The London Gazette
The London Gazette is one of the official journals of record of the British government, the most important among such official journals in the United Kingdom, in which certain statutory notices are required to be published. The London Gazette claims to be the oldest surviving English newspaper and the oldest continuously published newspaper in the UK, having been first published on 7 November 1665 as The Oxford Gazette; this claim is made by the Stamford Mercury and Berrow's Worcester Journal, because The Gazette is not a conventional newspaper offering general news coverage. It does not have a large circulation. Other official newspapers of the UK government are The Edinburgh Gazette and The Belfast Gazette, apart from reproducing certain materials of nationwide interest published in The London Gazette contain publications specific to Scotland and Northern Ireland, respectively. In turn, The London Gazette carries not only notices of UK-wide interest, but those relating to entities or people in England and Wales.
However, certain notices that are only of specific interest to Scotland or Northern Ireland are required to be published in The London Gazette. The London and Belfast Gazettes are published by TSO on behalf of Her Majesty's Stationery Office, they are subject to Crown copyright. The London Gazette is published each weekday, except for bank holidays. Notices for the following, among others, are published: Granting of royal assent to bills of the Parliament of the United Kingdom or of the Scottish Parliament The issuance of writs of election when a vacancy occurs in the House of Commons Appointments to certain public offices Commissions in the Armed Forces and subsequent promotion of officers Corporate and personal insolvency Granting of awards of honours and military medals Changes of names or of coats of arms Royal Proclamations and other DeclarationsHer Majesty's Stationery Office has digitised all issues of the Gazette, these are available online; the official Gazettes are published by The Stationery Office.
The content, apart from insolvency notices, is available in a number of machine-readable formats, including XML and XML/RDFa via Atom feed. The London Gazette was first published as The Oxford Gazette on 7 November 1665. Charles II and the Royal Court had moved to Oxford to escape the Great Plague of London, courtiers were unwilling to touch London newspapers for fear of contagion; the Gazette was "Published by Authority" by Henry Muddiman, its first publication is noted by Samuel Pepys in his diary. The King returned to London as the plague dissipated, the Gazette moved too, with the first issue of The London Gazette being published on 5 February 1666; the Gazette was not a newspaper in the modern sense: it was sent by post to subscribers, not printed for sale to the general public. Her Majesty's Stationery Office took over the publication of the Gazette in 1889. Publication of the Gazette was transferred to the private sector, under government supervision, in the 1990s, when HMSO was sold and renamed The Stationery Office.
In time of war, despatches from the various conflicts are published in The London Gazette. People referred to are said to have been mentioned in despatches; when members of the armed forces are promoted, these promotions are published here, the person is said to have been "gazetted". Being "gazetted" sometimes meant having official notice of one's bankruptcy published, as in the classic ten-line poem comparing the stolid tenant farmer of 1722 to the lavishly spending faux-genteel farmers of 1822: Notices of engagement and marriage were formerly published in the Gazette. Gazettes, modelled on The London Gazette, were issued for most British colonial possessions. History of British newspapers Iris Oifigiúil The Dublin Gazette – in Ireland London Gazette index Official Journal of the European Union List of government gazettes London and Belfast Gazettes official site Great Fire of London 1666 – Facsimile and transcript of London Gazette report
A diplomatic mission or foreign mission is a group of people from one state or an organisation present in another state to represent the sending state/organisation in the receiving state. In practice, a diplomatic mission denotes the resident mission, namely the embassy, the main office of a country's diplomatic representatives to another country but not the receiving state's capital city. Consulates, on the other hand, are smaller diplomatic missions which are located outside the capital of the receiving state; as well as being a diplomatic mission to the country in which it is situated, it may be a non-resident permanent mission to one or more other countries. There are thus non-resident embassies. A permanent diplomatic mission is known as an embassy, the head of the mission is known as an ambassador or high commissioner; the term "embassy" is used as a section of a building in which the work of the diplomatic mission is carried out, but speaking, it is the diplomatic delegation itself, the embassy, while the office space and the diplomatic work done is called the chancery.
Therefore, the embassy operates in the chancery. The members of a diplomatic mission can reside within or outside the building that holds the mission's chancery, their private residences enjoy the same rights as the premises of the mission as regards inviolability and protection. All missions to the United Nations are known as permanent missions, while EU member states' missions to the European Union are known as permanent representations, the head of such a mission is both a permanent representative and an ambassador. European Union missions abroad are known as EU delegations; some countries have more particular naming for their missions and staff: a Vatican mission is headed by a nuncio and known as an apostolic nunciature. Under the rule of Muammar Gaddafi, Libya's missions used the name "people's bureau", headed by a secretary. Missions between Commonwealth countries are known as high commissions, their heads are high commissioners. Speaking and high commissioners are regarded as equivalent in status and function and embassies and high commissions are both deemed to be diplomatic missions.
In the past a diplomatic mission headed by a lower-ranking official was known as a legation. Since the ranks of envoy and minister resident are obsolete, the designation of legation is no longer used today. A consulate is similar to, but not the same as a diplomatic office, but with focus on dealing with individual persons and businesses, as defined by the Vienna Convention on Consular Relations. A consulate or consulate general is a representative of the embassy in locales outside of the capital city. For instance, the United Kingdom has its Embassy of the United Kingdom in Washington, D. C. but maintains seven consulates-general and four consulates elsewhere in the US. The person in charge of a consulate or consulate-general is known as a consul or consul-general, respectively. Similar services may be provided at the embassy in what is called a consular section. In cases of dispute, it is common for a country to recall its head of mission as a sign of its displeasure; this is less drastic than cutting diplomatic relations and the mission will still continue operating more or less but it will now be headed by a chargé d'affaires who may have limited powers.
A chargé d'affaires ad interim heads the mission during the interim between the end of one chief of mission's term and the beginning of another. Contrary to popular belief, most diplomatic missions do not enjoy full extraterritorial status and – in those cases – are not sovereign territory of the represented state. Rather, the premises of diplomatic missions remain under the jurisdiction of the host state while being afforded special privileges by the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations. Diplomats themselves still retain full diplomatic immunity, the host country may not enter the premises of the mission without permission of the represented country to put out a fire. International rules designate an attack on an embassy as an attack on the country it represents; the term "extraterritoriality" is applied to diplomatic missions, but only in this broader sense. As the host country may not enter the representing country's embassy without permission, embassies are sometimes used by refugees escaping from either the host country or a third country.
For example, North Korean nationals, who would be arrested and deported from China upon discovery, have sought sanctuary at various third-country embassies in China. Once inside the embassy, diplomatic channels can be used to solve the issue and send the refugees to another country. See the list of people who took refuge in a diplomatic mission for a list of some notable cases. Notable violations of embassy extraterritoriality include repeated invasions of the British Embassy, the Iran hostage crisis, the Japanese embassy hostage crisis at the ambassador's residence in Lima, Peru; the Vienna Convention states:The functions of a diplomatic mission consist, inter alia, in representing the sending State in the receiving State.
Ivor Roberts (diplomat)
Sir Ivor Anthony Roberts is a retired British diplomat and the former President of Trinity College, Oxford. He was British Ambassador to Yugoslavia and Italy, he was knighted in 2000. In addition to his British citizenship, he is now an Irish citizen. Born in Liverpool, Roberts was educated at St Mary's College and the University of Oxford, graduating with a degree in Modern Languages in 1968 and proceeded to take his MA in 1972. Roberts joined the Foreign and Commonwealth Office as Third Secretary in 1968, he went to study Arabic at MECAS in the Lebanon in 1969, was posted to Paris in 1970. He was acting Head of Chancery in Luxembourg in 1973 before returning that year to the FCO to serve firstly in Eastern European and Soviet Department in Western European Department and subsequently in European Integration Department, where he worked on the European Community's Common Agricultural Policy and the European Parliament, he was appointed First Secretary at the British High Commission in Canberra in 1978.
In 1980 he was posted temporarily to the newly independent Pacific state of Vanuatu as Political Adviser at the time of a rebellion. He returned to Canberra as Head of the Economic and Commercial Department and Agricultural Adviser until 1982, he returned to London and took up the post of Deputy Head of News Department in the FCO. From 1989 to 1993 he was Minister in the British Embassy in Madrid, he was appointed Chargé d'Affaires and Consul-General in Belgrade in March 1994, after recognition of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia by the United Kingdom, he became Ambassador. During his time at Belgrade he conducted negotiations on behalf of the international mediators with both the Yugoslav authorities and the Bosnian Serbs. Roberts was involved in the negotiations for the release of British soldiers held hostage by the Bosnian Serbs in May/June 1995, he left Belgrade at the end of 1997. In 1998-99 he took a sabbatical year as Senior Associate Member of Oxford. Roberts returned as Ambassador to Ireland 1999–2003, to Italy from March 2003 until his retirement in 2006.
After Sir Ivor retired from HM Diplomatic Service in September 2006 he took up his post as President of Trinity College, Oxford. On 24 September 2006, The Observer's Pendennis column reported that following his outspoken valedictory report, the FCO has abandoned the centuries-old tradition of allowing departing diplomats to speak their minds. In April 2007, The Independent confirmed the story. In April 2017, Roberts announced; the citizenship arises from Roberts's father, born in Belfast. Sir Ivor was the Chairman of the Council of the British School at Rome and a Patron of the Venice in Peril Fund, he is a member of the Board of the King's College Group in Madrid and was a Member of the International Advisory Board of The Independent News and Media Group. Roberts is an advisory board member of the Counter Extremism Project. Roberts married Elizabeth Smith, a scholar of French poetry and a diplomat in the Australian Foreign Service, in 1974; the couple have a daughter. Lady Roberts is a lecturer on Balkan politics.
In 2009, Roberts edited the sixth edition of Satow's Diplomatic Practice written in 1917 by Sir Ernest Satow and used in embassies throughout the world. It was reviewed by Sir Jeremy Greenstock the same year; the seventh centenary edition edited by Roberts, appeared in 2017.. His memoir of his years in the Balkans, Conversations with Milosevic, was published in 2016. List of Ambassadors from the United Kingdom to Ireland Website of the British Embassy in Rome New appointments and honours, Oxford Today: The University Magazine, 18:1, p. 6 Debrett's People of Today
A diplomat is a person appointed by a state to conduct diplomacy with one or more other states or international organizations. The main functions of diplomats are: representation and protection of the interests and nationals of the sending state. Seasoned diplomats of international repute are used in international organizations as well as multinational companies for their experience in management and negotiating skills. Diplomats are diplomatic corps of various nations of the world. Diplomats are the oldest form of any of the foreign policy institutions of the state, predating by centuries foreign ministers and ministerial offices, they have diplomatic immunity. The regular use of permanent diplomatic representation began between the states of fifteenth century Italy; however the terms ‘diplomacy’ and ‘diplomat’ appeared in the French Revolution. Diplomat is derived from the Greek διπλωμάτης, the holder of a diploma, referring to diplomats' documents of accreditation from their sovereign. Diplomats themselves and historians refer to the foreign ministry by its address: the Ballhausplatz, the Quai d’Orsay, the Wilhelmstraße.
For imperial Russia to 1917 it was the Choristers’ Bridge. The Italian ministry was called "the Consulta." Though any person can be appointed by the state's national government to conduct said state's relations with other states or international organisations, a number of states maintain an institutionalised group of career diplomats—that is, public servants with a steady professional connection to the country's foreign ministry. The term career diplomat is used worldwide in opposition to political appointees. While posted to an embassy or delegation in a foreign country or accredited to an international organisation, both career diplomats and political appointees enjoy the same diplomatic immunities. Ceremonial heads of state act as diplomats on behalf of their nation following instructions from their head of Government. Whether being a career diplomat or a political appointee, every diplomat, while posted abroad, will be classified in one of the ranks of diplomats as regulated by international law.
Diplomats can be contrasted with consuls and attachés, who represent their state in a number of administrative ways, but who don't have the diplomat's political functions. Diplomats in posts collect and report information that could affect national interests with advice about how the home-country government should respond. Once any policy response has been decided in the home country's capital, posts bear major responsibility for implementing it. Diplomats have the job of conveying, in the most persuasive way possible, the views of the home government to the governments to which they are accredited and, in doing so, of trying to convince those governments to act in ways that suit home-country interests. In this way, diplomats are part of the beginning and the end of each loop in the continuous process through which foreign policy develops. In general, it has become harder for diplomats to act autonomously. Diplomats have to seize secure communication systems and mobile telephones can be tracked down and instruct the most reclusive head of mission.
The same technology in reverse gives diplomats the capacity for more immediate input about the policy-making processes in the home capital. Secure email has transformed the contact between the ministry, it is less to leak, enables more personal contact than the formal cablegram, with its wide distribution and impersonal style. The home country will send instructions to a diplomatic post on what foreign policy goals to pursue, but decisions on tactics – who needs to be influenced, what will best persuade them, who are potential allies and adversaries, how it can be done - are for the diplomats overseas to make. In this operation, the intelligence, cultural understanding, energy of individual diplomats become critical. If competent, they will have developed relationships grounded in trust and mutual understanding with influential members of the country in which they are accredited, they will have worked hard to understand the motives, thought patterns and culture of the other side. The diplomat should be an excellent negotiator but, above all, a catalyst for peace and understanding between peoples.
The diplomat's principal role is to foster peaceful relations between states. This role takes on heightened importance. Negotiation must continue – but within altered contexts. Most career diplomats have university degrees in international relations, political science, economics, or law. Diplomats have been considered members of an exclusive and prestigious profession; the public image of diplomats has been described as "a caricature of pinstriped men gliding their way around a never-ending global cocktail party". J. W. Burton has noted that "despite the absence of any specific professional training, diplomacy has a high professional status, due to a degree of secrecy and mystery that its practitioners self-consciously promote." The state supports the high status and self-esteem of its diplomats in order to
Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs
The position of Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs was a British cabinet-level position created in 1925 responsible for British relations with the Dominions — Canada, New Zealand, South Africa and the Irish Free State — and the self-governing Crown colony of Southern Rhodesia. When created, the office was held in tandem with that of Secretary of State for the Colonies. On two subsequent occasions the offices were held by the same person; the Secretary was supported by an Under-Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs. In 1947, the name of the office was changed to the Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations; the Viscount Addison took up the new post of Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations on 7 July 1947
A Dominion was the "title" given to the semi-independent polities under the British Crown, constituting the British Empire, beginning with Canadian Confederation in 1867. "Dominion status" was a constitutional term of art used to signify an independent Commonwealth realm. The Balfour Declaration of 1926 recognised the Dominions as "autonomous Communities within the British Empire", the 1931 Statute of Westminster confirmed their full legislative independence. Earlier usage of dominion to refer to a particular territory dates to the 16th century and was used to describe Wales from 1535 to 1801 and New England between 1686 and 1689. A distinction must be made between a British "dominion" and British "Dominions"; the use of a capital "D" when referring to the'British Dominions' was required by the United Kingdom government in order to avoid confusion with the wider term "His Majesty's dominions" which referred to the British Empire as a whole. All territories forming part of the British Empire were British dominions but only some were British Dominions.
At the time of the adoption of the Statute of Westminster, there were six British Dominions: Canada, New Zealand, South Africa and the Irish Free State. At the same time there were many other jurisdictions that were British dominions, for example Cyprus; the Order in Council annexing the island of Cyprus in 1914 declared that, from 5 November, the island "shall be annexed to and form part of His Majesty's dominions". Use of dominion to refer to a particular territory dates back to the 16th century and was sometimes used to describe Wales from 1535 to around 1800: for instance, the Laws in Wales Act 1535 applies to "the Dominion and Country of Wales". Dominion, as an official title, was conferred on the Colony of Virginia about 1660 and on the Dominion of New England in 1686; these dominions never had full self-governing status. The creation of the short-lived Dominion of New England was designed—contrary to the purpose of dominions—to increase royal control and to reduce the colony's self-government.
Under the British North America Act 1867, Canada received the status of "Dominion" upon the Confederation of several British possessions in North America. However, it was at the Colonial Conference of 1907 when the self-governing colonies of Canada and the Commonwealth of Australia were referred to collectively as Dominions for the first time. Two other self-governing colonies—New Zealand and Newfoundland—were granted the status of Dominion in the same year; these were followed by the Union of South Africa in 1910 and the Irish Free State in 1922. At the time of the founding of the League of Nations in 1924, the League Covenant made provision for the admission of any "fully self-governing state, Dominion, or Colony", the implication being that "Dominion status was something between that of a colony and a state". Dominion status was formally defined in the Balfour Declaration of 1926, which recognised these countries as "autonomous Communities within the British Empire", thus acknowledging them as political equals of the United Kingdom.
The Statute of Westminster 1931 converted this status into legal reality, making them independent members of what was called the British Commonwealth. Following the Second World War, the decline of British colonialism led to Dominions being referred to as Commonwealth realms and the use of the word dominion diminished. Nonetheless, though disused, it remains Canada's legal title and the phrase Her Majesty's Dominions is still used in legal documents in the United Kingdom; the phrase His/Her Majesty's dominions is a legal and constitutional phrase that refers to all the realms and territories of the Sovereign, whether independent or not. Thus, for example, the British Ireland Act 1949, recognised that the Republic of Ireland had "ceased to be part of His Majesty's dominions"; when dependent territories that had never been annexed were granted independence, the United Kingdom act granting independence always declared that such and such a territory "shall form part of Her Majesty's dominions", so become part of the territory in which the Queen exercises sovereignty, not suzerainty.
The sense of "Dominion" was capitalised to distinguish it from the more general sense of "dominion". The word dominions referred to the possessions of the Kingdom of England. Oliver Cromwell's full title in the 1650s was "Lord Protector of the Commonwealth of England and Ireland, the dominions thereto belonging". In 1660, King Charles II gave the Colony of Virginia the title of dominion in gratitude for Virginia's loyalty to the Crown during the English Civil War; the Commonwealth of Virginia, a State of the United States, still has "the Old Dominion" as one of its nicknames. Dominion occurred in the name of the short-lived Dominion of New England. In all of these cases, the word dominion implied no more than being subject to the English Crown; the foundation of "Dominion" status followed the achievement of internal self-rule in British Colonies, in the specific form of full responsible government. Colonial responsible government began to emerge during the mid-19th century; the legislatures of Colonies with responsible government were able to make laws in all matters other than foreign affairs and international trade, these being powers which remained with the Parliament of the United Kingdom.
Bermuda, was never def
Provisional Irish Republican Army
The Irish Republican Army known as the Provisional Irish Republican Army was an Irish republican paramilitary organisation that sought to end British rule in Northern Ireland, facilitate the reunification of Ireland and bring about an independent republic encompassing all of Ireland. It was the biggest and most active republican paramilitary group during the Troubles, it saw itself as the successor to the original IRA and called itself the Irish Republican Army, or Óglaigh na hÉireann in Irish, was broadly referred to as such by others. The IRA was designated an unlawful terrorist organisation in the United Kingdom and an unlawful organisation in the Republic of Ireland; the Provisional IRA emerged following a split in the republican movement. It was so-called to mirror the 1916 Provisional Government of the Irish Republic, to designate it as temporary pending reorganisation of the movement. Although this happened in 1970, the name "Provisional" stuck with them; the Troubles had begun shortly before when a Catholic, nonviolent civil rights campaign was met with violence from both Ulster loyalists and the Royal Ulster Constabulary, culminating in the August 1969 riots and deployment of British troops.
The IRA focused on defence of Catholic areas, but it began an offensive campaign in 1971. The IRA's primary goal was to force the United Kingdom to negotiate a withdrawal from Northern Ireland, it used guerrilla tactics against the British RUC in both rural and urban areas. It carried out a bombing campaign in Northern Ireland and England against what it saw as political and economic targets; the IRA called a final ceasefire in July 1997, after its political wing Sinn Féin was re-admitted into the Northern Ireland peace talks. It supported the 1998 Good Friday Agreement and in 2005 it disarmed under international supervision. An internal British Army document examining its 37 years of deployment in Northern Ireland, describes the IRA as "a professional, dedicated skilled and resilient force", while loyalist paramilitaries and other republican groups are described as "little more than a collection of gangsters". American media described the IRA as "activists" and "guerillas", while the British press dubbed them "terrorists".
Several splinter groups have been formed as a result of splits within the IRA, including the Continuity IRA which emerged from a split in 1986 but did not become active until the Provisional IRA ceasefire of 1994, the Real IRA after the final 1997 ceasefire, both of which are still active in the low-level dissident Irish republican campaign. The IRA's initial strategy was to use guerrilla tactics to cause the collapse of the government of Northern Ireland and to inflict enough casualties on British forces that the British government would be forced by public opinion in Britain to withdraw from the region; this policy involved recruitment of volunteers, increasing after the 1972 Bloody Sunday incident in which the British armed forces killed unarmed protesters, launching attacks against British military and economic targets. The campaign was supported by arms and funding from some Irish American groups; the IRA agreed to a ceasefire in February 1975, which lasted nearly a year before the IRA concluded that the British were drawing them away from military action without offering any guarantees in relation to the IRA's goals, hopes of a quick victory receded.
As a result, the IRA launched a new strategy known as "the Long War". This saw them conduct a war of attrition against the British and increased emphasis on political activity, via the political party Sinn Féin; the success of the 1981 Irish hunger strike in mobilising support and winning elections led to the Armalite and ballot box strategy, with more time and resources devoted to political activity. The abortive attempt at an escalation of the military part of that strategy led republican leaders to look for a political compromise to end the conflict, with a broadening dissociation of Sinn Féin from the IRA. Following negotiations with the Social Democratic and Labour Party and secret talks with representatives of both the Irish and British governments, the IRA called a ceasefire in 1994 on the understanding that Sinn Féin would be included in political negotiations for a settlement; when the British government, dependent on Ulster Unionist Party votes at Westminster demanded the disarmament of the IRA before it allowed Sinn Féin into multiparty talks, the IRA called off its ceasefire in February 1996.
The British demand was dropped after the May 1997 general election in the UK. The IRA ceasefire was reinstated in July 1997 and Sinn Féin was admitted into all-party talks, which produced the Good Friday Agreement of 1998; the IRA's armed campaign in Northern Ireland but in England and mainland Europe, caused the deaths of 1,800 people. The dead included around 1,100 members of the British security forces, about 640 civilians; the IRA itself lost 275–300 members and an estimated 10,000 imprisoned at various times over the 30-year period. On 28 July 2005, the IRA Army Council announced an end to its armed campaign, stating that it would work to achieve its aims using "purely political and democratic programmes through peaceful means", shortly afterwards completed decommissioning. In September 2008, the nineteenth report of the Independent Monitoring Commission stated that the IRA was "committed to the political path" and no longer represented "a threat to peace or to democratic politics", that th