Miguel Ángel Juárez Celman
Miguel Angel Juárez Celman was President of Argentina from 12 October 1886 to 6 August 1890. A lawyer and politician, his career was defined by the influence of his kinsman, Julio Argentino Roca, who propelled him into a legislative career, he was a staunch promoter of an aristocratic liberal. As president of Argentina, he promoted public works but was not capable of maintaining economic stability and had to contend with the powerful opposition of the Civic Union Party, his leader Leandro N. Alem. After the Revolución del Parque, after he defeated the uprising, he was forced to resign and retired from political life. Juárez Celman was born and raised in Córdoba, where he studied under the Jesuits at the Colegio de Montserrat, he studied Law, becoming a lawyer in 1869. In 1867, he became an active Freemason. Thanks to his family connections, he came from an aristocratic family, he entered political life early, he was elected Representative just after obtaining his doctorate and from the provincial parliament he headed the movement to promote the secularization of education.
Two years he was elected to the Senate of Argentina and in 1877 became its president. He spent little time as president as after the death of Governor Climaco de la Peña, the new Government of Antonio Del Viso nominated him as Government Minister, his energetic work earned him the nomination and election as Governor of Córdoba on May 17, 1880. He was Governor-elect when there was an insurrection in Buenos Aires, led by Carlos Tejedor and Lisandro Olmos, opposed to the federalization of Buenos Aires; the federalization succeeded in 1880 and was followed by the establishment of state elementary education in the capital during the presidency of Julio A. Roca. Having become a national Senator in 1883, becoming close to President Roca, he obtained Roca's support in his bid to become presidential candidate for the National Autonomist Party, he won the 1886 national election, not without accusations of fraud, not uncommon in the PAN. His Vice-President was Carlos Pellegrini, ex-War Minister under Roca, who had supported his candidacy from the pages of the Sud América newspaper.
His presidency was marked by a degree of paranoia. An 1890 rugby match in Buenos Aires resulted in the arrest of all 2,500 spectators. Juárez Celman was vigilant after the Revolution of the Park in the city earlier in the year, the police had suspected that the match was in fact a political meeting. Most observers expected Juárez Celman's administration to be a continuation of Roca's with the retired president managing from behind the scenes, but in a display of independence, he took control of the PAN with in a more authoritative form becoming what his opponents dubbed the unicato. This, combined with economic regression, led to the formation of the Civic Union, an opposition group, split into the National Civic Union and the Radical Civic Union, the latter being still important in Argentinian politics. In 1890, a revolution forced Juárez to resign, Vice-President Carlos Pellegrini, succeeded him. Juárez Celman died in Arrecifes, aged 64
Torcuato de Alvear
Torcuato de Alvear y Saenz de la Quintanilla was a 19th-century Argentine conservative politician. He was the son of soldier and statesman Carlos María de Alvear and father of Marcelo Torcuato de Alvear, president of Argentina from 1922 to 1928, he was a Freemason. In 1880 Buenos Aires was declared the capital city of Argentina, Torcuato de Alvear served as the first mayor of the city until 1887. During this period he improved the road and street networks, the water and electricity supply, public transport and street lighting and other public services
Francisco Seeber was an Argentine military officer and Mayor of Buenos Aires. Francisco Seeber was born in Buenos Aires to Sophia Taut and Magnus Seeber, both German Argentine immigrants, he completed his studies in Hamburg and returned in 1859. He joined the Argentine Army, fought in the Battle of Cepeda and as a Captain in the Paraguayan War in 1865 and 1866. Upon his return, he joined the editorial board of La Libertad, was elected to the Buenos Aires Province Legislature, he married Fanny Agrelo in 1868, they had nine children. Seeber established a construction firm, Catalinas Warehouses and Pier Company, Ltd. in 1872. The firm obtained a municipal contract to construct the Catalina Docks. Needing a large and steady supply of soil to level and grade the hitherto flood-prone site for the wharf, Seeber bought land in the then-desolate northwest end of the city with the intent of hauling soil to Catalinas for land reclamation, he recruited his workers from Entre Ríos Province. Seeber was named President of the Buenos Aires Western Railway in 1887.
He commissioned the construction of the important rail link between Buenos Aires. He invested in the city's first large-scale department store, Bon Marché, was appointed Mayor of Buenos Aires on May 10, 1889, by President Miguel Juárez Celman, he continued his immediate predecessors' emphasis on public works, having 400 blocks of city streets paved, installing sanitation services in the impoverished La Boca district, establishing right-of-way ordinances for the city's growing traffic, initiating the development of what became Florida Street. He approved plans for what, during the 1920s, became Diagonal Norte Avenue as part of larger design for a series of diagonal avenues downtown. Another plan approved during his tenure became Nueve de Julio Avenue in the 1930s, his administration began or completed the creation or improvement of numerous city parks and recreational and cultural sites, among them the Buenos Aires Zoo and the National Historical Museum; the Panic of 1890 led to Seeber's resignation on June 4, on June 22, he traveled to Germany.
He represented Argentina in the 1894 Universal Peace Congress in Antwerp, where he was an early advocate for free trade. Seeber returned that year and took part in a commission to organize the nation's far-flung territories in Patagonia and the far north. Following an 1897 stay in Europe to study the organization of the Quartermaster Corps, he toured South America for an appreciation of prevailing conditions, about which he wrote in his 1903 survey, Brasil, Uruguay, Perú, Bolivia y Paraguay: estudios comparativos. Seeber, who wrote numerous articles on his military studies in Europe, was named head of the Quartermaster's Advisory Board in Argentina. Francisco Seeber retired in Buenos Aires, died there in 1913 at age 72, he was interred in La Recoleta Cemetery. Works by or about Francisco Seeber at Internet Archive
Intendant (government official)
An intendant was and sometimes still is a public official in France, Spain and Latin America. The intendancy system was a centralizing administrative system developed in France; when France won the War of the Spanish Succession and the House of Bourbon was established on the throne of Spain, the intendancy system was extended to Spain and the Spanish Empire. Regions were divided into districts administered by the intendant; the title continues to be used in Spain and parts of Spanish America for particular government officials. Intendants were royal civil servants in France under the Old Regime. A product of the centralization policies of the French crown, intendants were appointed "commissions," and not purchasable hereditary "offices," which thus prevented the abuse of sales of royal offices and made them more tractable and subservient emissaries of the king. Intendants were sent to supervise and enforce the king's will in the provinces and had jurisdiction over three areas: finances and justice.
Their missions were always temporary, which helped reduce favorable bias toward a province, were focused on royal inspection. Article 54 of the Code Michau described their functions as "to learn about all crimes and financial misdealings committed by our officials and of other things concerning our service and the tranquility of our people". In the 17th and 18th centuries, the intendants were chosen from the noblesse de robe or the upper-bourgeoisie, they were masters of requests in the Conseil des parties. They were chosen by the Controller-General of Finances who asked the advice of the Secretary of State for War for those who were to be sent in border provinces, they were young: Charles Alexandre de Calonne became an intendant at the age of 32, Turgot and Louis Bénigne François Berthier de Sauvigny at the age of 34, Louis-Urbain-Aubert de Tourny at the age of 40. A symbol of royal centralization and absolutism, the intendant had numerous adversaries; those nostalgic for an administration based on noble lineage saw intendants as parvenus and usurpers of noble power.
Partisans of a less absolute monarchy called. Jacques Necker, the only Minister of Finances since 1720 who had not himself been an intendant, accused them of incompetence because of their youth and social aspirations; the cahiers de doléances of 1789 depicted them as over zealous agents of fiscal policies which weighed on the people. The term intendant was used for certain positions close to the Controller-General: intendants of finance intendants of commerce intendants of the sovereign councilIn the same way, the term intendant général was used for certain commissioned positions close to the State Secretaries of War and of the Navy; as early as the 15th century, the French kings sent commissioners to the provinces to report on royal and administrative issues and to undertake any necessary action. These agents of the king were recruited from among the masters of requests, the Councillors of State and members of the Parlements or the Court of Accounts, their mission lasted for a limited period.
Along with these, there were commissioners sent to the army, in charge of provisioning the army and finances. Such commissioners are found in Corsica as early as 1553, in Bourges in 1592, in Troyes in 1594, in Limoges in 1596; when Henry IV ascended the throne in 1589, one of his prime focuses was to reduce the privileges of the provincial governors who, in theory, represented "the presence of the king in his province" but had, during the civil wars of the early modern period, proven themselves to be intractable. The Intendants to the provinces —- the term "Intendant" appears around 1620 during the reign of Louis XIII – became an effective tool of regional control. Under Louis XIII's minister Cardinal Richelieu, with France's entry into the Thirty Years' War in 1635, the Intendants became a permanent institution in France. No longer mere inspectors, their role became one of government administrators. During the Fronde in 1648, the members of Parlement of the Chambre Saint-Louis demanded that the Intendants be suppressed.
At the end of the Fronde, the Intendants were reinstated. When Louis XIV was in power, the Marquis of Louvois, War Secretary between 1677 and 1691, further expanded the power of the provincial intendants, they monitored Louis's refinements of the French military, including the institution of a merit promotion system and a policy of enlistment limited to single men for periods of four years. After 1680, Intendants in France had a permanent position in a fixed region; the position of Intendant remained in existence until the French Revolution. The title was maintained thereafter for military officers with responsibility for financial auditing at regimental level and above. Appointed and revoked by the king and reporting to the Controller-General of Finances, the Intendant in his "g
Jorge Telerman is an Argentine politician and journalist. He was the fourth Chief of Government of Buenos Aires City, replacing Aníbal Ibarra between 2006 and 2007, he was Vice-Chief of Government, National Secretary of Culture, Ambassador. Jorge Telerman was born in the Villa del Parque neighborhood of the City of Buenos Aires, on November 29, 1955, his father, Damián, his mother, were merchants, descending from Jewish immigrants who arrived in Argentina from Central Europe, escaping the Pogroms. Between 1897 and 1917, more than three thousand people from these regions emigrated to Argentina, his paternal grandfather, Froike was a militant construction worker and a socialist who, with his wife, was part of numerous support missions for the International Brigades in the Spanish Civil War, aiding the anti-fascist front. He is the youngest of three brothers, he attended an English primary school for his first few years, but finished his primary education at the República del Perú public school. He attended a Secondary Industrial School, specialized in Chemistry, choosing the night shift at the school in his last three years to be able to work in a laboratory.
During much of the military dictatorship in power between 1976 and 1983, he lived in France, where he worked as a musician and chef. Returning to Argentina, he met his future wife, Eva Píccolo, in 1980, he attended Biochemistry for three years at the Universidad de Buenos Aires with Archa's father, until moving to France in 1977. There, he attended Philosophy courses in Aix-en-Provence. In 1979 he returned to Buenos Aires, attended Journalism at the Centro de Estudios Buenos Aires. Here, he met the semiologist Oscar Steimberg, one of his most influential teachers, with whom he specialized his studies in Semiology, he started writing articles on media analysis for Medios & Comunicación magazine, where Raúl Barreiros was the editor-in-chief, in 1982 he joined the team at the famous Don magazine, an erotic/political magazine published during the last days of the military dictatorship, sharing the staff with writers like Abelardo Ramos, Dalmiro Sáenz y Ana María Shua. Following the addition of a Communication Sciences degree at the University of Buenos Aires in 1984, he became a teacher at the Semiology I Class, headed by Oscar Steimberg.
At the Colegio Argentino de Filosofía, Telerman met Tomás Abraham, another of his influences, who invited him to teach in some of his many Philosophy classes. He translated several works from different authors, among others, Michel Foucault. Telerman had a lengthy career in radio, he produced and hosted several radio programs on Radio Belgrano with Jorge Dorio, Informe with the journalist Martín Caparrós, El Despertador with the media-specialized journalist Carlos Ulanovsky. He hosted the science program in Radio El Mundo, many other specials concerning the 1985 Trial of the Juntas and the Guerra de las Malvinas, among others, his TV experience started at Channel 13. Telerman contributed to Todo Nuevo, Telemóvil, Badía y Compañía, he published several articles in a variety of Argentine magazines. Telerman's political career started at an early age, he was a student delegate in the secondary school, a member of the Young Communist Federation of Argentina. Influenced by his father's political ideas, sympathetic to its populist platform, he became affiliated with the Peronist Party, in 1974.
Exiled in Europe during a subsequent, right-wing dictatorship, he returned in 1982 and resumed his political activities ahead of the imminent return to democracy. He was introduced to longtime Peronist leader Antonio Cafiero, he organized the Movimiento Unidad, Solidaridad y Organización, searching and advocating for an internal renewal of the party. There, he started his long political career in Peronism, working as communications director and spokesperson for Cafiero, a successful candidate for Governor of the Province of Buenos Aires, in 1987. Guido di Tella, the newly designated ambassador to Washington, named Telerman his press attaché in 1990, he took on various diplomatic responsibilities: he was secretary for institutional relations and spokesman to the Foreign Affairs Office between 1991 and 1992. In 1998 he was appointed ambassador to Cuba, he returned to Buenos Aires to be an advisor and consultant for the unsuccessful presidential campaign of Peronist candidate Eduardo Duhalde, in 1999 he was elected to the Argentine Chamber of Deputies, representing Buenos Aires.
Between 2000 and 2003 he held an executive position as Secretary of Culture of the City of Buenos Aires. He had a prolific administration because of the multiple activities he undertook in this area, the national and international attention these activities helped bring to the City of Buenos Aires, in the cultural field, he was sworn as Vice Mayor to Aníbal Ibarra on December 10, 2003. The Vice Mayor oversaw the Secretariat for Social Development and was President of the Buenos Aires City Legislature. At the end of 2005, he resumed his office as Vice Mayor and President of the Buenos Aires City Legislature; the tragic República Cromañón nightclub fire in
Impeachment is the process by which a legislative body levels charges against a government official. It does not mean removal from office. Once an individual is impeached, he or she must face the possibility of conviction by a legislative vote, which judgment entails removal from office; because impeachment and conviction of officials involve an overturning of the normal constitutional procedures by which individuals achieve high office and because it requires a supermajority, they are reserved for those deemed to have committed serious abuses of their office. In the United States, for example, impeachment at the federal level is limited to those who may have committed "Treason, Bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors". Impeachment exists under constitutional law in many countries around the world, including Brazil, the Republic of Ireland, the Philippines, South Korea and the United States; the word "impeachment" derives from Old French empeechier from Latin word impedicare expressing the idea of becoming caught or entrapped, has analogues in the modern French verb empêcher and the modern English impede.
Medieval popular etymology associated it with derivations from the Latin impetere. Impeachment was first used in the British political system; the process was first used by the English "Good Parliament" against Baron Latimer in the second half of the 14th century. Following the British example, the constitutions of Virginia and other states thereafter adopted the impeachment mechanism, but they restricted the punishment to removal of the official from office; as well, in private organizations, a motion to impeach can be used to prefer charges. The Austrian Federal President can be impeached by the Federal Assembly before the Constitutional Court; the constitution provides for the recall of the president by a referendum. Neither of these courses has been taken; this is because while the President is vested with considerable powers on paper, they act as a ceremonial figurehead in practice, are thus hardly in a position to abuse their powers. The President of the Federative Republic of Brazil, state governors and municipal mayors may be impeached by the Chamber of Deputies and tried and removed by the Federal Senate.
Upon conviction, the officeholder has his political rights revoked for eight years—which has the effect of barring him from running for any office. Fernando Collor de Mello, the 32nd President of Brazil, resigned in 1992 amidst impeachment proceedings. Despite his resignation, the Senate nonetheless voted to convict him and bar him from holding any office for eight years, due to evidence of bribery and misappropriation. In 2016, the Chamber of Deputies initiated an impeachment case against President Dilma Rousseff on allegations of budgetary mismanagement. Following her conviction, she was replaced by Vice President Michel Temer, who had served as acting president while Rousseff's case was pending; the President of Bulgaria can be removed only for violation of the constitution. The process is started by a two-thirds majority vote of the Parliament to impeach the President, whereupon the Constitutional Court decides whether the President is guilty of the crime of which he is charged. If he is found guilty, he is removed from power.
No Bulgarian President has been impeached. The same procedure can be used to remove the Vice President of Bulgaria, which has never happened; the process of impeaching the President of Croatia can be initiated by a two-thirds majority vote in favor in the Sabor and is thereafter referred to the Constitutional Court, which must accept such a proposal with a two-thirds majority vote in favor in order for the president to be removed from office. This has, never occurred in the history of the Republic of Croatia. However, in case of a successful impeachment motion a president's constitutional term of five years would be terminated and an election called within 60 days of the vacancy occurring. During the period of vacancy the presidential powers and duties would be carried out by the Speaker of the Croatian Parliament in his/her capacity as Acting President of the Republic. Prior to 2013 the President of the Czech Republic could be impeached only for an act of high treason; the process has to start in the Senate of the Czech Republic which only has the right to impeach the president, this passes the case to the Constitutional Court of the Czech Republic which has to decide whether the President is guilty or not.
If the Court decides that the President is guilty the President loses his office and the ability to be elected President of the Czech Republic again. No Czech president has been impeached, members of the Senate sought to impeach President Vaclav Klaus in 2013; this case was dismissed by the court reasoning. In 2013 the constitution changed; the President can be impeached not only for high treason but for a serious infringement of the Constitution. The President of France can be impeached by the French Parliament for willfully violating the Constitution or the national laws; the process of impeachment is written in the 68th article of the French Constitution. A group
Buenos Aires City Hall
Buenos Aires City Hall is the executive seat of government of the Argentine capital. The 1880 Federalization of Buenos Aires was followed by a boom in foreign trade and European immigration, in 1890, Mayor Francisco P. Bollini commissioned the construction of a new city hall; the building would replace what had been the city government's offices since 1860 - the second floor of police headquarters. Bollini's announced project had been preceded by the Panic of 1890, the effect of this crisis on the city's leading source of tax revenue British investment, led to plans of a modest scale. Among the cost-saving measures was the city's enlistment of the Assistant Minister of Public Works, Juan Cagnoni, as chief architect, as well as the decision to build on the site of the outmoded police headquarters. Decorative tilework and chandeliers from the adjacent Zuberbühler house, expropriated to make way for the Avenida de Mayo, were salvaged for use in the upcoming city hall; the cornerstone laying ceremony was held on New Year's Eve 1890, for which the Mayor contributed a time capsule which included the construction permit among other mementoes.
The works themselves cost the city a modest 150,000 pesos, were completed in 1892. Inaugurated in March 1893, the new city hall housed 860 m², was only a little more spacious than the earlier offices; this problem was resolved by the 1911 acquisition of an adjacent residential lot, which allowed the expansion of the city hall to nearly double. Designed in the same Second Empire style with which Cagnoni designed the first part, the engineering firm of Bonneu Ibero, Parodi & Figini completed the annex in 1914. A connection to the adjacent House of Culture was opened following the latter's acquisition by the city in 1988; the 1880 Federalization of Buenos Aires, enacted in a bid to end the internecine warfare between those who favored a united Argentina with a strong central government and Buenos Aires Province leaders who favored an independent nation of their own, resulted in President Julio Roca's passage in 1882 of National Law 1260, which created the presidential prerogative of the appointment of the Mayor of Buenos Aires.
This remained the city's governing structure in 1993, when former President Raúl Alfonsín prevailed on his successor, President Carlos Menem, to agree to a limited devolution of governing powers to the city. Accordingly, the 1994 reform of the Argentine Constitution included article 129, which guaranteed Buenos Aires greater self-governance; the Indentente was replaced by a Jefe de Gobierno, the city council by the Buenos Aires City Legislature. Shortly before the historic, June 30, 1996, elections to these posts, however, a senior Peronist Senator, Antonio Cafiero, succeeded in limiting the city's autonomy by advancing National Law 24.588, which reserved control of the 25,000-strong Policía Federal, the Port of Buenos Aires and other faculties to the national government. The controversial bill, signed in 1996 by President Menem, remained a sticking point between successive Presidents and Buenos Aires Mayors. A 2005 agreement on principles between Mayor Aníbal Ibarra and President Néstor Kirchner was followed by the modification of the contentious article 7, which denied the city its own, local police force, in 2007 - though the "Cafiero Law" otherwise remains in force.
Efforts since 2007 by Mayor Mauricio Macri to declare it unconstitutional have thus far failed, though the Mayor inaugurated a Metropolitan Police, issues of revenue sharing for its financing remain pending