Juan Lavalle. Lavalle's violent 1828 overthrow of Dorrego returned del Carril to the cabinet as Finance and Foreign Minister. A countercoup led by General Juan Manuel de Rosas, a supporter of Dorrego's, forced Lavalle to call elections, though del Carril's manipulation of the results triggered Rosas' overthrow and del Carril's subsequent exile in Montevideo.
Del Carril remained an active opponent of Rosas' while in exile, supporting a failed 1830 invasion of Entre Ríos Province and negotiating an entente with the Governor of Corrientes Province. He struggled financially, though these diffulties were mitigated by his meeting Tiburcia Domínguez y López Camelo, whom he married and had seven children with. Rosas' grasp on power began to slip after the 1838 blockade imposed by France following the death of a French journalist in Buenos Aires, del Carril was named Supply Commissioner to the French Navy fleet stationed in the Río de la Plata, his tenure in the post attracted controversy, when he became conspicuously wealthy in the process. The 1843 overthrow of his ally, President Fructuoso Rivera of Uruguay, forced del Carril yet again into exile, he fled to Brazil, he cultivated a friendship via corrspondence with the powerful Governor of Entre Ríos, Justo José de Urquiza, in subsequent years, following the latter's defeat of Rosas' forces in the 1852 Battle of Caseros, del Carril returned to Argentina.
Del Carril was elected to the assembly. Enmities remaining from the Rosas era thwarted an opportunity to return to the Governor's post in San Juan and despite his personal efforts, Buenos Aires lawmakers rejected the new constitution, his belonging to the Buenos Aires-centric Unitarian Party and rapport with Urquiza made del Carril an easy choice for the latter's running-mate in the elections that November and their national unity ticket was elected handily in the electoral college. President Urquiza took care to preserve balance in his government between the two camps, placing the Vice President as a counterweight to the Federalist Interior Minister, Santiago Derqui. Del Carril became the most prominent voice for Buenos Aires interests in the administration, compounded with a falling-out with erstwhile allies in his native San Juan Province, this frustrated his hopes that Urquiza might support his 1860 presidential candidacy. Nominating Derqui instead, Urquiza's choice led to renewed conflict with Buenos Aires, to Derqui's resignation and exile in 1861.
National unity on the brink, del Carril negotiated a settlement between Urquiza and the leader of the Buenos Ai
Victorino de la Plaza
Victorino de la Plaza y Palacios was President of Argentina from 9 August 1914 to 11 October 1916. Second son of José Roque Mariano de la Plaza Elejalde and Manuela de la Silva Palacios, he studied law in Buenos Aires and obtained his doctorate in 1868. Was secretary of Dalmacio Vélez Sársfield and collaborated on the writing of the Argentine Civil Code. Was Treasury Minister under Nicolás Avellaneda Interventor in Corrientes Province and Foreign Minister and Treasury during the first Julio Argentino Roca administration. Was elected vice president for the National Union presided by Roque Sáenz Peña in 1910, he assumed the presidency after the death of Sáenz Peña and governed between 1914 and 1916. He died of pneumonia after retiring from politics. Works by or about Victorino de la Plaza at Internet Archive
Argentine Constitution of 1853
The Argentine Constitution of 1853 is the current constitution of Argentina approved by provincial governments except Buenos Aires Province, who remained separate from the Argentine Confederation until 1859. After several modifications to the original constitution and the return of power to Buenos Aires' Unitarian Party, it was sanctioned in May 1853 by the Constitutional Convention gathered in Santa Fe, was promulgated by the provisional Director of the national executive government Justo José de Urquiza, a member of the Federals Party. Following the short-lived constitutions of 1819 and 1826, it was the third constitution in the history of the country. In spite of a number of reforms of varying importance, the 1853 constitution is still the base of the current Argentine juridical system, it was inspired by the juridical and political doctrines of the United States Federal Constitution, establishing for instance a Republican division of powers, a high level of independence for the provinces, a federal power controlled by a strong executive government yet limited by a bicameral national congress to equilibrate the population's representation with equity among the provinces.
The model, elaborated by the constitutional deputies from the precedent constitutional attempts and the pioneer work of Juan Bautista Alberdi, has been the target of repeated critics. The historical importance of the constitutional project has been unquestionable, all disputes regarding the political theory and practice in modern Argentina include an either positive or negative reference on the political consequences of the 1853 constitution. For the Generation of'80, the settlers of the first liberal conventions on Argentine historiography, the constitution represented a true foundational act that broke the long government of Juan Manuel de Rosas; the members of the Generation of'80 praised the fact that the Constitution had established a European-style liberal political regime. However, at the time when it was sanctioned, it had been opposed by some of them. For the UCR, of social-democrat tendencies, the constitution represented an unfulfilled political ideal against the oligarchic government Generation of the 1880s, perpetuated in power through electoral fraud.
At the same time, for the nationalist movements of the 20th century, who criticised the liberal conventions and praised Rosas' figure, the constitution had represented the renouncement of the national identity towards the ruin of liberalism. In different fronts, the discussion remains open, has inspired several of the most important works of the Argentine thinking; the legal system that would be accepted by the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata formed after the May Revolution from the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata, was one of the main concerns after the resignation of the last viceroy. The formation of the First Junta and its continuation in the Junta Grande, which included provincial delegates, gave testimony of the division of interests between the city of Buenos Aires and the other landlocked provinces. In part, such division existed during colonial times, when the port of Buenos Aires gave the city commercial interest far different from the artisanal and agricultural countryside.
Buenos Aires was benefited from the traffic of goods brought by ships from the United Kingdom, to which it paid with the taxes collected from the exportation of the country's agricultural production —mainly raw leather and minerals— the discrepancies between the merchants that brought industrialised goods from the United Kingdom and the producers of the provinces that couldn't compete with the European industrial power, raised diverse conflicts during the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata. With the Declaration of Independence in 1816, the first juridical bases had a marked Unitarian characteristic; the first project to converge the successive attempts that defined the different organs of the national executive power in the first years of organization was the convocation in 1812 of the General Constituent Assembly with the purpose of dictating the fundamental law for the national organization. The Assembly of the 1813 gathered on January 31 of that year, worked for over 2 years until 1815.
It dictated the regulations for the administration, the statute for the executive power, promulgated several norms regulation for the legislature that would be in use the following years. But the assembly was unable to dictate the national constitution. This, added to the absence of some provincial deputies, prevented an agreement on the subject; the lack of definitions from the Assembly after two years of deliberations was one of the arguments for which Carlos María de Alvear proposed the creation of a temporal one-man regime, known as Directorio. The Assembly voted favourably, but since it had no support from the e
2011 Argentine general election
Argentina held national presidential and legislative elections on Sunday, 23 October 2011. Incumbent president Cristina Fernández de Kirchner secured a second term in office after the Front for Victory won just over half of the seats in the National Congress. Mercosur Parliamentarians were popularly elected for the first time. Another novelty was the introduction of open and mandatory primaries; these took place 14 August 2011 to select the candidates of each political coalition. The nation's myriad parties forged seven coalitions, of which five became contenders for a possible runoff election: Front for Victory: the ruling party, led by President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, allies, including the New Encounter; the FpV is based on the center-left Justicialist Party factions that support the current government. Federal Peronism, or Dissident Peronism: centrist or conservative PJ figures opposed to the government and allies, including the Republican Proposal; this coalition remained divided between Eduardo Duhalde's Popular Front and Alberto Rodríguez Saá's Federal Commitment both before and after the August primaries.
Union for Social Development: the Radical Civic Union, led by Congressman Ricardo Alfonsín, allies, which included Federal Peronist Francisco de Narváez. Broad Progressive Front: the Socialist Party, led by Governor Hermes Binner, allies, including GEN and the New Party. Proyecto Sur had joined this coalition. Civic Coalition: the party, led by Congresswoman Elisa Carrió, had been part of the Civic and Social Agreement, but separated from the latter in August 2010. Other coalitions of note include the Workers' Left Front, led by Jorge Altamira, Proyecto Sur, led by Pino Solanas; the Civic and Social Agreement was an alliance between the UCR and most of what became the Progressive Ample Front and the Civic Coalition, with other, minor allies. This coalition proved unwieldy as the 2011 campaign progressed, though various forms of it will be retained in certain provinces for strategic purposes; the Front for Victory candidate for the Justicialist Party primaries was current President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner.
Her husband and predecessor, Néstor Kirchner, was considered a top candidate to succeed Fernández until his death on 27 October 2010. Fernández had suffered a significant decline in approval during the 2008 Argentine government conflict with the agricultural sector and the subsequent recession, the ruling Front for Victory lost its absolute majority in both houses of Congress during the June 2009 mid-term elections; the economy, her approval ratings, recovered during 2010, the 2011 electoral season began with Fernández' job approval at around 58 percent, with polling indicating that she would be reelected in the first round. Fernández avoided committing herself to running for a second term during the early months of 2011. Two days before the 23 June deadline, she announced her decision to run for reelection, she nominated Amado Boudou, as her running mate on 25 June. Their ticket won a landslide victory in the 14 August primaries, obtaining just over 50% and besting the runner-up by nearly 38%.
Support for Fernández was strongest among the poor and those aged 30 to 44. Her support was weakest among the upper middle class, though she remained over 24% ahead of the runner-up among those polled within that segment; the leaders of the center-right Federal Peronism were torn between running for primary elections within the PJ against the Front for Victory, or running instead in the general election through another political alliance. Former President Eduardo Duhalde was the first to informally start his pre-candidacy campaign, announcing hypothetical cabinet picks as early as December 2009; the Governors of Chubut, Mario Das Neves, of San Luis, Alberto Rodríguez Saá, as well as former Governor of Buenos Aires Province Felipe Solá stated their intention to run for president. Das Neves became the first Federal Peronist to drop out, while Solá boosted his own prospects by securing an alliance with the conservative Republican Proposal on 16 May. Duhalde narrowly defeated Rodríguez Saá in a Buenos Aires Federal Peronism primary held on 22 May, though both men remained front-runners for their party's nomination.
Each ran on separate Federal Peronist tickets. Duhalde formally announced his Popular Union candidacy on 9 June, nominating Das Neves as his running mate. Rodríguez Saá, in turn, nominated former Santa Fe Governor José María Vernet as his running mate on his Federal Commitment ticket. Solá, who struggled in the polls, withdrew on 11 June, encouraging local candidates in his fold to form alliances with Duhalde and the party's candidate for Buenos Aires Governor, Francisco de Narváez. De Narváez endorsed Rodríguez Saá. Support for Duhalde was strongest among weakest among young voters. Rodríguez Saá polled best among upper middle class voters and those age 30 to 44; the center-left Radical Civic Union had scheduled primaries for 28 April. Both Ricardo Alfonsín, son of the late former President Raúl Alfonsín, current party leader Ernesto Sanz started pre-candidacy campaigns. Vice President Julio Cobos, considered a UCR primary candidate, had stated his intention to run only in August, during the coalition primaries.
The UCR and the Socialist Party (partners in the Civic and