The Cisplatine War known as the Argentine-Brazilian War, was an armed conflict over an area known as Banda Oriental or the "Eastern Bank" in the 1820s between the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata and the Empire of Brazil in the aftermath of the United Provinces' independence from Spain. Led by José Gervasio Artigas, the region known as the Eastern Bank, in the Río de la Plata Basin, revolted against Spanish rule in 1811, against the backdrop of the 1810 May Revolution in Buenos Aires as well as the regional rebellions that followed in response to Buenos Aires' pretense of primacy over other regions of the viceroyalty. In the same context, the Portuguese Empire headquartered in Rio de Janeiro, took measures to solidify its hold on Rio Grande do Sul and to annex the region of the former Eastern Jesuit Missions. From 1814 on, the Eastern Province joined forces with the provinces of Santa Fe and Entre Rios in a loose confederation called the Federal League, which resisted Buenos Aires' authority.
After a series of banditry incidents in territory claimed by the Portuguese Empire, the Rio Grande do Sul, Portugal invaded the Eastern Bank in 1816. Artigas was defeated by the Luso-Brazilian troops in 1820 at the Battle of Tacuarembó; the Portuguese Empire formally annexed the Eastern Bank, under the name Cisplatina, with support from local elites. With the annexation, the Portuguese Empire now enjoyed strategic access to Río de la Plata and control of the estuary's main port, Montevideo. After Brazilian independence, in 1822, the Cisplatina became part of Brazil, it sent delegates to the 1823 Constitutional Convention and, under the 1824 Constitution, enjoyed a considerable degree of autonomy, more so than other provinces of the Empire. While welcoming Portuguese intervention in the rogue Eastern province, the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata urged the local populace to rise up against Brazilian authority, giving them political and material support with a view to reestablishing sovereignty over the region.
Rebels led by Fructuoso Rivera and Juan Antonio Lavalleja carried on resistance against Brazilian rule. In 1825, a Congress of delegates from all over the Eastern Bank met in La Florida and declared independence from Brazil, while reaffirming its allegiance to the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata. In response, Brazil declared war on the United Provinces; the two navies which confronted each other in the River Plate and the South Atlantic were in many way opposites. Brazil was a major naval power with 96 warships and small, an extensive coastal trade and a large international trade carried on in British and American ships; the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata had similar international trading links but had few naval pretensions. Its navy consisted of a few gunboats for port defence. Both navies were short of indigenous sailors and relied on British - and, to a lesser extent - American and French officers and men, the most notable of which were the Argentine commander, the Irish born Admiral William Brown, the commander of the Brazilian inshore squadron, the English Commodore James Norton.
The strategy of the two nations reflected their respective positions. The Brazilians imposed a blockade on the River Plate and the trade of Buenos Aires, while the Argentines vainly attempted to defy the blockade using Brown’s squadron while unleashing a swarm of privateers to attack Brazilian seaborne commerce in the South Atlantic from their bases at Ensenada and more distant Carmen de Patagones; the Argentines gained some notable successes - most notably by defeating the Brazilian flotilla on the Uruguay River at the Battle of Juncal and by beating off a Brazilian attack on Carmen de Patagones. But by 1828, the superior numbers of Brazil’s blockading squadrons had destroyed Brown’s naval force at the Monte Santiago and was strangling the trade of Buenos Aires and the government revenue it generated. On land, the Argentine army crossed the River Plate and established its headquarters near the Uruguayan town of Durazno. General Carlos María de Alvear invaded a series of skirmishes followed.
Pedro I of Brazil planned a counteroffensive by late 1826, managed to gather a small army composed of Southern Brazil volunteers and European mercenaries. The recruiting effort was hampered by local rebellions throughout Brazil, which forced the Emperor to relinquish direct command of his Army, return to Rio de Janeiro and bestow command of the troops on Felisberto Caldeira Brant, Marquis of Barbacena; the Brazilian counteroffensive was stopped at the inconclusive Battle of Ituzaingó. While Brazilian troops were prevented from marching on to Buenos Aires, Argentine troops no longer managed to operate in Brazilian territory. Ituzaingó was the only battle of some magnitude in the whole war. A series of smaller clashes ensued, including the Battle of Sarandí, the naval Battles of Juncal and Monte Santiago. Scarcity of volunteers hampered the Brazilian response, by 1828 the war effort had become burdensome and unpopular in Brazil; that year, Rivera reconquered the territory of the former Eastern Jesuit Missions.
Battle of Sarandí: October 12, 1825 Battle of Ituzaingó: February 20, 1827 Battle of Juncal: February 8–9, 1827 Battle of Monte Santiago: April 7–8, 1827 The stalemate in the Cisplatine War was caused by the inability of the Argentine and Uruguayan land forces to capture major cities in Uruguay and Brazil, the severe economic consequences imposed by the Brazilian blockade of Buenos Aires, the lack of manpower for a full-scale Brazilian la
2nd Portuguese India Armada (Cabral, 1500)
The Second Portuguese India Armada was assembled in 1500 on the order of King Manuel I of Portugal and placed under the command of Pedro Álvares Cabral. Cabral's armada famously discovered Brazil for the Portuguese crown along the way. By and large, the 2nd Armada's diplomatic mission to India failed, provoked the opening of hostilities between the Kingdom of Portugal and the feudal city-state of Calicut, ruled by Zamorins. Nonetheless, it managed to establish a factory in the nearby Kingdom of Cochin, the first Portuguese factory in Asia; the first India Armada, commanded by Vasco da Gama, arrived in Portugal in the summer of 1499, in a rather sorry shape. Battles and storms had taken their toll—half of his ships and men had been lost. Although he came back with a hefty cargo of spices that would be sold at an enormous profit, Vasco da Gama had failed in the principal objective of his mission—negotiating a treaty with Zamorin's Calicut, the spice entrepot on the Malabar Coast of India. Nonetheless, Gama had opened up the sea route to India via the Cape of Good Hope and secured good relations with the African city-state of Malindi, a critical staging post along the way.
On the orders of King Manuel I of Portugal, arrangements began to assemble a Second Armada in Cascais. Determined not to repeat Gama's mistakes, this one was to be a large and well-armed fleet—13 ships, 1500 men—and laden with valuable gifts and diplomatic letters to win over the potentates of the east. Many details of the composition of the fleet are missing. Only three ship names are known, there is some conflict among the sources on the naming of the captains; the following list of ships should not be regarded as authoritative, but a tentative list compiled from various conflicting accounts. This list is principally in concordance with Fernão Lopes de Castanheda's Historia, João de Barros's Décadas, Damião de Góis's Chronica, the marginal gloss of the Relaçao das Naos, Diogo do Couto's list, Manuel de Faria e Sousa's Asia Portugueza; the main conflict is with Gaspar Correia's Lendas da Índia, who omits Pêro de Ataíde and Aires Gomes da Silva, listing instead Braz Matoso and Pedro de Figueiró, introduces André Gonçalves in addition to Lemos, bringing the number of captains up to fourteen, but manages to bring it back down to thirteen by identifying Simão de Miranda as vice-admiral and captain of Cabral's own flagship.
Neither of the two eyewitnesses—the Anonymous Portuguese pilot and Pêro Vaz de Caminha—give a list of captains. The Second Armada would be headed by the Portuguese nobleman Pedro Álvares Cabral, a master of the Order of Christ. Cabral had no notable naval or military experience, his appointment as capitão-mor of the armada being a political one; the exiled Castillian nobleman Sancho de Tovar was designated vice-admiral and successor should anything befall Cabral. Veteran pilot Pedro Escobar was given the overall technical command of the expedition. Other veterans of the first armada include captain Nicolau Coelho, pilot Pêro de Alenquer and clerks Afonso Lopes and João de Sá. Going as captains were the famed navigator Bartolomeu Dias and his brother Diogo Dias. Most of the ships were either carracks or caravels and at least one was a small supply ship, although details on names and tonnage are missing. At least two ships, Cabral's flagship and Tovar's El Rei, were said to be around 240t, that is, about twice the size of the largest ship in the 1st Armada of Vasco da Gama.
Ten ships were destined for Calicut, while two ships were destined for Sofala and one was destined to be scuttled and burnt along the way. At least two ships were owned and outfitted; the ship of Luís Pires was owned by Diogo da Silva e Meneses, Count of Portalegre, while the Anunciada of Nuno Leitão da Cunha was owned by the king's cousin D. Álvaro of Braganza, financed by an Italian consortium composed of the Florentine bankers Bartolomeo Marchionni and Girolamo Sernigi and the Genoese Antonio Salvago. The remainder belonged to the Portuguese crown. Accompanying the expedition as translator was Gaspar da Gama as well as four Hindu hostages from Zamorin's kingdom taken by da Gama in 1498 during negotiations. Aboard is the ambassador of the Sultan of Malindi, who had come with Gama, was now set to return. Other passengers on the expedition included Aires Correia, designated factor for Calicut, his secretary Pêro Vaz de Caminha, Sofala factor Afonso Furtado and clerk Martinho Neto. Accompanying the trip was the royal physician and amateur astronomer, Master João Faras, who brought along the latest astrolabe and new Arab astronomical staves for navigational experiment.
One chronicler suggests that the knight Duarte Pacheco Pereira was aboard. The fleet carried some twenty Portuguese degredados, who could fulfill their sentences by being abandoned along the shores of various places and exploring inland on the crown's behalf. Among the degredados we know four names: Afonso Ribeiro, João Machado, Luiz de Moura, Antonio Fernandes Finally, the fleet carried the first Portuguese Christian missionaries to India—eight Franciscan friars and eight chaplains, under the supervision of the head chaplain, Fr. Henrique Soares of Coimbra There are three surviving eyewitness accounts of this expedition: an extended letter written by Pêro Vaz de Caminha (possibly
The Paraguayan War known as the War of the Triple Alliance and the Great War in Paraguay, was a South American war fought from 1864 to 1870, between Paraguay and the Triple Alliance of Argentina, the Empire of Brazil, Uruguay. It was the bloodiest inter-state war in Latin America's history, it devastated Paraguay, which suffered catastrophic losses in population: 70% of its adult male population died, according to some counts, it was forced to cede territory to Argentina and Brazil. According to some estimates, Paraguay's pre-war population of 525,000 was reduced to 221,000, of which only 28,000 were men; the war began in late 1864, as a result of a conflict between Paraguay and Brazil caused by the Uruguayan War. Argentina and Uruguay entered the war against Paraguay in 1865, it became known as the "War of the Triple Alliance"; the war ended with the total defeat of Paraguay. After it lost in conventional warfare, Paraguay conducted a drawn-out guerrilla resistance, a disastrous strategy that resulted in the further destruction of the Paraguayan military and much of the civilian population through battle casualties and diseases.
The guerrilla war lasted 14 months until President Francisco Solano López was killed in action by Brazilian forces in the Battle of Cerro Corá on 1 March 1870. Argentine and Brazilian troops occupied Paraguay until 1876. Estimates of total Paraguayan losses range from 21,000 to 200,000 people, it took decades for Paraguay to recover from demographic losses. Since their independence from Portugal and Spain in the early 19th century, the Empire of Brazil and the Spanish-American countries of South America were troubled by territorial disputes. All nations in the region had lingering boundary conflicts with multiple neighbors. Most had overlapping claims to the same territories; these issues were questions inherited from their former metropoles, despite several attempts, were never able to resolve them satisfactorily. Signed by Portugal and Spain in 1494, the Treaty of Tordesillas proved ineffective in the following centuries as both colonial powers expanded their frontiers in South America and elsewhere.
The outdated boundary lines did not represent actual occupation of lands by the Portuguese and Spanish. By the early 1700s, the Treaty of Tordesillas was deemed all but useless and it was clear to both parties that a newer one had to be drawn based on realistic and feasible boundaries. In 1750, the Treaty of Madrid separated the Portuguese and Spanish areas of South America in lines that corresponded to present-day boundaries. Neither Portugal nor Spain were satisfied with the results, new treaties were signed in the following decades that either established new territorial lines or repealed them; the final accord signed by both powers, the Treaty of Badajoz, reaffirmed the validity of the previous Treaty of San Ildefonso, which had derived from the older Treaty of Madrid. The territorial disputes became worse when the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata collapsed in the early 1810s, leading to the rise of Argentina, Paraguay and Uruguay. Historian Pelham Horton Box writes: "Imperial Spain bequeathed to the emancipated Spanish-American nations not only her own frontier disputes with Portuguese Brazil, but problems which had not disturbed her, relating to the exact boundaries of her own viceroyalties, captaincies general and provinces."
Once separated, Argentina and Bolivia quarreled over lands that were uncharted and unknown. They were either scarcely settled by indigenous tribes that answered to no parties. In the case of Paraguay with her neighbor Brazil, the problem was to define whether the Apa or Branco rivers should represent their actual boundary, a persistent issue that had vexed and confused Spain and Portugal in the late 18th century; the region between both rivers was populated only by some indigenous tribes that roamed the area attacking nearer Brazilian and Paraguayan settlements. There are several theories regarding the origins of the war; the traditional view emphasizes the policies of Paraguayan president Francisco Solano López, who used the Uruguayan War as a pretext to gain control of the Platine basin. This caused a response from the regional hegemons Brazil and Argentina, who exercised influence over the much smaller republics of Uruguay and Paraguay; the war has been attributed to the after-effects of colonialism in South America, with border conflicts between the new states, the struggle for power among neighboring nations over the strategic Río de la Plata region and Argentine meddling in internal Uruguayan politics, Solano López's efforts to help his allies in Uruguay, as well as his presumed expansionist ambitions.
Before the war Paraguay had experienced rapid economic and military growth as a result of its protectionist policies that had boosted the local industry. A strong military was developed because Paraguay's larger neighbors Argentina and Brazil had territorial claims against it and wanted to dominate it politically much like they did in Uruguay. Paraguay had recurring boundary disputes and tariff issues with Argentina and Brazil for many years during the rule of Carlos Antonio López. In the time since Brazil and Argentina had become independent, their struggle for hegemony in the Río de la Plata region had profoundly marked the diplomatic and political relations among the countries of the region. Brazil was the first country to recognize the independence of Paraguay, in 1844. At this time Argentina still considered it a breakaway province. While Argentina was ruled by Juan Manuel Rosas, a common enemy of both Brazil and
Federalist Riograndense Revolution
The Federalist Riograndense Revolution was a civil war which occurred in southern Brazil against the recently-formed Republic. Urged by the political crisis generated by the federalists, an opposition group that sought to liberate Rio Grande do Sul from the governance of Julio de Castilhos president of the state, gain greater autonomy and decentralize the power of the newly proclaimed Republic. Inspired by the monarchist ideologies from Gaspar da Silveira Martins, it had Gumercindo Saraiva as the military head; the revolutionaries, known as Maragatos, engaged in bloody disputes that triggered the armed struggle, until they faced defeat in the Battle of the Pulador, in 1894, by the troops of Pinheiro Machado, but peace was only concluded definitively in the following year. The conflict reached the three states of the region: Rio Grande do Sul, Santa Catarina and Paraná, causing about 10,000 deaths. During the nineteenth century, the state of Rio Grande do. In the Ragamuffin War and in the War of the Triple Alliance, the population of Rio Grande do Sul was devastated.
In the last years of the Brazilian Empire, three antagonistic political leaders appeared in the region: the liberal Assis Brasil, the conservative Pinheiro Machado and positivist Júlio Prates de Castilhos. The three met to found the Rio Grande Republican Party, which opposed the Federalist Party of Rio Grande do Sul and led by the liberal monarchist Gaspar da Silveira Martins. In 1889, with the Proclamation of the Republic, these currents came into conflict, so that in only two years the state would have eighteen governors. Júlio Prates de Castilhos was born and raised in a gaucho resort and studied Law in São Paulo, where he had contact with the positivist ideas of Auguste Comte. After graduating, he returned to his homeland and began to write in the newspaper The Federation, attacking the monarchical government and his political opponent Gaspar da Silveira Martins, he was a constituent congressman in 1890-1891, believed in a dictatorial phase to consolidate the Republic and defended a strong centralization of power in the republished dictator.
Defeated in the national constituent, he implanted this idea in the state constitution, months in a text he wrote alone, ignoring suggestions from the commission of jurists highlighted for the task, approved it in July 1891 at a controlled state assembly By the Riograndense Republican Party, led by him and of positivist orientation. The state constitution foresaw that the laws would not be drafted by parliament, but by the chief executive, who could be re-elected for new mandates; as the vote was not secret, the elections would be manipulated by the followers of Castilho, which would guarantee him to remain in power indefinitely. In the same month that he approved his constitution, he was elected governor. In November, for having supported the coup of President Deodoro da Fonseca and the closing of the Congress, was deposed and replaced by a junta of government, that lasted little and soon passed the government to general Barreto Leite. Castilhos resumed a parallel government and was reelected in a contest without competitors, taking possession in January 1893.
At that moment, the state was the "nerve point of the Republic" and the answer of the opponents was imminent. Gaspar da Silveira Martins, an intellectual and a good speaker, had been appointed minister by Emperor Pedro II in one of his last acts in an attempt to save the monarchy. Prisoner and exiled in Europe, returned in 1892, with the state under the government of Júlio de Castilhos and founded the Federalist Party of Rio Grande do Sul, that defended the parliamentary system of government and the revision of the state constitution. With the possession of Castilhos, the caudillo Gumercindo Saraiva would return to the state, coming from his refuge in Uruguay and leading a troupe of five hundred men. A second group, commanded by General Joca Tavares, occupied another region of the state with a force of three thousand men. Threatened, the governor convinced the President Floriano Peixoto that the uprising was an attempt by Silveira Martins to restore the monarchy, and indeed, it was. Silveira Martins, for being a declared monarchist, participated in meetings with other Brazilians who had the objective of restoring the parliamentary monarchy in Brazil.
On that occasion he proposed to Isabel, Princess Imperial of Brazil to allow the soldiers linked to the Navy Revolt to take her eldest son, Pedro de Alcântara, Prince of Grão-Pará, to be acclaimed as Emperor Pedro III, whom the princess refused to fear for her son. The followers of Gaspar da Silveira Martins, gasparistas or Maragatos, were frontally opposed to the followers of Júlio de Castilhos, pica-paus or ximangos; the defenders of Júlio de Castilhos received the nickname of pica-paus or ximangos, because of the color of the uniform used by the soldiers who defended that faction, that resembled the birds of the region. This denomination extended including civilians; the term maragato, used to refer to the political current that Gaspar da Silveira Martins defended, has a more complex explanation: "In the province of Leon, there is a district called Maragateria, whose inhabitants have the name of maragatos, that, according to some, it is a town of condemnable customs. -Romaguera. The Spanish maragatos were eminently nomadic, adopted professions that allowed them to be in constant displacement.
In Uruguay, t
Treaty of Tordesillas
The Treaty of Tordesillas, signed at Tordesillas in Spain on June 7, 1494, authenticated at Setúbal, divided the newly discovered lands outside Europe between the Portuguese Empire and the Crown of Castile, along a meridian 370 leagues west of the Cape Verde islands, off the west coast of Africa. This line of demarcation was about halfway between the Cape Verde islands and the islands entered by Christopher Columbus on his first voyage, named in the treaty as Cipangu and Antilia; the lands to the east would belong to the lands to the west to Castile. The treaty was signed by Spain, 2 July 1494, by Portugal, 5 September 1494; the other side of the world was divided a few decades by the Treaty of Zaragoza, signed on 22 April 1529, which specified the antimeridian to the line of demarcation specified in the Treaty of Tordesillas. Originals of both treaties are kept at the General Archive of the Indies in Spain and at the Torre do Tombo National Archive in Portugal; this treaty would be observed well by Spain and Portugal, despite considerable ignorance as to the geography of the New World.
Those countries ignored the treaty those that became Protestant after the Protestant Reformation. The treaty was included by UNESCO in 2007 in its Memory of the World Programme; the Treaty of Tordesillas was intended to solve the dispute, created following the return of Christopher Columbus and his crew, who had sailed for the Crown of Castile. On his way back to Spain he first reached Lisbon, in Portugal. There he asked for another meeting with King John II to show him the newly discovered lands. After learning of the Castilian-sponsored voyage, the Portuguese King sent a threatening letter to the Catholic Monarchs stating that by the Treaty of Alcáçovas signed in 1479 and confirmed in 1481 with the papal bull Æterni regis, that granted all lands south of the Canary Islands to Portugal, all of the lands discovered by Columbus belonged, in fact, to Portugal; the Portuguese King stated that he was making arrangements for a fleet to depart shortly and take possession of the new lands. After reading the letter the Catholic Monarchs knew they did not have any military power in the Atlantic to match the Portuguese, so they pursued a diplomatic way out.
On 4 May 1493 Pope Alexander VI, an Aragonese from Valencia by birth, decreed in the bull Inter caetera that all lands west of a pole-to-pole line 100 leagues west of any of the islands of the Azores or the Cape Verde Islands should belong to Castile, although territory under Catholic rule as of Christmas 1492 would remain untouched. The bull did not mention Portugal or its lands, so Portugal could not claim newly discovered lands if they were east of the line. Another bull, Dudum siquidem, entitled Extension of the Apostolic Grant and Donation of the Indies and dated 25 September 1493, gave all mainlands and islands, "at one time or still belonging to India" to Spain if east of the line; the Portuguese King John II was not pleased with that arrangement, feeling that it gave him far too little land—it prevented him from possessing India, his near term goal. By 1493 Portuguese explorers had reached the southern tip of the Cape of Good Hope; the Portuguese were unlikely to go to war over the islands encountered by Columbus, but the explicit mention of India was a major issue.
As the Pope had not made changes, the Portuguese king opened direct negotiations with the Catholic Monarchs, King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella, to move the line to the west and allow him to claim newly discovered lands east of the line. In the bargain, John accepted Inter caetera as the starting point of discussion with Ferdinand and Isabella, but had the boundary line moved 270 leagues west, protecting the Portuguese route down the coast of Africa and giving the Portuguese rights to lands that now constitute the Eastern quarter of Brazil; as one scholar assessed the results, "both sides must have known that so vague a boundary could not be fixed, each thought that the other was deceived, diplomatic triumph for Portugal, confirming to the Portuguese not only the true route to India, but most of the South Atlantic". The treaty countered the bulls of Alexander VI but was subsequently sanctioned by Pope Julius II by means of the bull Ea quae pro bono pacis of 24 January 1506. Though the treaty was negotiated without consulting the Pope, a few sources call the resulting line the "Papal Line of Demarcation".
Little of the newly divided area had been seen by Europeans, as it was only divided via the treaty. Castile gained lands including most of the Americas; the easternmost part of current Brazil was granted to Portugal when in 1500 Pedro Álvares Cabral landed there while he was en route to India. Some historians contend that the Portuguese knew of the South American bulge that makes up most of Brazil before this time, so his landing in Brazil was not an accident. One scholar points to Cabral's landing on the Brazilian coast 12 degrees farther south than the expected Cape São Roque, such that "the likelihood of making such a landfall as a result of freak weather or navigational error was remote; the line was not enforced—the Spanish did not resist the Portuguese expansion of Brazil across the meridian. However, t
History of the Constitution of Brazil
During its independent political history, Brazil has had seven constitutions. The most recent was ratified on October 5, 1988. Prior to its independence, on September 7, 1822, Brazil had no formal Constitution, since Portugal only adopted its first Constitution on September 23, 1822, 16 days after Brazilian proclaimed independence. In 1823, the Emperor Pedro I started the political process of writing a Constitution; the elaboration of the first Constitution of Brazil was quite difficult and the power struggle involved resulted in a long-lasting unrest that plagued the country for nearly two decades. Two major facts increased the troubles: Large numbers of recent immigrants from Portugal, who wanted to keep their privileges or who were still loyal to the metropolitan government; these were found both among the wealthier parts of the population, as businessmen controlling Brazil's international trade, the lower ones, as tradesmen and free urban workers. The majority of the population was composed of slaves, prompting the whites to fear being massacred in the event of a rebellion caused by a failing state.
The first circumstance meant that despite strong support of the Crown Prince Pedro I by the Brazilian landowners, the opinions of the reinóis should be considered. As each side had distinct and different objectives none could prevail and a compromise was needed. There were extra problems involved: the Constitutional Assembly had been elected to decide the applicability of Portuguese laws in Brazil, not to draft a new constitution; as a result, some of the Portuguese deputies refused to take part in it. On the other hand, some of the Brazilian deputies, the "liberal" ones, had been persecuted, some exiled others imprisoned, thus the Constitutional Assembly did not hear an appreciable number of opinions and would end reflecting the objectives of the "Brazilian Party", to the detriment of the "Portuguese Party" and the liberals. As the draft constitution progressed it became clear that the deputies were trying to establish a constitution that would: curtail the powers of the monarch, restrict most political rights to landowners and deny them to the Portuguese, establish an authoritarian, but constitutional, whose head of government would be the Emperor himself, aided by a group of ministers of his choice.
The emperor did not want to be removed out all powers and serve as a mere decorative figurehead, but rather to protect the interests of the Portuguese businessmen and prevent any further of his power to the Parliament. In a quite predictable move, in the light of the wave of conservatism led by the Holy Alliance, the Emperor used his influence over the Brazilian Army to dissolve the Constitutional Assembly, in what became known as the Night of Agony, imposed on the country a constitution that concentrated the executive power on the Emperor himself; the Constitution endowed the Assembly with both status and authority, created legislative, moderating and judicial branches as "delegations of the nation" with the separation of those powers envisaged as providing balances in support of the Constitution and the rights it enshrined. The Constitution of 1824 was rather less parliamentary than the draft prepared by the Constituent Assembly. In fact, it was for all purposes a unique regime: a "presidential" monarchy.
That did not mean, by any means, that the Brazilian monarch had prerogatives resembling those of a tyrant or dictator. The individual guarantees that guarantee human liberty and dignity were inserted into the articles of the Charter and were respected; the Emperor would not act in areas reserved to the legislative branch and the judiciary, such as to create laws or to judge and sentence. Based on the French constitution of 1792 and the Spanish constitution of 1812, the Imperial constitution was considered one of the most liberal of the times, in front of many European liberal powers; the new constitution, published on March 25, 1824 outlined the existence of four powers: Executive — The State Council Legislative — The General Assembly, formed by the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies Judiciary — The Courts Moderator — Vested in the Emperor, was supposed to resolve any incompatibilities between the other three, acting as a "neutral" power, in accordance to the theories of the Swiss thinker Benjamin Constant.
The Emperor controlled the Executive by nominating the members of the State Council, influenced the Legislative by being allowed to propose motions and having the power to dissolve the Chamber of Deputies and influenced the Judiciary, by appointing the members of the Highest Court. This constitution established the Brazilian Empire as a Unitary state; the Amendment of August 12, 1834, enacted in a period of liberal reform, authorized the provinces to create their own legislative chambers, which were empowered to legislate on financial matters, create taxes and their own corps of civil servants under a chief executive nominated by the central power. On July 20, 1847, a Decree established the post of President of the Council of Ministers (not to be confused with the State Council, whose ten members sat for life and which in the late Empire functi
The Vaccine Revolt or Vaccine Rebellion was a period of civil disorder which occurred in the city of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. At the beginning of the 20th century the city of Rio de Janeiro capital of Brazil, although praised for its beautiful palaces and mansions, suffered from serious inadequacies in basic infrastructure; such problems included insufficient water and sewer systems, irregular garbage collection, overcrowded tenements. Many illnesses proliferated in this environment, including tuberculosis, measles and leprosy. Epidemics of yellow fever and bubonic plague occurred on an intermittent basis. Yellow fever was by far the most serious of the three, killing an estimated 60,000 Rio de Janeiro residents between 1850 and 1908. Although periods of respite from this particular disease did transpire as well, they were invariably marred by smaller outbreaks of the others. Beginning in 1902, president Rodrigues Alves launched an initiative to sanitize and beautify the city, he gave plenary powers to the city’s mayor, Pereira Passos, to Director General of Public Health Dr. Oswaldo Cruz, to execute sweeping improvements in public sanitation.
The mayor initiated an extensive urban reform program, popularly termed the Bota Abaixo, in reference to the demolition of older buildings and tenement houses, with subsequent conversion of the land to stately avenues and upscale homes and businesses. This resulted in the displacement of thousands of poor and working-class people to peripheral neighborhoods leading them to become resentful of the city government and suspicious of what it might demand of them in the near future. For his part, Dr. Cruz created the Brigadas Mata Mosquitos, groups of sanitary service workers who entered homes in order to exterminate the mosquitoes, transmitting yellow fever; the campaign distributed rat poison in order to halt the proliferation of the bubonic plague, required proper handling and collection of garbage. To eradicate smallpox, Dr. Cruz convinced the Congress to approve the Mandatory Vaccination Law on October 31, 1904, authorizing sanitary brigade workers, accompanied by police, to enter homes and apply the vaccine by force.
Rio de Janeiro's population was discontented by this time. Many residents had lost their tenement housing to the new developments, while others had had their homes invaded by health workers and police. Articles in the press criticized the action of the government and spoke of possible risks of the vaccine. Moreover, it was rumored that the vaccine would have to be applied to the “intimate parts” of the body, stirring further outrage among the conservative underclasses and helping to precipitate the rebellion that followed. Many intellectual contingents within Brazilian society opposed the law as well, including the Positivist Church, medical associations, much of the National Congress. Although most of these objections stemmed from the practice's perceived infringements upon individual rights, vaccination was still considered a valid subject of debate among the global scientific community at the time. On November 5, the opposition created the Liga Contra a Vacina Obrigatória. Formed by a coalition of radical republican politicians, ideological factions within the army, journalists, this group subsequently began to recruit trade unionists at large gatherings held at the Centro de Classes Operairias.
The violence began when a few young attendees leaving one of these meetings argued with a police officer, were promptly arrested. Witnesses to this incident furiously besieged the police station to which the men were taken, continued to fight with cavalry officers brought in to disperse the excited mob. From November 10 through 14, Rio de Janeiro descended into violence as each party to the conflict became entrenched in its position. Rioters looted shops and burned trams, made barricades, pulled out tracks, broke poles and streetlights, attacked federal troops with rocks, debris and stolen guns. Factory laborers revolted in their own workplaces on the outskirts of town, while impoverished and evicted townspeople attempted to secure control over the heart of the city; the momentum of opposition forces reached its zenith on November 14, when cadets of the Escola Militar da Praia Vermelha mutinied against President Alves for his rejection of the terms presented to him in a thinly-disguised ultimatum by General Olimpio da Silveira.
Silveira's march on the presidential palace was thwarted, when his would-be allies at the academy of Realengo were arrested before they could mobilize. In response, the government declared a state of siege, its forces drove the rebels from their strongholds beginning on November 15, concluding on November 18 after a grueling period of close-quarter fighting in the predominantly Afro-Brazilian district of Saude. The rebellion was contained, leaving 110 wounded. Despite its swift downfall, the revolt convinced the mayor and his cabinet to abandon the forced-vaccination program for the time being; this concession was demonstrated to have been quite superficial, however, as the policy was re-instated several years later. Whatever popular frustrations or progressive ideals that the anti-vaccination movement and its allies might have expressed were swept aside with the re-imposition of lawful authority, as the processes of unequal economic development and gentrification continued to accelerate following t