The Origination Clause, sometimes called the Revenue Clause, is Article I, Section 7, Clause 1 of the United States Constitution. This clause says that all bills for raising revenue must start in the House of Representatives, but the Senate may propose or concur with amendments as in the case of other bills; the Origination Clause stemmed from a British parliamentary practice that all money bills must have their first reading in the House of Commons before being sent to the House of Lords. This practice was intended to ensure that the power of the purse is possessed by the legislative body most responsive to the people, although the British practice was modified in America by allowing the Senate to amend these bills; this clause was part of the Great Compromise between large states. The large states were unhappy with the lopsided power of small states in the Senate, so the Origination Clause theoretically offsets the unrepresentative nature of the Senate, compensating the large states for allowing equal voting rights to Senators from small states.
The Origination Clause known as the Revenue Clause, reads as follows: All Bills for raising Revenue shall originate in the House of Representatives. The federal Constitution was written in 1787 and adopted in 1789. Prior to 1787, several state constitutions followed British practice by providing that "money bills" must start in the more representative branch of the state legislature. Vesting the power of origination in the U. S. House of Representatives was part of the Great Compromise, in which the framers agreed to allow equality in the Senate regardless of a state's population, while creating representation based on a State's population in the House; the framers adopted the Great Compromise on July 16, 1787. At that point, the draft clause stated: "all bills for raising or appropriating money.... Shall originate in the, shall not be altered or amended by the.... "The Origination Clause was modified in 1787 to reduce the House's power by allowing the Senate to amend revenue bills, by removing appropriation bills from the scope of the clause.
However, a proposal was defeated that would have reduced the House's power more by changing "bills for raising revenue" to "bills for raising money for the purpose of revenue". James Madison explained: In many acts in the regulations of trade, the object would be twofold; the raising of revenue would be one of them. How could it be determined, the primary or predominant one. Regarding the decision to allow Senate amendments, some of the reasoning was given by Theophilus Parsons during the convention in Massachusetts that ratified the Constitution. Madison believed that the difference between a permissible Senate amendment and an impermissible Senate amendment would, "turn on the degree of connection between the matter & object of the bill and the alteration or amendment offered to it."During that era, the Continental Congress had a rule stating: "No new motion or proposition shall be admitted under color of amendment as a substitute for a question or proposition under debate until it is postponed or disagreed to."
At the Virginia convention to ratify the Constitution, delegate William Grayson was concerned that a substitute amendment could have the same effect as an origination: "the Senate could strike out every word of the bill except the word whereas, or any other introductory word, might substitute new words of their own." Grayson was not convinced by Madison's argument that "the first part of the clause is sufficiently expressed to exclude all doubts" about where the origination must occur. In its final form, the Origination Clause was a major selling point for ratification of the Constitution. James Madison, who supported the final version during and after the 1787 Convention, wrote the following in Federalist 58 as the debate over ratification was raging: The house of representatives can not only refuse, but they alone can propose the supplies requisite for the support of government, they in a word hold the purse. This power over the purse, may in fact be regarded as the most compleat and effectual weapon with which any constitution can arm the immediate representatives of the people, for obtaining a redress of every grievance, for carrying into effect every just and salutary measure.
This clause resonated with a citizenry opposed to taxation without representation. Many scholars have written about the Origination Clause. Among the most influential was Joseph Story, who wrote in 1833 that the clause refers only to bills that levy taxes: has been confined to bills to levy taxes in the strict sense of the words, has not been understood to extend to bills for other purposes, which may incidentally create revenue. No one supposes, that a bill to sell any of the public lands, or to sell public stock, is a bill to raise revenue, in the sense of the constitution. Much less would a bill be so deemed, which regulated the value of foreign or domestic coins, or authorized a discharge of insolvent debtors upon assignments
Maryland's 5th congressional district
Maryland's 5th congressional district comprises all of Charles, St. Mary's, Calvert counties, as well as portions of Prince George's and Anne Arundel counties; the district is represented by Democrat Steny Hoyer, the current House Majority Leader. When it was defined in 1788, the 5th Congressional District centered on Maryland, it consisted of the current Maryland counties of Caroline, Wicomico and Worcester. In 1792 the boundaries of Maryland's congressional districts were redrawn, the 5th District was made to include Baltimore and Baltimore County. From 1803 to 1833, two seats were elected at-large on a general ticket. Maryland's congressional districts List of United States congressional districts Archives of Maryland Historical List United States Representatives Maryland State Archives Martis, Kenneth C.. The Historical Atlas of Political Parties in the United States Congress. New York: Macmillan Publishing Company. Martis, Kenneth C.. The Historical Atlas of United States Congressional Districts.
New York: Macmillan Publishing Company. Congressional Biographical Directory of the United States 1774–present
Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee
The Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee is the Democratic Hill committee for the United States House of Representatives, working to elect Democrats to that body and discourage primary challengers. The DCCC recruits candidates, raises funds, organizes races in districts that are expected to yield politically notable or close elections; the structure of the committee consists of the Chairperson, their staff, other Democratic members of Congress that serve in roles supporting the functions of the committee. The Chairperson of the DCCC is the fifth-ranking position among House Democrats, after the Minority Leader, the Minority Whip, the House Assistant Democratic Leader and the Democratic Caucus Chairperson; the current chair is Cheri Bustos of Illinois, who assumed the position in 2019. The DCCC originated in 1866 as the Democratic National Congressional Committee. Due to the reform of campaign finance legislation that took effect in the 2004 election cycle, the DCCC splits into two organizations a few months before each Election Day: One organization can continue to stay in contact with the individual congressional campaigns, offering advice and suggestions to candidates and their staffs in each race.
The other organization, which makes independent expenditures in congressional districts on behalf of the campaigns, is not allowed to coordinate activities with the campaigns. In recent elections, the DCCC has played an expansive role in supporting Democratic candidates with independently produced television ads and mail pieces. Rahm Emanuel assumed the position of DCCC committee chair after the death of the previous chair, Bob Matsui, at the end of the 2004 election cycle. Emanuel led the Democratic Party's effort to capture the majority in the House of Representatives in the 2006 elections. After Emanuel's election as chairman of the Democratic Caucus, Chris Van Hollen became committee chair for the 110th Congress, thus for the 2008 elections, he continued through the 2010 elections. For the 2014 election cycle, Democratic Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi appointed congressman Ben Ray Luján to serve as the committee's chair. In August 2014, the DCCC said it had 444 field staff working in 48 states and planned to add 219 more by the end of August as part of its efforts to manage an expanded ground game across the nation for the 2014 midterm elections.
Controversy arose after the DCCC issued press releases on June 29 and July 2, 2012 which claimed that funds from which Sheldon Adelson, a Las Vegas casino owner, donated to the Republican Party come in part from "Chinese prostitution money". The press releases were repeating allegations from one of Adelson's former employees who filed a lawsuit and alleged that Adelson "approved of prostitution at a casino in Macau"; the DCCC repeated the charges in press releases that attacked Republicans Jim Renacci, Scott DesJarlais, Jim Gerlach. Adelson fought back against the claims, which he called "outrageous", filed a brief threatening a libel suit against the DCCC which demanded that the "DCCC retract the claims, apologize for them, retain any documents associated with them in preparation for a potential lawsuit". Politifact, a nonpartisan fact checking organization, rated the DCCC's claims as "pants on fire", saying that the DCCC "seized upon questionable claim and exaggerated it to taint all of Adelson's political donations with prostitution earnings" and carried "that on down a convoluted line to Scott DesJarlais and talk about "his Chinese prostitution money"".
On August 2, 2012, under immense pressure from Adelson's right wing propaganda machine, including daily coordinated disinformation on Fox News, talk radio and Senate Republicans, the RNC, the DCCC issued a public apology, saying: In press statements issued on June 29 and July 2, 2012, the DCCC made unsubstantiated allegations that attacked Sheldon Adelson, a supporter of the opposing party. This was wrong; the statements were untrue and unfair and we retract them. The DCCC extends its sincere apology to his family for any injury we have caused. In July 2016, the DCCC said. Subsequently, a person described as a hacker and known as "Guccifer 2.0" released documents and information that were obtained from the cyberattack on the DCCC. Despite the DCCC's funding opposition research and spending $20,000 against activist writer Laura Moser, she reached the May 22, 2018 runoff with 24.3% of the vote after attorney Lizzie Pannill Fletcher's 29.3% in the seven-candidate primary in the 7th Texas Congressional District.
Tom Perez, who became the chair of the Democratic National Committee after the firing of Debbie Wasserman Schultz in 2016, broke ranks and criticized the DCCC's opposition to Moser. In the run-up to the 2020 United States House of Representatives elections, the DCCC announced a policy to blacklist any vendors who worked with Democratic challengers to sitting Congresspeople. Of the four congressional campaign committees, the DCCC, with a staff of 25, has the largest in-house research department. In a February 2012 profile of the department, Roll Call wrote that "The DCCC's team of 20-somethings researches opposition targets for eight weeks at a time, scouring news clips and YouTube videos and traveling across the country to comb through public records, all in hopes of finding a good hit. Discoveries go into hundred-page research books on their targets that are used as bait to recruit candidates, leaked to reporters or cited i
United States congressional committee
A congressional committee is a legislative sub-organization in the United States Congress that handles a specific duty. Committee membership enables members to develop specialized knowledge of the matters under their jurisdiction; as "little legislatures", the committees monitor on-going governmental operations, identify issues suitable for legislative review and evaluate information, recommend courses of action to their parent body. Woodrow Wilson once wrote, "it is not far from the truth to say that Congress in session is Congress on public exhibition, whilst Congress in its committee rooms is Congress at work." It is neither expected nor possible that a member of Congress be an expert on all matters and subject areas that come before Congress. Congressional committees provide valuable informational services to Congress by investigating and reporting about specialized subjects. Congress divides its legislative and internal administrative tasks among 200 committees and subcommittees. Within assigned areas, these functional subunits gather information.
While this investigatory function is important, procedures such as the House discharge petition process are so difficult to implement that committee jurisdiction over particular subject matter of bills has expanded into semi-autonomous power. Of the 73 discharge petitions submitted to the full House from 1995 through 2007, only one was successful in securing a definitive yea-or-nay vote for a bill; the growing autonomy of committees has fragmented the power of each congressional chamber as a unit. This dispersion of power has weakened the legislative branch relative to the other two branches of the federal government, the executive branch and the judiciary branch. In his cited article History of the House of Representatives, written in 1961, American scholar George B. Galloway wrote: "In practice, Congress functions not as a unified institution, but as a collection of semi-autonomous committees that act in unison." Galloway went on to cite committee autonomy as a factor interfering with the adoption of a coherent legislative program.
Such autonomy remains a characteristic feature of the committee system in Congress today. In 1932, a reform movement temporarily reduced the number of signatures required on discharge petitions in the U. S. House of Representatives from a constitutional majority of 218 down to 145, i.e. from one-half to one-third of the House membership. This reform was abolished in a 1935 counterattack led by the intra-House oligarchy, thus the era of the Great Depression marks the last across-the-board change, albeit a short-lived one, in the autonomy of House standing committees. The modern committee structure stems from the Legislative Reorganization Act of 1946, the first and most ambitious restructuring of the standing committee system since the committee system was first developed; the 1946 act reduced the number of House committees from 48 to 19 and the number of Senate committees from 33 to 15. Jurisdictions of all committees were codified by rule in their respective chambers, which helped consolidate or eliminate many existing committees and minimize jurisdictional conflicts.
The Joint Committee on the Organization of Congress, a temporary committee established in 1993 to conduct a policy and historical analysis of the committee system, determined that while the 1946 Act was instrumental in streamlining the committee system, it did fail to limit the number of subcommittees allowed on any one committee. Today, Rules in the U. S. House of Representatives limit each full committee to five subcommittees, with the exception of Appropriations, Armed Services, Foreign Affairs, Transportation and Infrastructure. There are no limits on the number of subcommittees in the U. S. Senate. Congress has convened several other temporary review committees to analyze and make recommendations on ways to reform and improve the committee system. For example, the Legislative Reorganization Act of 1970 led to further reforms to open Congress to further public visibility, strengthen its decision-making capacities, augment minority rights; the 1970 Act provided for recorded teller votes in the House's Committee of the Whole.
Between 1994 to 2014, overall committee staffing was reduced by 35 percent. The number of hearings held in the House declined from 6,000 hearings per year in the 1970s, to about 4,000 hearings in 1994, to just over 2,000 hearings in 2014. Commentators from both parties have expressed concern regarding the loss of committee capacity to research and develop legislative initiatives; the first Senate committee was established April 1789, to draw up Senate rules of procedure. In those early days, the Senate operated with temporary select committees, which were responsive to the entire Senate, with the full Senate selecting their jurisdiction and membership; this system provided a great deal of flexibility, as if one committee proved unresponsive, another could be established in its place. The Senate could forgo committee referral for actions on legislation or presidential nominations; these early c
Non-voting members of the United States House of Representatives
Non-voting members of the United States House of Representatives are representatives of their territory in the House of Representatives, who do not have a right to vote on proposed legislation in the full House but have floor privileges and are able to participate in certain other House functions. Non-voting members may vote in a House committee of which they are a member and introduce legislation. There are six non-voting members: a delegate representing the federal district of Washington D. C. a resident commissioner representing Puerto Rico, one delegate for each of the other four permanently inhabited US Territories: American Samoa, the Northern Mariana Islands, the US Virgin Islands. As with voting members, non-voting delegates are elected every two years, the Resident Commissioner of Puerto Rico is elected every four years. Non voting members serve in the House of Representatives—not the Senate. All delegates serve a term of two years, they receive compensation and franking privileges similar to full House members.
Since 1993, the rules governing the rights of a non-voting member have changed three times, current delegates—along with the resident commissioner—enjoy privileges that they did not have previously. Territorial delegates existed before the ratification of the United States Constitution; the Northwest Ordinance of 1787 allowed for a territory with "five thousand free male inhabitants of full age" to elect a non-voting delegate to the Continental Congress. After the ratification of the Constitution, the first United States Congress reenacted the Ordinance and extended it to include the territories south of the Ohio River. In 1790, the state of North Carolina—having ratified the constitution, becoming the 12th state—sent its congressional delegation to what was the federal capital at New York City. Among them was former State of Franklin Governor John Sevier, whose district comprised the "counties beyond the Alleghenies", he took office June 16, 1790, the government of North Carolina had ceded his district to the federal government on February 25, 1790 and it was organized into a territory on August 7, 1790.
He remained a member of the House until March 3, 1791 when he was appointed brigadier general of the militia. On September 3, 1794, James White was elected by the Southwest Territory, which contained Sevier's former district, to be their delegate to Congress. A resolution was put forth in the House to admit him to Congress, but as a delegate was not a position stated in the Constitution, the House debated what, if any, privileges White would have; as the Northwest Ordinance had only stated that a delegate is to sit "in Congress" the first debate was which chamber a delegate would sit in. Resolutions that he sit in both chambers and that his right to debate be limited to territorial matters were defeated; the House voted to allow him a non-voting seat in the House. Following his placement, representatives debated. Representative James Madison stated "The proper definition of Mr. White is to be found in the Laws and Rules of the Constitution, he is not a member of Congress, so cannot be directed to take an oath, unless he chooses to do it voluntarily."
As he was not a Member, he was not directed to take the oath, though every delegate after him has done so. He was extended franking privileges, which allowed him to send official mail free of charge, compensation at the same rate as members. In 1802 Congress passed a law that extended franking privileges and pay to delegates. An act passed in 1817 codified the term and privileges of delegates: n every territory of the United States in which a temporary government has been, or hereafter shall be established...shall have the right to send a delegate to Congress, such delegate shall be elected every second year, for the same term of two years for which members of the House of Representatives of the United States are elected. Similar to delegates are resident commissioners, who represented the large areas acquired during the Spanish–American War, for much of the 20th century were considered colonies, not territories and unlike the acquired areas which would become the contiguous U. S. or Alaska and Hawaii, did not have residents with the rights of, or to U.
S. citizenship. Unlike incorporated territories, they have the right to secede from the Union, in the case of the Philippines, they have. Puerto Rico, a U. S. Commonwealth, has been represented by a non-voting Resident Commissioner since 1901; the resident commissioner holds a status similar to that of a delegate within the House, but serves a four-year term. The resident commissioner is the only individual elected to the House. From 1907 until 1937, while it was a U. S. territory, the Philippines elected two non-voting resident commissioners to serve in the U. S. House of Representatives. From 1937 until 1946, while it was a U. S. Commonwealth, the Philippines sent one non-voting resident commissioner to the House. Upon independence in 1946, the Philippines ceased to be represented in Congress. In the mid-1960s, a number of small territories which had no prospects of becoming states began to petition for representation in Congress. Starting in 1970, the House of Representatives started to grant representation to these territories, but with limited voting rights.
American Samoa, an insular area since 1929, first elected a delegate, A. U. Fuimaono, in 1970. However, A
Cannon House Office Building
The Cannon House Office Building called the "Old House Office Building," completed in 1908, is the oldest congressional office building as well as a significant example of the Beaux-Arts style of architecture. It occupies a site south of the United States Capitol bounded by Independence Avenue, First Street, New Jersey Avenue, C Street S. E. In 1962 the building was named for former Speaker of the United States House of Representatives Joseph Gurney Cannon; the first congressional office buildings were constructed after the turn of the 20th century to relieve overcrowding in the United States Capitol. Members who wanted office space had to rent quarters or borrow space in committee rooms. In March 1901 Congress authorized Architect of the Capitol Edward Clark to draw plans for fireproof office buildings for both the House and Senate adjacent to the Capitol grounds. In March 1903 the acquisition of sites and construction of the buildings were authorized. In April 1904 the prominent New York City architectural firm of Carrère and Hastings was retained.
Thomas Hastings took charge of the House Office Building project, while John Carrère oversaw the construction of an identical office building for the United States Senate. Their Beaux Arts designs were restrained; the Cannon Building was occupied during the 60th Congress in December 1907. By 1913, the House had outgrown the available office space, fifty-one rooms were added to the original structure by raising the roof and constructing a fifth floor, visible only from the enclosed court. There were 397 offices and fourteen committee rooms in the Cannon Building. Architecturally, the elevations are divided into a rusticated base and a colonnade with an entablature and balustrade; the colonnades with thirty-four Doric columns that face the Capitol are echoed by pilasters on the sides of the building, inspired by the Perrault's Colonnade of the Louvre Palace in Paris. The Cannon Building is faced with limestone. Modern for its time, the building included such facilities as forced-air ventilation systems, steam heat, individual lavatories with hot and cold running water and ice water and electricity.
Both the Cannon Building and the Russell Building are connected to the Capitol by underground passages. Of special architectural interest is the rotunda. Eighteen Corinthian columns support an entablature and a coffered dome, whose glazed oculus floods the rotunda with natural light. Twin marble staircases lead from the rotunda to an imposing Caucus Room, which features Corinthian pilasters, a full entablature, a richly detailed ceiling; the Cannon Tunnel connects the Cannon House Office Building to the Capitol. The tunnel is lined with artwork from the annual Congressional Art Competition for high school students. Branching off the entrance to Cannon Tunnel is a separate tunnel to the Longworth House Office Building, entrances to a cafeteria, shoe shiner/cobbler, a Legislative Resource Center. Unlike the tunnels from the Capitol to the Senate Office Buildings and the Rayburn tunnel, the Cannon Tunnel has no subway line, is a pedestrian pathway. In addition, a separate tunnel runs between the building and the neighboring James Madison Memorial Building, a part of the Library of Congress.
In January 2015, a top-to-bottom renovation of the Cannon House Office Building began. Completion is expected to cost $752.7 million. Renovation will be focused on upgrading the building utilities, but will progress on to a wing-by-wing exterior and interior reconstruction. According to Bill Weidemeyer, the building "is plagued by safety, health and operational issues that are worsening. Many of the building’s systems are original from the 1908 construction." This article incorporates public domain material from the United States Government document "Cannon House Office Building, Architect of the Capitol". Cannon Renewal Project FAQs, Architect of the Capitol Ghosts of DC blog: Three Bits of Trivia About the Cannon House Office Building
Party leaders of the United States House of Representatives
Party leaders and whips of the United States House of Representatives known as floor leaders, are elected by their respective parties in a closed-door caucus by secret ballot. With the Democrats holding a majority of seats and the Republicans holding a minority, the current leaders are: Majority Leader Steny Hoyer, Majority Whip James Clyburn, Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy, Minority Whip Steve Scalise. Unlike in Westminster-style legislatures or as with the Senate Majority Leader, the House Majority Leader's duties and prominence vary depending upon the style and power of the Speaker of the House; the Speaker does not participate in debate and votes on the floor. In some cases, Majority Leaders have been more influential than the Speaker. In addition, Speaker Newt Gingrich delegated to Dick Armey an unprecedented level of authority over scheduling legislation on the House floor; the current Minority Leader, Kevin McCarthy, serves as floor leader of the opposition party, is the counterpart to the Majority Leader.
Unlike the Majority Leader, the Minority Leader is on the ballot for Speaker of the House during the convening of the Congress. If the Minority Leader's party takes control of the House, the party officers are all re-elected to their seats, the Minority Leader is the party's top choice for Speaker for the next Congress, while the Minority Whip is in line to become Majority Leader; the Minority Leader meets with the Majority Leader and the Speaker to discuss agreements on controversial issues. The Speaker, Majority Leader, Minority Leader, Majority Whip and Minority Whip all receive special office suites in the United States Capitol; the floor leaders and whips of each party are elected by their respective parties in a closed-door caucus by secret ballot. The Speaker-elect is chosen in a closed-door session although they are formally installed in their position by a public vote when Congress reconvenes. Like the Speaker of the House, the Minority Leaders are experienced lawmakers when they win election to this position.
When Nancy Pelosi, D-CA, became Minority Leader in the 108th Congress, she had served in the House nearly 20 years and had served as minority whip in the 107th Congress. When her predecessor, Richard Gephardt, D-MO, became minority leader in the 104th House, he had been in the House for 20 years, had served as chairman of the Democratic Caucus for four years, had been a 1988 presidential candidate, had been majority leader from June 1989 until Republicans captured control of the House in the November 1994 elections. Gephardt's predecessor in the minority leadership position was Robert Michel, R-IL, who became GOP Leader in 1981 after spending 24 years in the House. Michel's predecessor, Republican John Rhodes of Arizona, was elected Minority Leader in 1973 after 20 years of House service. By contrast, party leaders of the United States Senate have ascended to their position despite few years of experience in that chamber, such as Lyndon B. Johnson, William F. Knowland, Bill Frist. Former House Majority Leader Eric Cantor had a comparatively quick rise to the post and was the youngest House Majority Leader in American history.
The House Majority Leader's duties vary, depending upon the political makeup of the majority caucus. In several recent sessions of Congress, with the notable exception of the Pelosi speakership, the Majority Leader has been responsible for scheduling the House floor's legislative calendar and direct management for all House committees. One statutory duty, per 19 U. S. C. § 2191, stipulates that an implementing bill submitted by the President of the United States for a fast-track negotiating authority trade agreement must be introduced in the House by the Majority Leader of the House. Before 1899, the majority party floor leader had traditionally been the Chairman of the House Ways and Means Committee, the most powerful committee in the House, as it generates the Bills of Revenue specified in the Constitution as the House's unique power; the office of Majority Leader first occupied by Sereno Payne. Speaker David B. Henderson created the position to establish a party leader on the House floor separate from the Speaker, as the role of Speaker had become more prominent, the size of the House had grown from 105 at the beginning of the century to 356.
Starting with Republican Nicholas Longworth in 1925, continued through the Democrats' control of the House from 1931 to 1995, save for Republican majorities in 1947–49 and 1953–55, all majority leaders have directly ascended to the Speakership brought upon by the retirement of the incumbent. The only exceptions during this period were Charles A. Halleck who became Republican House leader and Minority Leader from 1959 to 1965, Hale Boggs who died in a plane crash, Dick Gephardt who became the Democrats' House leader but as Minority Leader since his party lost control in the 1994 midterm elections. Since 1995, the only Majority Leader to become Speaker is John Boehner, though indirectly as his party lost control in the 2006 midterms elections, he subsequently served as Republican House leader and Minority Leader from 2007 to 2011 and was elected Speaker when the House reconvened in 2011. In 1998, with Speaker Newt Gingrich announcing his resignation, both Majority Leader Dick Armey and Majority Whip Tom DeLay did not contest the Speakership which went to Chief Deputy Whip Dennis Hastert.
Traditionally, the Speaker is reckoned as the leader of the majority party in the House, with the Majority Leader as second-in-command. For instance, when the Republicans gained the majority in the House after the 2010 elections, Eric Canto