Prime Minister of Spain
The Prime Minister of Spain the President of the Government of Spain, is the head of the government of Spain. The office was established in its current form by the Constitution of 1978 and originated in 1823 as a chairmanship of the extant Council of Ministers. Upon a vacancy, the Spanish monarch nominates a presidency candidate for a vote of confidence by the Congress of Deputies of Spain, the lower house of the Cortes Generales; the process is a parliamentarian investiture by which the head of government is indirectly elected by the elected Congress of Deputies. In practice, the Prime Minister is always the leader of the largest party in the Congress. Since current constitutional practice in Spain calls for the King to act on the advice of his ministers, the Prime Minister is the country's de facto chief executive. Pedro Sánchez of the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party has been Prime Minister since 2 June, 2018, after a successful motion of no confidence against former Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy.
The Spanish head of government has, since 1938, been known in Spanish as the Presidente del Gobierno – President of the Government but translated outside of Spain as "Prime Minister", the usual term for the head of government in a parliamentary system. This distinction sometimes causes confusion among English-speakers; the custom to name the head of government as "President" dates back to the reign of Isabella II of Spain during the regency of Maria Christina of the Two Sicilies, when the official title was Presidente del Consejo de Ministros, which remained until 1939, when the Second Spanish Republic ended. Before 1834 the figure was known as Secretario de Estado, a denomination used today for junior ministers. On 19 November, 1823, after a brief liberal democratic period called the Liberal Triennium between 1820 and 1823, King Ferdinand VII re-established the absolute monarchy and created the Council of Ministers that continues to exist today; this Council was chaired by the Secretary of State.
The Spanish Royal Statute of 1834 replaced the chair with a President of the Council of Ministers invested with executive powers. During the nineteenth century, the position changed names frequently. After the Glorious Revolution of 1868, it was renamed President of the Provisional Revolutionary Joint and President of the Provisional Government. In 1869, the office resumed the name of President of the Council of Ministers. Following the abdication of King Amadeus I, during the First Republic the office was the President of the Executive Power and was head of state. In 1874, the office name reverted to President of the Council of Ministers. Since its inception, the Prime Minister has been dismissed by the will of the monarch. Successive constitutions have confirmed this royal prerogative of the monarch in the Constitution of 1837, article 46 of the Constitution of 1845, the Constitution of 1869, the Constitution of 1876. With the fall of the republic and the restoration of the Bourbon Dynasty on King Alfonso XII, the office maintained its original name until the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera, when it was renamed to President of the Military Directory.
In 1925, the original name was restored again. During the Second Republic the title was the same but when the Civil War started, on the side of the rebellion the head of government was called Chief of the Government of the State and since January 1938 the office acquired the current name, President of the Government, but between that date and 1973 the office was held by the dictator; the Republican Constitution of 1931 provided for the Prime Minister and the rest of the government to be appointed and dismissed by the President of the Republic but they were responsible before the Parliament and the Parliament could vote to dismiss the Prime Minister or a minister against the will of the President of the Republic. In 1973, the dictator separated the Head of the State from the Head of the Government and that division exists today, being the Prime Minister democratically elected by a Parliament elected by universal suffrage and equal. Once a general election has been announced by the king, political parties designate their candidates to stand for Prime Minister —usually the party leader.
A Prime Minister is dismissed from office the day after the election, but remains in office as a caretaker until his/her successor is sworn in. Following every general election to the Cortes Generales, other circumstances provided for in the constitution, the king meets with and interviews the leaders of the parties represented in the Congress of Deputies, consults with the Speaker of the Congress of Deputies before nominating a candidate for the presidency; this process is spelled out in Section 99 of Title IV. Minor parties form part of a larger major party, through that membership it can be said that the king fulfills his constitutional mandate of consulting with party representatives with Congressional representation. Title IV Government and Administration Section 99 & After each renewal of the Congress and the other cases provided for under the Constitution, the King shall, after consultatio
Spanish transition to democracy
The Spanish transition to democracy, known in Spain as the Transition, or the Spanish transition is a period of modern Spanish history, that started on 20 November 1975, the date of death of Francisco Franco, who had established a military dictatorship after the victory of the Nationalists in the Spanish Civil War. However, historians disagree on the exact date the transition was completed: some say it ended after the 1977 general election. Others suggest. At its latest, the Transition is said to have ended with the first peaceful transfer of executive power, after the victory of the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party in the 1982 general election. Francisco Franco came to power in 1939, following the Spanish Civil War, ruled as a dictator until his death in 1975. In 1969, he designated Prince Juan Carlos, grandson of Spain's most recent king, Alfonso XIII, as his official successor. For the next six years, Prince Juan Carlos remained in the background during public appearances and seemed ready to follow in Franco's footsteps.
Once in power as King of Spain, however, he facilitated the development of a constitutional monarchy as his father, Don Juan de Borbón, had advocated since 1946. The transition was an ambitious plan that counted on ample support both outside of Spain. Western governments, headed by the United States, now favoured a Spanish constitutional monarchy, as did many Spanish and international liberal capitalists; the transition proved challenging, as the spectre of the Civil War still haunted Spain. Francoists on the far right enjoyed considerable support within the Spanish Army, people of the left distrusted a king who owed his position to Franco; the realisation of the democratic project required that the leftist opposition restrain its own most radical elements from provocation, that the army refrain from intervening in the political process on behalf of Francoist elements within the existing government. King Juan Carlos I began his reign as head of state without leaving the confines of Franco's legal system.
As such, he swore fidelity to the Principles of the Movimiento Nacional, the political system of the Franco era. Only in his speech before the Cortes did he indicate his support for a transformation of the Spanish political system; the King did not appoint a new prime minister, leaving in place the incumbent head of government under Franco, Carlos Arias Navarro. Arias Navarro had not planned a reform of the Francoist regime, he believed political changes should be limited: he would give the parliament, the Cortes Españolas, the task of "updating our laws and institutions the way Franco would have wanted."The reform programme adopted by the government was the one proposed by Manuel Fraga, rejecting Antonio Garrigues' plan to elect a constituent assembly. Fraga's programme aimed to achieve a "liberal democracy", "comparable to rest of Western European countries" through a "gradual and controlled process", through a series of reforms of the pseudo-constitutional Fundamental Laws of the Realm; this is why his proposal was dubbed as a "reform in the continuity", his support came from those who defended a Francoist sociological model.
In order for reform to succeed, it had to earn the support of the hardcore Francoist faction known as the Búnker, which had a major presence in the Cortes and the National Council of the Movement, the two institutions that would have to approve the reforms of the Fundamental Laws. It had to garner support within the Armed Forces and in the Spanish Labour Organisation. Besides, it needed to please the democratic opposition to Francoism; the approach towards the dissenters was that they would not be part of the reform process, but would be allowed to participate in politics more with the exception of the Communist Party. This conservative reform was inspired by the historical period of the semi-democratic Bourbonic Restoration, it was criticised for not taking into account the social and political circumstances of the time; the project coalesced into a proposal to reform three of the Fundamental Laws, but the exact changes would be determined by a mixed commission of the Government and the National Council of the Movement, as proposed by Torcuato Fernández-Miranda and Adolfo Suárez.
The creation of the commission meant that Fraga and the reformists lost control of much of the legislative direction of the country. So, the new Law of Assembly was passed by the Francoist Cortes on 25 May 1976, allowing public demonstration with government authorization. On the same day the Law of Political Associations was approved, supported by Suárez, who affirmed in parliamentary session that "if Spain is plural, the Cortes cannot afford to deny it". Suárez's intervention in favor of this reform shocked many, including J
Deputy Prime Minister of Spain
The Deputy Prime Minister of Spain Vice President of the Government, is the second in command to the Prime Minister of Spain, assuming its duties when the Prime Minister is absent or incapable of exercising power. The person for the post is handpicked by the Prime Minister from the members of the Cabinet and appointed by the Monarch before whom it takes oath; when there are more than one Deputy Prime Minister, they are called First Deputy Prime Minister, Second Deputy Prime Minister, etc. The Headquarters of the Vice Presidency of the Government of Spain is the Semillas Building, in La Moncloa Complex; the Spanish government has a sole Vice Presidency, holding this position Carmen Calvo since June 7, 2018. She is the Presidency Minister. Carmen Calvo is the 21st Deputy Prime Minister of Spain and the fourth woman to assume this position; the office of Vice President of the Government, like the premiership, dates back to the 19th century. A part of the doctrine considers that the creation of the office was in 1925, after the dictator Miguel Primo de Rivera ended with the military government and establish a civil government.
However, the historical evidences prove that between 1840 and 1841 the office existed under the name of Vice President of the Council of Ministers, holding this position the future prime minister Joaquín María Ferrer. After Deputy Prime Minister Ferrer, the office was not used again or was collected by any Constitution or subsequent law until the 20th century. Assuming the objectives for which the Military Directorate was created were completed, Primo de Rivera transformed the Government of Spain into a civil government in 1925, reestablishing the Council of Ministers, the Presidency of the Council of Ministers and re-creating the Vice Presidency, whose objective was to replace to the president in cases of absence or illness; this vice-president, said article 3 of the Royal Decree, was appointed by the president from among the members of the Council of Ministers. The Vice Presidency was vested in the Under Secretary of the Interior, Severiano Martínez Anido, who combined the position with that of Interior Minister.
With the resignation of Primo de Rivera and the fall of the monarchy, the Second Republic was established in Spain, which did not foresee at any time the existence of this position, however, in December 1933, Prime Minister Lerroux appointed Diego Martínez Barrio Vice President of the Council of Ministers, a position to which he resigned only three months later. At the same time as the Presidency, the Vice Presidency changed its name with the Law of January 30, 1938 to Vice Presidency of the Government and, with the formation of the first Franco government, this position was granted to general Francisco Gómez-Jordana Sousa. From 1938 to 1981 the position was occupied by military officials, with the exception of the vice presidents Torcuato Fernández Miranda and José García Hernández. Since 1981, with a democracy markedly established in society, Prime Minister Calvo-Sotelo appointed a civilian as Deputy, definitively separating the military power from the executive power, a situation that remains today.
The Deputy Prime Minister of Spain is responsible for: Advising the President of the Government. Attending the Cabinet, the Delegated Commissions of the Government and the General Commission of Secretaries of State and Undersecretaries. Supporting the President of the Government, specially exercising the responsibilities in relation to preparing and tracking the Government Programme. Interministerial Coordinating given by the Government or the President. Attending the Government with its relationships with the General Courts. Preparing, carrying out and tracking the legislative programme of the Government and specially its parliamentary processing. Material supporting, financial and budgetary management and in general whatever responsibilities needed by the President and the Presidency of the Government's dependent bodies. Being the Secretary at the Council of Ministers; as of April 2019, there are ten living former Spanish Deputy Prime Ministers: The most recent Prime Minister to die was Manuel Gutiérrez Mellado on 15 December 1995, aged 83.
Council of Ministers of Spain Second Deputy Prime Minister of Spain Third Deputy Prime Minister of Spain Politics of Spain Spain Official website
The Cortes Generales are the bicameral legislative chambers of Spain, consisting of two chambers: the Congress of Deputies and the Senate. The members of the Cortes are the representatives of the Spanish people; the Congress of Deputies meets in the Palacio de las Cortes, the Senate meets in the separate Palacio del Senado, both located in Madrid. The Cortes are elected through universal, equal and secret suffrage, with the exception of some senatorial seats, which are elected indirectly by the legislatures of the autonomous community; the Cortes Generales is composed of 616 members: 266 Senators. The members of the Cortes Generales serve four-year terms, they are representatives of the Spanish people. In both chambers, the seats are divided by constituencies that correspond with the fifty provinces of Spain, plus Ceuta and Melilla. However, the Canary and Balearic islands form different constituencies in the Senate; as a parliamentary system, the Cortes confirms and dismisses the Prime Minister of Spain and his or her government.
The Congress can dismiss the Prime Minister through a vote of no confidence. The Cortes holds the power to enact a constitutional reform; the modern Cortes Generales was created by the Constitution of Spain, but the institution has a long history. Its direct precedent were the Cortes Españolas of military dictator Francisco Franco; the system of Cortes arose in the Middle Ages as part of feudalism. A "Corte" was an advisory council made up of the most powerful feudal lords closest to the king; the Cortes of León was the first parliamentary body in Western Europe. From 1230, the Cortes of Leon and Castile were merged. Prelates and commoners remained separated in the three estates within the Cortes; the king had the ability to call and dismiss the Cortes, but, as the lords of the Cortes headed the army and controlled the purse, the King signed treaties with them to pass bills for war at the cost of concessions to the lords and the Cortes. With the reappearance of the cities near the 12th century, a new social class started to grow: people living in the cities were neither vassals nor nobles themselves.
Furthermore, the nobles were experiencing hard economic times due to the Reconquista. So the King started admitting representatives from the cities to the Cortes in order to get more money for the Reconquista; the frequent payoffs were grants of autonomy to the cities and their inhabitants. At this time the Cortes had the power to oppose the King's decisions, thus vetoing them. In addition, some representatives were permanent advisors to the King when the Cortes were not. Isabella I of Castile and Ferdinand II of Aragon, the Catholic Monarchs, started a specific policy to diminish the power of the bourgeoisie and nobility, they reduced the powers of the Cortes to the point where they rubberstamped the monarch's acts, brought the nobility to their side. One of the major points of friction between the Cortes and the monarchs was the power of raising and lowering taxes, it was the only matter. The role of the Cortes during the Spanish Empire was to rubberstamp the decisions of the ruling monarch. However, they had some power over economic and American affairs taxes.
The Siglo de oro, the Spanish Golden Age of arts and literature, was a dark age in Spanish politics: the Netherlands declared itself independent and started a war, while some of the last Habsburg monarchs did not rule the country, leaving this task in the hands of viceroys governing in their name, the most famous being the Count-Duke of Olivares, Philip IV's viceroy. This allowed the Cortes to become more influential when they did not directly oppose the King's decisions; some lands of the Crown of Aragon and the Kingdom of Navarre were self-governing entities until the Nueva Planta Decrees of 1716 abolished their autonomy and united Aragon with Castile in a centralised Spanish state. The abolition in the realms of Aragon was completed by 1716, whilst Navarre retained its autonomy until the 1833 territorial division of Spain, it is the only one of the Spanish territories whose current status in the Spanish state is linked with the old Fueros: its Statute of Autonomy cites them and recognizes their special status, while recognizing the supremacy of the Spanish Constitution.
Cortes existed in each of Aragon, Catalonia and Navarre. It is thought that these legislatures exercised more real power over local affairs than the Castilian Cortes did. Executive councils existed in each of these realms, which were tasked with overseeing the implementation of decisions made by the Cortes. However, throughout the rule of the Habsburg and Bourbon dynasties the Crown pressed for more centralization, enforcing a unitary position in foreign affairs and empowering Councils outside the control of the Cortes of the several Kingdoms. Thus, the Cortes in Spain did not develop towards a parliamentary system as in the British case, but towards the mentioned rubberstamping of royal decrees. Never
Senate of Spain
The Senate is the upper house of Spain's parliament, the Cortes Generales. It is made up of 266 members: 208 elected by popular vote, 58 appointed by the regional legislatures. All senators serve four-year terms, though regional legislatures may recall their appointees at any time; the Senate was first established under the constitution of 1837 under the regency of Maria Christina of the Two Sicilies. It remained under the regimes of the constitutions of 1845, 1856, 1869 and 1876, it was composed, at that latter time, of three main categories: senators by their own right, senators for life and senators elected. This chamber, along with the Congress of Deputies, was suppressed after the coup of General Miguel Primo de Rivera in 1923. Only after the Spanish transition to democracy in 1978 was it reestablished. Senators form groups along party lines. Parties with fewer than ten senators form the Mixed Group. If the membership of an existing group falls below six during a session, it is merged into the Mixed Group at the next session.
For example, Coalición Canaria lost its senate caucus in 2008 after electoral losses reduced its group from six to two. The Basque Nationalist Party, falling from seven to four, "borrowed" senators from the ruling Socialist Party to form their group; the PNV group is again under threshold after returning the borrowed Socialists, it faces dissolution after the current session. 133 seats are required for an absolute majority, vacant seats notwithstanding. To date, senate elections have coincided with elections to the lower house, but the President of the Government may advise the king to call elections for one chamber only, under article 115 of the Spanish Constitution. While the Congress of Deputies is chosen by party list proportional representation, the members of the senate are chosen in two distinct ways: popular election by limited voting and appointment from regional legislatures. Most members of the senate are directly elected by the people; each province elects four senators without regard to population.
Insular provinces are treated specially. The larger islands of the Balearics and Canaries —Mallorca, Gran Canaria, Tenerife—are assigned three seats each, the smaller islands—Menorca, Ibiza–Formentera, Gomera, Lanzarote and La Palma—one each; this allocation is weighted in favor of small provinces. In non-insular constituencies, each party nominates three candidates. Candidates' names are organized in columns by party on a large ochre-colored ballot called a sábana or bedsheet; each voter may mark up from any party. This is the only occasion. Panachage is allowed, but voters cast all three votes for candidates of a single party; as a result, the four Senators are the three candidates from the most popular party and the first placed candidate from the next most popular. Before 2011, a party could not choose the order of its candidates on the ballot paper; when a party did not get all three of its candidates elected, this arrangement favored candidates with surnames early in the alphabet. This was the case for 2nd placed parties in every province and for both parties in tight races when voters did not vote for three candidates of the same party.
Article 69.5 of the Spanish Constitution empowers the legislative assembly of each autonomous community of Spain to appoint a senate delegation from its own ranks, with one Senator per one million citizens, rounded up. Demographic growth increased the combined size of the regional delegations from 51 to 56 in 2008 for the 9th term. Conventionally, the proportions of the regional delegations mimic their legislative assemblies, as required in principle by Article 69.5 of the constitution. However, Autonomous Communities have considerable leeway, a motion to appoint the delegation requires no more than a plurality. Two anomalous examples are: After the 2007 election, the single senator from the Balearic Islands was from neither the largest bloc, nor the second-largest, but in fact from the fourth-largest bloc, the Socialist Party of Majorca, which held only four of 59 seats; this arrangement was part of a five-party coalition agreement. This anomaly was resolved in 2008, when the Balearic Islands gained a second senate seat, filled by the PP.
Since 2003, the PSOE has ruled Aragon with support from regionalist parties. In the 2007 election, it won 30 of 67 seats. Aragon's two appointed senators came from the opposition People's Party and the regionalist Aragonese Party. Due to population growth, the Balearic and Canary Islands and Madrid each gained a new senator in 2008. Andalusia was the last Autonomous Community; the distribution after the 2015 election was: The last election was held on 26 June 2016. The composition of the 12th Senate is: The Spanish parliamentary system is bicameral but asymmetric; the Congress of Deputies has more independent functions, it can override most Senate measures. Only the Congress can revoke confidence to a Prime Minister. In the ordinary lawmaking process, either house may be the initiator, the Senate can amend hostilely or veto, the propos
Meritxell Batet i Lamaña, is a Spanish politician member of the Party of the Socialists of Catalonia, professor of Constitutional Law at Pompeu Fabra University and current Minister for Territorial Policy and Public Function of the Government of Spain. She has been a socialist deputy for Barcelona for the PSC in the VIII, IX and X legislatures and deputy for Madrid by the PSOE in the XI legislature, she is part of the trustworthy team of PSOE Secretary General Pedro Sánchez who, in the general elections of 2015, ranked her number two on the list for Madrid and named her member of the negotiating committee to set up an alternative government to the PP. She sudied at the Gravi School in Barcelona and joined the university with the support of scholarships. In 1995 she graduated in Law from the Pompeu Fabra University where took doctorate courses with the presentation of the thesis Participation and transparency in the institutions and bodies of the European Union. In 1998 she completed a postgraduate course in real estate and urban development law at IDEC.
In 2013 presented the doctoral thesis project entitled The principle of subsidiarity in Spain. From 1995 to 1998 she was professor of Administrative Law at Pompeu Fabra University and was a professor of Constitutional Law until her appointment as Minister. In 2007 received a German Marshall scholarship to maintain a stay in the United States, her first contact with politics was during his student years. She explains in interviews that when she received a grant from the Generalitat to study the doctorate at the university, her thesis supervisor, Josep Mir, told er that Narcís Serra first secretary of the PSC, was looking for someone to coordinate his secretariat, not a militant. Batet collaborated with him for two years. From 2001 to 2004 she directed the Carles Pi i Sunyer Foundation for Local Studies. In 2004, she was an independent in the ninth position on the Barcelona list of the Socialist Party of Catalonia for the Congress of Deputies headed by José Montilla and was elected deputy for Barcelona.
In 2008 she joined the PSC. In the legislative elections of 2008 occupied the eleventh position of the list for Barcelona and renewed her seat as in the legislative elections of 2011 to which it concurred in the position number eight. In February 2013 she broke the voting discipline of the Socialist Group together with other members of the PSC by voting in the Congress of Deputies in favor of the two initiatives presented by CiU and La Izquierda Plural to allow the carrying out a referendum in Catalonia on its future relationship with the rest of Spain; the socialist group fined undisciplined deputies with 600 euros. In July 2014, she was appointed Secretary of Studies and Programs in the Federal Executive Commission of the PSOE, assuming her first organic position. In the legislative elections of 2015, she was number two on the PSOE list for Madrid despite being a PSC militant in tandem with Secretary General Pedro Sánchez In addition to coordinating the electoral program for the elections, Sánchez entrusted her with the coordination of the team of experts that outlines its proposal for reforming the Constitution.
In February 2016, she was one of the people chosen by Sánchez to negotiate with other political forces in an attempt to set up an alternative government alliance to PP. In April 2016, she agreed to head the PSC's list for Barcelona in the general elections convened for the month of June, following the resignation of Carme Chacón to become a candidate again. In May 2016, it was confirmed that Batet would be a candidate without primaries after the resignation of Carles Martí to propose an alternative candidacy: Chosen by Pedro Sánchez, new Spanish Prime Minister, following the motion of censure that the PSOE presented against the previous government of Mariano Rajoy and, approved by the Congress of Deputies on 1 June 2018, appointed her as Minister in new Spanish government. Felipe VI sanctioned by royal decree of June her appointment as holder of the portfolio of Minister for Territorial Policy and Public Function. On 7 June she took office as Minister before the King at Palace of Zarzuela.
In August 2005 she married in the Cantabrian town of Santillana del Mar with the deputy for Cantabria of the Popular Party, José María Lassalle, with whom she has two twin daughters. They divorced ten years in May 2016. Lassalle was appointed by PM Mariano Rajoy State Secretary for Culture, in 2016,Society of Information and the Digital Agenda of Spain, she has studied classical and contemporary dance, one of her passions, as she has explained in some of his most personal interviews. E. Niubó, M. Batet, J. Majó, Federalisme, Socialdemocràcia XXI, Fundació Rafael Campalans, Barcelona, 2012. L’esperança cívica d’Europa. Reflexions sobre el paper de la ciutadania a partir de la nova Constitució Europea. Publicado en FRC Revista de Debat Polític, primavera 10, 2005. Indicadores de gestión de servicios públicos locales. Document Pi i Sunyer número 25, Fundació Carles Pi i Sunyer, Barcelona 2004 Indicadors de gestió de serveis públics locals: una iniciativa des de Catalunya. En Evaluación y control de políticas públicas.
Indicadores de gestión. Ayuntamiento de Gijón, 2002
The Prosecution Ministry is a constitutional body integrated in the Judiciary of Spain but with full autonomy entrusted with the promotion of justice to defence the rule of law, the rights of the citizents and the public interest as well as watch over the independence of the courts of justice. Admission to the prosecution career is made by a public exam between persons who have a degree in Law and who meet the required capacity requirements; the exam for admission to the judicial and prosecution careers are joint, so that all those who satisfactorily pass the theoretical tests have to proceed to the election of entry into one or another career. Those who choose the prosecution career must complete a training course at the Center for Legal Studies, after which they enter the prosecution career with the corresponding oath and take possession of the place of destination. To accomplish with the mission entrusted to this body by the Constitution, the Prosecution Office Organic Regulation establish as functions: Ensure that the jurisdictional function is exercised in accordance with the laws and in the terms indicated therein, where appropriate, the actions and relevant actions.
Exercise all functions attributed by the law in defense of the independence of courts. Ensure respect for constitutional institutions and fundamental rights and public freedoms with as many actions as their defense requires. Exercise criminal and civil actions arising from crimes and faults or oppose those exercised by others, when appropriate. Intervene in the criminal process, urging the judicial authority to adopt the appropriate precautionary measures and the practice of diligences aimed at clarifying the facts or directly instructing the procedure within the scope of the provisions of the Organic Law regulating the Criminal Responsibility of the Minors, being able to order the Judicial police those diligences that it considers opportune. Take part, in defense of legality and public or social interest, in the processes related to civil status and in the others established by law. Intervene in civil proceedings that the law determines when the social interest is compromised or when they may affect minor, incapable or defenseless persons as long as the ordinary mechanisms of representation are provided.
Maintain the integrity of the jurisdiction and competence of judges and courts, promoting conflicts of jurisdiction and, where appropriate, competition issues that arise, intervene in those promoted by others. Ensure compliance with judicial decisions that affect the public and social interest. Ensure the procedural protection of victims and the protection of witnesses and experts, promoting the mechanisms provided for them to receive effective assistance and assistance. Intervene in the judicial proceedings of amparo as well as in the unconstitutionality issues in the cases and manner provided for in the Organic Law of the Constitutional Court. File the appeal for constitutional protection, as well as intervene in the processes known to the Constitutional Court in defense of legality, in the manner established by law. Exercise in matters of criminal responsibility of minors the functions entrusted to it by specific legislation, must direct their actions to the satisfaction of the best interests of the minor.
Intervene in the cases and in the manner provided in the laws in the proceedings before the Court of Auditors. To defend the legality in the contentious-administrative and labor processes that foresee their intervention. Promote or, where appropriate, provide international judicial assistance provided for in international laws and agreements. Exercise the other functions that the state legal system attributes to it; the Public Prosecution Ministry is composed of numerous bodies, most of them in every judicial body but in other special jurisdictions and matters: The Attorney General's Office. The Prosecution Council. It's a body composed with the highest prosecutors entrusted with the advisement of the Attorney General; the Board of Chamber Prosecutors. The Board assists the Attorney General of the State in doctrinal and technical matters, in order to form the unitary criteria of interpretation and legal action, the resolution of consultations, preparation of reports and circulars, preparation of projects and reports that must be elevated to the Government and any others, of an analogous nature, that the Attorney General deems appropriate to submit to its knowledge and study.
The Board of High Prosecutors of the Autonomous Communities. Its function is to ensure the unity and coordination of the performance and functioning of the Prosecutor's Offices throughout the country, without prejudice to the powers attributed to the Prosecution Council; the Prosecution Office of the Supreme Court. The Supreme Court Prosecutor's Office is headed by the Attorney General and it's composed by the Lieutenant Attorney, the position that assumed the competences that today has the Attorney General; the Lieutenant Attorney acts as a second-in-command prosecutor replacing the Attorney General when this can't exercise its powers and directs the Supreme Court Prosecutor's Office by delegation of the Attorney General. The Prosecution Office before the Constitutional Court; the Prosecution Office of the National Court. The Special Prosecution Offices. There are two Special Prosecution Offices: the Anti-drug Prosecution Office and the Prosecution Office against Corruption and Organized Crime.
This prosecution offices are characterize