Federalist Riograndense Revolution
The Federalist Riograndense Revolution was a civil war which occurred in southern Brazil against the recently-formed Republic. Urged by the political crisis generated by the federalists, an opposition group that sought to liberate Rio Grande do Sul from the governance of Julio de Castilhos president of the state, gain greater autonomy and decentralize the power of the newly proclaimed Republic. Inspired by the monarchist ideologies from Gaspar da Silveira Martins, it had Gumercindo Saraiva as the military head; the revolutionaries, known as Maragatos, engaged in bloody disputes that triggered the armed struggle, until they faced defeat in the Battle of the Pulador, in 1894, by the troops of Pinheiro Machado, but peace was only concluded definitively in the following year. The conflict reached the three states of the region: Rio Grande do Sul, Santa Catarina and Paraná, causing about 10,000 deaths. During the nineteenth century, the state of Rio Grande do. In the Ragamuffin War and in the War of the Triple Alliance, the population of Rio Grande do Sul was devastated.
In the last years of the Brazilian Empire, three antagonistic political leaders appeared in the region: the liberal Assis Brasil, the conservative Pinheiro Machado and positivist Júlio Prates de Castilhos. The three met to found the Rio Grande Republican Party, which opposed the Federalist Party of Rio Grande do Sul and led by the liberal monarchist Gaspar da Silveira Martins. In 1889, with the Proclamation of the Republic, these currents came into conflict, so that in only two years the state would have eighteen governors. Júlio Prates de Castilhos was born and raised in a gaucho resort and studied Law in São Paulo, where he had contact with the positivist ideas of Auguste Comte. After graduating, he returned to his homeland and began to write in the newspaper The Federation, attacking the monarchical government and his political opponent Gaspar da Silveira Martins, he was a constituent congressman in 1890-1891, believed in a dictatorial phase to consolidate the Republic and defended a strong centralization of power in the republished dictator.
Defeated in the national constituent, he implanted this idea in the state constitution, months in a text he wrote alone, ignoring suggestions from the commission of jurists highlighted for the task, approved it in July 1891 at a controlled state assembly By the Riograndense Republican Party, led by him and of positivist orientation. The state constitution foresaw that the laws would not be drafted by parliament, but by the chief executive, who could be re-elected for new mandates; as the vote was not secret, the elections would be manipulated by the followers of Castilho, which would guarantee him to remain in power indefinitely. In the same month that he approved his constitution, he was elected governor. In November, for having supported the coup of President Deodoro da Fonseca and the closing of the Congress, was deposed and replaced by a junta of government, that lasted little and soon passed the government to general Barreto Leite. Castilhos resumed a parallel government and was reelected in a contest without competitors, taking possession in January 1893.
At that moment, the state was the "nerve point of the Republic" and the answer of the opponents was imminent. Gaspar da Silveira Martins, an intellectual and a good speaker, had been appointed minister by Emperor Pedro II in one of his last acts in an attempt to save the monarchy. Prisoner and exiled in Europe, returned in 1892, with the state under the government of Júlio de Castilhos and founded the Federalist Party of Rio Grande do Sul, that defended the parliamentary system of government and the revision of the state constitution. With the possession of Castilhos, the caudillo Gumercindo Saraiva would return to the state, coming from his refuge in Uruguay and leading a troupe of five hundred men. A second group, commanded by General Joca Tavares, occupied another region of the state with a force of three thousand men. Threatened, the governor convinced the President Floriano Peixoto that the uprising was an attempt by Silveira Martins to restore the monarchy, and indeed, it was. Silveira Martins, for being a declared monarchist, participated in meetings with other Brazilians who had the objective of restoring the parliamentary monarchy in Brazil.
On that occasion he proposed to Isabel, Princess Imperial of Brazil to allow the soldiers linked to the Navy Revolt to take her eldest son, Pedro de Alcântara, Prince of Grão-Pará, to be acclaimed as Emperor Pedro III, whom the princess refused to fear for her son. The followers of Gaspar da Silveira Martins, gasparistas or Maragatos, were frontally opposed to the followers of Júlio de Castilhos, pica-paus or ximangos; the defenders of Júlio de Castilhos received the nickname of pica-paus or ximangos, because of the color of the uniform used by the soldiers who defended that faction, that resembled the birds of the region. This denomination extended including civilians; the term maragato, used to refer to the political current that Gaspar da Silveira Martins defended, has a more complex explanation: "In the province of Leon, there is a district called Maragateria, whose inhabitants have the name of maragatos, that, according to some, it is a town of condemnable customs. -Romaguera. The Spanish maragatos were eminently nomadic, adopted professions that allowed them to be in constant displacement.
In Uruguay, t
1964 Brazilian coup d'état
The 1964 Brazilian coup d'état was a series of events in Brazil from March 31 to April 1 that led to the overthrow of President João Goulart by members of the Brazilian Armed Forces, supported by the United States government. The following day, with the military in control of the country, the Brazilian Congress came out in support of the coup and endorsed it by declaring vacant the office of the presidency; the coup put an end to the government of Goulart known as Jango, a member of the Brazilian Labour Party, democratically elected Vice President in the same election in which conservative Jânio Quadros, from the National Labor Party and backed by the National Democratic Union, won the presidency. Quadros resigned in 1961, the same year of his inauguration, in a clumsy political maneuver to increase his popularity. Quadros anticipated those mass demonstrations would demand his return to office and strengthen his position, but he miscalculated. With the presidency vacant and according to the constitution in force, enacted in 1946, Quadros should have automatically been replaced by Goulart.
However, because Goulart was on a diplomatic trip to the People's Republic of China at the time, because, although a moderate nationalist, Goulart was accused of being a communist by right-wing militants, he was unable to take office. After lengthy negotiations, led by Tancredo Neves, Goulart's supporters and the right-wing reached an agreement under which the parliamentary system would replace the presidential system in the country. Goulart would continue as head of state, although weakened, Neves would be named the prime minister. In 1963, however, a referendum re-established the presidential system with Goulart as president, he took office with full powers, during his rule several problems in Brazilian politics became evident, as well as disputes in the context of the Cold War, which helped destabilize his government. The Basic Reforms Plan proposed by Goulart had the potential to socialize the profits of large companies to ensure a better quality of life for most Brazilians, but was labelled as a "socialist threat" by right-wing sectors of society and of the military, which organized major demonstrations against the government in the Marches of the Family with God for Freedom.
The coup brought to Brazil a military regime politically aligned to the interests of the United States government. This regime lasted until 1985, when Tancredo Neves was indirectly elected the first civilian president of Brazil since the 1960 elections. Jânio Quadros resigned on August 25, 1961. At the time of his resignation, João Goulart was in the People's Republic of China on a foreign relations trip. On August 29, the Brazilian Congress heard and vetoed a motion to stop Goulart from being named the president, brought by the heads of the three branches of the military and some politicians, who claimed Goulart's inauguration would put the country "on the road to civil war." A compromise was reached: Brazil would become a parliamentary democracy, with Goulart as president. As such, he would with limited powers of head of government. Tancredo Neves was named as the new prime minister. On January 6, 1963, Goulart changed the system of government back to a presidential democracy in a referendum in which he won by a large margin.
Goulart found himself back in power with a deteriorating political and economic situation. During this period, Goulart was politically isolated, with a foreign policy, independent of any alignment, he criticized the Bay of Pigs invasion by the US, but criticized the Cuban regime of Fidel Castro during the Cuban Missile Crisis. The country's economic situation deteriorated rapidly. Attempts to stabilize the currency were financed by aid packages from the International Monetary Fund, his failure to secure foreign investment and curb domestic inflation put the country in a difficult situation which exacerbated social conflicts. On March 13, 1964, Goulart gave a speech where he promised to nationalize the country's oil refineries, as well as carry out "basic reforms" including rent control; this was followed by a large demonstration on March 19, where a conservative group marched on Praça da Sé, São Paulo, in a demonstration called "March of the Family with God for Freedom" against Goulart and his policies.
The friction between the military and Goulart boiled over with his intervention in a revolt by sailors of the Brazilian Navy led by José Anselmo dos Santos known as Cabo Anselmo, exposed as an agent provocateur. On March 25, 1964, nearly 2,000 sailors assembled in Rio de Janeiro, petitioning for better living conditions and pledging their support for Goulart's reforms; the Minister of the Navy, Sílvio Mota, ordered the arrest of the sailors leading the assembly. Mota sent a detachment of marines to arrest the leaders and break up the assembly, led by Rear Admiral Cândido Aragão; these marines remained with the other sailors. Shortly after Aragão's refusal to arrest the leaders, Goulart issued orders prohibiting any invasion of the assembly location, sacked Sílvio Mota as Minister of the Navy; the following day, March 26, the Minister of Labor, Amauri Silva, negotiated a compromise, the sailors agreed to leave the assembly building. They were promptly arrested for mutiny. Goulart pardoned the sailors shortly after.
Soon after, on March 30, 1964, the day before the coup, Goulart gave a speech to a gathering of sergeants, where he asked for the military's support for his reforms. In the United Stat
The Cabanagem was a popular revolution and pro-separatist movement that occurred in the then-state of Grão-Pará, Empire of Brazil. Among the causes for this revolt were the extreme poverty of the Paraense people, oppression by the Empire of Brazil, the political irrelevance to which the province was relegated after the independence of Brazil; the name "Cabanagem" refers to the type of hut used by the poorest people living along the waterways of northern Brazil, principally caboclos, freed slaves, indigenous people. The elite agriculturists of Grão-Pará, while living much better, resented their lack of participation in the central government's decision-making, dominated by the provinces of the Southeast and Northeast, it is estimated that from 30 to 40% of the population of Grão-Pará, estimated at 100,000 people, died. In 1833 the Province had 119,877 inhabitants, being 29,977 black slaves. Mixed-race people were 42,000; the White minority was over half of them Portuguese. The revolt had a strong racial background.
The Amerindian and mixed majority, which lived under deep poverty, fought against the White minority that dominated the economy and culture, not only in Grão-Pará, but in the rest of Brazil as well. During the independence, Grão-Pará mobilized itself to expel reactionary forces which tried to reintegrate Brazil into the Portuguese Empire; until 1822 Grão-Pará had been a separate viceroyalty from Brazil, reporting herself directly to Portugal. In the independence struggle, which dragged on for several years, the canon and journalist João Batista Gonçalves Campos, the Vinagre brothers and the farmer Félix Clemente Antônio Malcher stood out. Several lodges of fugitive slaves formed, there were frequent military rebellions. Once the fight for independence ended and a provincial government named by Brazilian Emperor was installed, the local leaders were marginalized from power. In July 1831 – a few months after the abdication of Emperor Pedro I of Brazil at Rio de Janeiro – a rebellion in the military garrison of Belém do Pará broke out, Batista Campos was imprisoned as one of the implicated leaders.
The indignation of the poor grew, in 1833 there was talk of converting Brazil into a federation. The provincial president, Bernardo Lobo de Souza, unleashed a repressive political wave, in an attempt to contain the separatists; the climax was reached in 1834, when Batista Campos published a letter from the Bishop of Pará, Romualdo de Sousa Coelho, criticizing various politicians from the province. For not having permission from the provincial government, Campos was persecuted, sought refuge on the fazenda of his friend Clemente Malcher. Meeting the Vinagre brothers and the India-rubber collector and journalist Eduardo Angelim they joined a contingent of rebels on Malcher's plantation. Before being attacked by government forces, they abandoned the plantation. On November 3, troops managed to kill Manuel Vinagre and hold Malcher and other rebels. Batista Campos died on the last day of the year because of an infection caused by a cut he suffered while shaving. On the night of January 6, 1835 the rebels attacked and conquered the city of Belém, assassinating the president Sousa Lobo and the Army Commander, acquiring a large quantity of munitions.
On January 7, Clement Malcher was released and was chosen as president of the province, with Francisco Vinagre as the Army Commander. The government did not last long, because when Malcher, with the support of the upper class, attempted to keep the province united to the Brazilian empire, Francisco Vinagre, Eduardo Angelim, the other rebels attempted to separate; the break happened. Troops on both sides entered the conflict, the side of Francisco Vinagre was victorious. Clemente Malcher was assassinated, his body was dragged through the streets of Belém. Now in the presidency and the Army Command of the Province, Francisco Vinagre was not able to keep his supporters faithful. If it were not for the intervention of his brother Antônio, he would have yielded the government to imperial control, in the person of marshall Manuel Jorge Rodrigues in July 1835. Due to this weakness and the resurgence of a squadron commanded by the English admiral Taylor, the rebel forces were destroyed and retired toward the interior.
Reorganizing their forces, they again attacked Belém on August 14. After nine days of battle, suffering the death of Antônio Vinagre, they retook the capital. Eduardo Angelim assumed the presidency. For ten months, the elite were alarmed by the rebel control over the province of Grão-Pará; the lack of a plan with concrete means to consolidate the rebel government again provoked a weakness in the ranks. In March 1836, the brigadier José, his first measure was to attack the capital again, carried out in April 1836, as a result of which the rebel group decided to abandon the capital in favor of resistance from the interior. Naval forces under the command of John Pascoe Grenfell blockaded Belém and, on May 10, Angelim fled from the capital, was captured and detained. Meanwhile, contrary to what Soares Andréia imagined, the resistance did not end with the detention of Angelim. For three years, the rebels continued to resist from the interior of the province, but were destroyed; the conflict ended when amnesty was declared to the rebels, in 1839.
In 1840 the last rebel group, under the leadership of Gonçalo Jorge de Magalhães, yielded. It is estimated that during the five years of fighting in the revolt, the populatio
Revolt of the Lash
The Revolt of the Lash was a naval mutiny in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, in late November 1910. It was the direct result of the use of whips by white naval officers when punishing Afro-Brazilian and mulatto enlisted sailors. In 1888, Brazil became the last country in the Western Hemisphere to abolish slavery; the move was opposed by Brazilian elites, they led a successful coup d'état in 1889. The resulting instability contributed to several revolts and rebellions, but at the beginning of the new century rising demand for coffee and rubber enabled Brazilian politicians to begin plotting the country's transformation into an international power. A key part of this would come from modernizing the Brazilian Navy, neglected since the revolution, by purchasing battleships of the new "dreadnought" type. While enormously expensive, these two dreadnoughts garnered much international attention before their delivery in 1910. Social conditions in the Brazilian Navy, were not keeping pace with the new technology.
Elite white officers were in charge of black and mulatto crews, many of whom had been forced into the navy on long-term contracts. These officers utilized corporal punishment on their crewmen for minor offenses, something, banned in most other countries and in the rest of Brazil. In response, sailors used the new warships for a planned and executed mutiny on 22 November 1910, they took control of both new dreadnoughts, one of the cruisers and an older warship—a total that gave the mutineers the kind of firepower that dwarfed the rest of the Brazilian Navy. Led by João Cândido Felisberto, the mutineers sent a letter to the government that demanded an end to what they called the "slavery" being practiced by the navy. While the executive branch of the Brazilian government plotted to retake or sink the rebelling warships, they were hampered by personnel distrust and equipment problems. At the same time, Congress—led by Rui Barbosa, a senator—pursued a route of amnesty, appointing a former navy captain as their liaison to the rebels.
This latter route was successful, a bill granting amnesty to all involved and ending the use of corporal punishment passed the lower house by a veto-proof margin. However, many of the sailors were discharged from the navy, after an unrelated second rebellion took place a few weeks many of the original mutineers were rounded up and thrown into jail or sent to work camps on the rubber plantations to the north. In the years preceding the revolt, the Brazilian populace saw frequent changes in the country's political and social climate. For example, in May 1888, slavery in Brazil was abolished with the enactment into law of the Lei Áurea, a law vehemently opposed by the Brazilian upper class and plantation owners; this discontent among the upper parts of society directly led to a peaceful coup d'état spearheaded by the army and led by Benjamin Constant and Marshal Deodoro da Fonseca. Pedro II and his family were and sent into exile in Europe; the next decade was marked by several rebellions against the new political order, including naval revolts, the Federalist Rebellion, the War of Canudos, the Vaccine Revolt, during which the quality of the Brazilian Navy declined relative to its neighbors thanks to an Argentine–Chilean naval arms race.
By the turn of the twentieth century, an antiquated Brazilian naval fleet with just forty-five percent of its authorized personnel and only two modern armored warships could be faced by Argentine and Chilean navies filled with ships ordered in the last decade. At the dawn of the new century, rising demand for coffee and rubber gave the Brazilian government an influx of revenue. Contemporary writers estimated that seventy-five to eighty percent of the world's coffee supply was grown in Brazil. Prominent Brazilian politicians, most notably Pinheiro Machado and the Baron of Rio Branco, moved to have the country recognized as an international power, as they believed that the short-term windfall would continue. A strong navy was seen as crucial to this goal; the National Congress of Brazil drew up and passed a large naval acquisition program in late 1904, but it was two years before any ships were ordered. While they first ordered three small battleships, the launch of the revolutionary British Dreadnought—which heralded a new and powerful type of warship—caused the Brazilians to cancel their order in favor of two dreadnoughts.
These ships would be named Minas Geraes and São Paulo, would be accompanied by two smaller cruisers and Rio Grande do Sul, ten destroyers of the Pará class. This technological modernization in the Brazilian Navy was not matched by social change, tensions between the Brazilian Navy's officer core versus the regular crewmembers kindled much unrest. A quote from the Baron of Rio Branco, the esteemed politician and professional diplomat, shows one of the sources of tension: "For the recruitment of marines and enlisted men, we bring aboard the dregs of our urban centers, the most worthless lumpen, without preparation of any sort. Ex-slaves and the sons of slaves make up our ships' crews, most of them dark-skinned or dark-skinned mulattos." Racial differences in the Brazilian Navy would have been apparent to an observer at the time: the officers in charge of the ship were nearly all white, while the crews were black or, to a lesser extent, mulatto. The visual differences belied deeper distinctions: darker-skinned crewmen, who by the time of the revolt would have been older slaves freed under t
The Constitutionalist Revolution of 1932 is the name given to the uprising of the population of the Brazilian state of São Paulo against the 1930 coup d'état when Getúlio Vargas forcibly assumed the nation's Presidency. The movement grew out of local resentment from the fact that Vargas ruled by decree, unbound by a Constitution, in a provisional government; the 1930 coup affected São Paulo by eroding the autonomy that states enjoyed during the term of the 1891 Constitution and preventing the inauguration of the governor of São Paulo Júlio Prestes in the Presidency of the Republic, while overthrowing President Washington Luís, governor of São Paulo from 1920 to 1924. These events marked the end of the First Republic. Vargas appointed a northeasterner as governor of São Paulo; the Revolution's main goal was to press the provisional government headed by Getúlio Vargas to adopt and abide by a new Constitution, since the elected President Prestes was kept from taking office. However, as the movement developed and resentment against President Vargas and his revolutionary government grew deeper, it came to advocate the overthrow of the Federal Government, it was speculated that one of the Revolutionaries' goals was the secession of São Paulo from the Brazilian federation.
However, it is noted that the separatist scenario was used as a guerrilla tactic by the Federal Government to turn the population of the rest of the country against the state of São Paulo, broadcasting the alleged separatist notion throughout the country. There is no evidence; the uprising commenced on 9 July 1932, after four protesting students were killed by government troops on 23 May 1932. On the wake of their deaths, a movement called. A fifth victim, was shot that night, but died months later. In a few months, the state of São Paulo rebelled against the federal government. Counting on the solidarity of the political elites of two other powerful states, the politicians from São Paulo expected a quick war. However, that solidarity was never translated into actual support, the São Paulo revolt was militarily crushed on October 2, 1932. In total, there were 87 days of fighting, with a balance of 934 official deaths, though non-official estimates report up to 2,200 dead, many cities in the state of São Paulo suffered damage due to fighting.
In spite of its military defeat, some of the movement's main demands were granted by Vargas afterwards: the appointment of a non-military state Governor, the election of a Constituent Assembly and the enactment of a new Constitution in 1934. However that Constitution was short-lived, as in 1937, amidst growing extremism on the left and right wings of the political spectrum, Vargas closed the National Congress and enacted another Constitution, which established an authoritarian regime called Estado Novo. July 9 marks the beginning of the Revolution of 1932, is a holiday and the most important civic date of the state of São Paulo; the paulistas consider the Revolution of 1932 as the greatest movement of its civic history. It was the first major revolt against the government of Getúlio Vargas and the last major armed conflict occurring in the history of Brazil. According to García de Gabiola, when the revolution began the Paulistas only counted with 1 of the 8 divisions of the Brazilian Federal Army, with half of the Mixed Brigade based in the southern part of Mato Grosso.
These forces were reinforced by the Força Publica Paulista, a kind of regional military police, with the MMDC militias. In all, there were some 11-15,000 men at the beginning of the conflict joined by thousands of volunteers. In fact, according to most authors, as Hilton, São Paulo equipped some 40 battalions made from volunteers, but García de Gabiola states that he has identified up to 80 of them, of some 300 men each. At the end, taking into account that in the São Paulo state armory's there were only between 15,000 and 29,000 rifles depending on the source, the Paulists were never able to arm more than 35,000 men maximum. Additionally, the Paulists only had 6 million cartridges, failing their attempts to acquire some additional 500 millions, so, for an army of some 30,000 men fighting during 3 months, it represented a mere 4.4 cartridges per day per soldier. Against them Brazil equipped 100,000 men, but taking into account that a third of this amount never went to the front, their numerical superiority was of some 2 to 1.
The main front was the eastern Paraiba Valley that led to Rio de Janeiro, the then-capital of Brazil. The 2nd Division, advanced against Rio, but was stopped dead by the loyal 1st Division based there under General Gois Monteiro, on the frontier between Rio and São Paulo. According to sources as Hilton, General Tasso Fragoso, the chief of staff of the Brazilian Army, tried to oppose the deployment to the 1st Division in the Valley, for being friendly to the revolts, but according to García de Gabiola he was just trying to protect the government based in Rio City in case of a revolt happening there. In any case Gois imposed over Tasso and the 1st Division was placed there just in time to block the Paulis
Colonial Brazil comprises the period from 1500, with the arrival of the Portuguese, until 1815, when Brazil was elevated to a kingdom in union with Portugal as the United Kingdom of Portugal and the Algarves. During the early 300 years of Brazilian colonial history, the economic exploitation of the territory was based first on brazilwood extraction, which gave the territory its name. Slaves those brought from Africa, provided most of the work force of the Brazilian export economy after a brief period of Indian slavery to cut brazilwood. In contrast to the neighboring Spanish possessions, which had several viceroyalties with jurisdiction over New Spain and Peru, in the eighteenth century expanded to viceroyalties of Rio de la Plata and New Granada, the Portuguese colony of Brazil was settled in the coastal area by the Portuguese and a large black slave population working sugar plantations and mines; the boom and bust economic cycles were linked to export products. Brazil's sugar age, with the development of plantation slavery, merchants serving as middle men between production sites, Brazilian ports, Europe was undermined by the growth of the sugar industry in the Caribbean on islands that European powers seized from Spain.
Gold and diamonds were mined in southern Brazil through the end of the colonial era. Brazilian cities were port cities and the colonial administrative capital was moved several times in response to the rise and fall of export products' importance. Unlike Spanish America, which fragmented into many republics upon independence, Brazil remained a single administrative unit under a monarch, giving rise to the largest country in Latin America. Just as European Spanish and Roman Catholicism were a core source of cohesion among Spain's vast and multi-ethnic territories, Brazilian society was united by the Portuguese language and Roman Catholic faith; as the only Lusophone polity in the Western Hemisphere, the Portuguese language was important to Brazilian identity. Portugal and Spain pioneered the European charting of sea routes that were the first and only channels of interaction between all of the world's continents, thus beginning the process of globalization. In addition to the imperial and economic undertaking of discovery and colonization of lands distant from Europe, these years were filled with pronounced advancements in cartography and navigational instruments, of which the Portuguese and Spanish explorers took advantage.
In 1494, the two kingdoms of the Iberian Peninsula divided the New World between them, in 1500 navigator Pedro Álvares Cabral landed in what is now Brazil and laid claim to it in the name of King Manuel I of Portugal. The Portuguese identified brazilwood as a valuable red dye and an exploitable product, attempted to force indigenous groups in Brazil to cut the trees. Portuguese seafarers in the early fifteenth century began to expand from a small area of the Iberian Peninsula, to seizing the Muslim fortress of Ceuta in North Africa, its maritime exploration proceeded down the coast of West Africa and across the Indian Ocean to the south Asian subcontinent, as well as the Atlantic islands off the coast of Africa on the way. They sought sources of gold and African slaves, high value goods in the African trade; the Portuguese set up fortified trading "factories", whereby permanent small commercial settlements anchored trade in a region. The initial costs of setting up these commercial posts was borne by private investors, who in turn received hereditary titles and commercial advantages.
From the Portuguese Crown's point of view, its realm was expanded with little cost to itself. On the Atlantic islands of the Azores, Sāo Tomé, the Portuguese began plantation production of sugarcane using forced labor, a precedent for Brazil's sugar production in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries; the Portuguese "discovery" of Brazil was preceded by a series of treaties between the kings of Portugal and Castile, following Portuguese sailings down the coast of Africa to India and the voyages to the Caribbean of the Genoese mariner sailing for Castile, Christopher Columbus. The most decisive of these treaties was the Treaty of Tordesillas, signed in 1494, which created the Tordesillas Meridian, dividing the world between the two kingdoms. All land discovered or to be discovered east of that meridian was to be the property of Portugal, everything to the west of it went to Spain; the Tordesillas Meridian divided South America into two parts, leaving a large chunk of land to be exploited by the Spaniards.
The Treaty of Tordesillas was arguably the most decisive event in all Brazilian history, since it determined that part of South America would be settled by Portugal instead of Spain. The present extent of Brazil's coastline is exactly that defined by the Treaty of Madrid, approved in 1750. On April 22, 1500, during the reign of King Manuel I, a fleet led by navigator Pedro Álvares Cabral landed in Brazil and took possession of the land in the name of the king. Although it is debated whether previous Portuguese explorers had been in Brazil, this date is and politically accepted as the day of the discovery of Brazil by Europeans. Álvares Cabral was leading a large fleet of 13 ships and more than 1000 men following Vasco da Gama's way to India, around Africa. The place where Álvares Cabral arrived is now known in Northeastern Brazil. After the voyage of Álvares Cabral, the Portuguese concentrated their efforts on the lucrative possessions in Africa and India
Tenentism was a political philosophy of junior army officers who contributed to the Brazilian Revolution of 1930. The first decades of the 20th century saw marked social change in Brazil. With manufacturing on the rise, the central government — dominated by the coffee oligarchs and the old order of café com leite and coronelismo — came under threat from the political aspirations of new urban groups: professionals and white-collar workers, merchants and industrialists. In parallel, growing prosperity encouraged a rapid rise of a new working class of Southern and Eastern European immigrants who contributed to the growth of trade unionism and socialism. In the post-World War I period, Brazil saw its first wave of general strikes and the establishment of the Communist Party in 1922. A new class of army junior officers had emerged who were trained to European standards and believed themselves superior to their senior officers. In addition, various senior officers had become identified with the government and political structure, a source of criticism from the tenentes.
Meanwhile, the divergence of interests between the coffee oligarchs and the burgeoning, dynamic urban sectors was intensifying. According to Latin American historian Benjamin Keen, the task of transforming society "fell to the growing urban bourgeois groups, to the middle class, which began to voice more its discontent with the rule of the corrupt rural oligarchies". In contrast, despite a wave of general strikes in the post-war years, the labour movement remained small and weak, lacking ties to the peasantry, who constituted the overwhelming majority of the Brazilian population; as a result, rather disparate and disjointed social reform movements cropped up in the 1920s. What became known as the tenente movement came to public notice on 5 July 1922 when a group of young Brazilian Army officers began a rebellion against the Old Republic at Fort Copacabana in Rio de Janeiro. Sparked by the punishment and brief imprisonment of Marshal Hermes da Fonseca by President Epitácio Pessoa, the tenentes were demanding various forms of social modernization, calling for agrarian reform, the formation of co-operatives, the nationalization of mines.
Their early-morning rebellion was taken up by a garrison in São Paulo but not by others. However, the remainder of the First Army Division stayed loyal and, with General Setembrino de Carvalho supervising the operations crushed the revolt". Twenty-four hours just 200 rebels remained when the navy dreadnought Minas Geraes shelled the Copacabana barracks, after which two navy aircraft bombed the barracks in the first use of naval aircraft in combat in Latin America; the defenders were driven from their positions. A group known subsequently as the 18 of the Copacabana Fort revolt were led down Avenida Atlântica by Antônio de Siqueira Campos and Eduardo Gomes to confront the army loyalists. In the aftermath, the government imposed a state of emergency, 1,000 cadets were expelled from the army school and many officers posted to remote garrisons; the Revolta Paulista of 1924 was the second tenentista revolt and the biggest conflict of the city of São Paulo. It began in the early hours of July 5 and ended on July 28, 1924.
The revolt was motivated by the discontent of the military with the economic crisis and the concentration of power at the hands of politicians from São Paulo and Minas Gerais. Commanded by retired General Isidoro Dias Lopes, with the participation of several lieutenants, the main objective of the uprising was to depose President Artur Bernardes. Among the claims was secret ballot, free justice and the introduction of compulsory public education. Raised in the capital of São Paulo on July 5, 1924, the revolt occupied the city for 23 days, forcing the president of the state, Carlos de Campos, to flee to the city. District of the Penha, in the east zone of São Paulo, on July 9, after having been bombarded the Palace of the Champs Elysées, seat of the São Paulo government at that time. Carlos de Campos was installed in an adapted car at the Guaiaúna station in Central Brazil, where the federal troops were from Mogi das Cruzes. In the interior of the state of São Paulo happened rebellions in several cities, with seizure of prefectures.
The city of São Paulo was bombed by Federal Government aircraft. The loyalist Army used the so-called "terrifying bombardment", reaching various parts of the city working-class neighborhoods such as Mooca and Brás, the middle class, such as Perdizes. Without military equivalent to confront legalistic troops, the rebels retired to Bauru in the early hours of July 28, where Isidoro Dias Lopes heard news that the legalist army was concentrated in the city of Três Lagoas, Mato Grosso do Sul. At 10 o'clock on the morning of July 28, Carlos de Campos returned to his office in the Government Palace. Isidoro Dias Lopes and Juarez Tavora planned an attack on that city; the defeat at Três Lagoas, was the greatest defeat of all this revolt. A third of the revolting troops died, were injured, or were captured. Overthrown, the rioters marched south to Brazil, where, i