Lowe's Companies, Inc. doing business as Lowe's, is an American retail company specializing in home improvement. Headquartered in Mooresville, North Carolina, the company operates a chain of retail stores in the United States and Canada; as of November 2018, Lowe's and its related businesses operate 2,015 home improvement and hardware stores in North America. Lowe's is the second-largest hardware chain in the United States behind rival The Home Depot and ahead of Menards, it is the second-largest hardware chain in the world behind The Home Depot but ahead of European retailers Leroy Merlin, B&Q, OBI. The first Lowe's store, Lowe's North Wilkesboro Hardware, opened in North Wilkesboro, North Carolina in 1921 by Lucius Smith Lowe. After Lowe died in 1940, the business was inherited by his daughter Ruth, who sold the company to her brother Jim that same year. Jim took on Carl Buchan as a partner in 1943. Buchan anticipated the dramatic increase in construction after World War II, under his management, the store focused on hardware and building materials.
Before the product mix had included notions, dry goods, horse tack, snuff and groceries. The company bought a second location in Sparta, North Carolina in 1949. In 1952, Buchan became the sole owner of Lowe's. In 1954, Jim Lowe started the Lowes Foods grocery store chain. By 1955, Buchan expanded the company by opening stores in the North Carolina cities of Asheville and Durham. More stores opened through the 1950s. In 1961, Buchan died of a heart attack at age 44, his five-man executive team, which included Robert Strickland and Leonard Herring, took the company public in 1961. By 1962, Lowe's reported annual revenues of $32 million. Lowe's began trading on the New York Stock Exchange in 1979. Lowe's suffered in the 1980s due to market conditions and increasing competition from the new big-box store chain, The Home Depot. For a while, Lowe's resisted adopting the mega-store format because its management believed the smaller towns where Lowe's operated would not support huge stores. However, Lowe's adopted the big-box format to survive.
Today, most Lowe's stores are part of the big-box variety, although some classic format stores remain in smaller markets. Lowe's has since grown nationally, as it was aided by the purchase of the Renton, Washington–based Eagle Hardware & Garden company in 1999; the first store outside of United States was in Hamilton, Canada. According to its website, Lowe's has operated/serviced more than 2,355 locations in the United States and Mexico alone. On November 5, 2018, Lowe's announced that it will be closing 51 under-performing stores, 20 stores in the United States and 31 in Canada under the Lowe's and Rona names by February 2019, it announced that it would close all stores in Mexico. In August 2019, Lowe's announced that it would be laying off thousands of employees who handle certain maintenance and product assembly in an effort to boost profits. In a statement, Lowe's explained that it would be "moving to third-party assemblers and facility services to allow Lowe's store associates to spend more time on the sales floor serving customers".
For the fiscal year 2018, Lowe's reported earnings of US$3.436 billion, with an annual revenue of US$68.619 billion, an increase of 5.5% over the previous fiscal cycle. Lowe's shares traded at over $96 per share, its market capitalization was valued at over US$75.8 billion in October 2018. Lowe's ranked No. 40 on the 2018 Fortune 500 list of the largest United States corporations by total revenue. In 1998, Lowe's purchased the Wilkes Mall in Wilkesboro, North Carolina, to serve as the company's headquarters. In 2002, Lowe's acquired full control over the 440,000 square feet building after the lease of the 10 remaining mall tenants vacated the property. A year Lowe's constructed and relocated the corporate headquarters to a new, 350-acre campus in Mooresville, North Carolina, a suburb of Charlotte; the new facility contains a five-story, two seven-story buildings. The building has two office wings. A 7-acre lake flows underneath the headquarters building. Lowe's maintained its former headquarters in Wilkesboro.
In 2011, Lowe's invested $10 million in improvements in renovations in the property, including a full service food court, coffee shop, health center, as well as gating the entire property with an addition of a guardhouse. Lowe's Companies Canada is based in Boucherville, after the merger with Rona. Prior to 2016, Lowe's Canada was headquartered in Ontario. Lowe's operates customer contact centers in Mooresville and Wilkesboro, North Carolina, as well as Indianapolis, Albuquerque, New Mexico, India. On June 27, 2019, Lowe's announced a $153 million, 23-story tower in South End which will be completed by 2020 and house 2000 employees, 400 of which will move from the headquarters; the state of North Carolina is providing $54 million in incentives provided Lowe's meets certain goals. Lowe's won eight consecutive Energy Star awards from 2003 to 2010, including four Energy Star Partner of the Year awards for educating consumers about the benefits of energy efficiency. On March 1, 2010, Lowe's became the first winner of the Energy Star Sustained Excellence Award in Retail, to recognize its contribution to reducing greenhouse gas emissions by promoting energy-efficient products and educating consumers and employees on the value of the Energy Star program.
In 2000, Lowe's released a policy promising that all wood products sold would not be sourced from rainforests. However, according to a 2006 report relea
David Alan Nelson is a former American football wide receiver. He played college football for the University of Florida, where he was a member of two BCS National Championship teams, he was signed by the Buffalo Bills as an undrafted free agent in 2010, played for the New York Jets and Pittsburgh Steelers. Nelson was born in Wichita Falls, Texas in 1986, he began his high school career at 1A Petrolia High School, winning the 2002 Texas 1A State Championship. Beginning his junior year, he attended S. H. Rider High School in Wichita Falls, where he played for the Rider Raiders high school football team; as a senior, Nelson was team captain and had ninety-one receptions for 1,641 yards and eighteen touchdowns. Nelson accepted an athletic scholarship to attend the University of Florida in Gainesville, where he played for coach Urban Meyer's Florida Gators football team from 2005 to 2009; the Gators coaching staff elected to redshirt Nelson as a true freshman in 2005. During his time as a Gator, the team won two SEC Championship Games and two BCS National Championship Games.
The highlight of his 2009 senior season was a four-reception day for fifty-three yards against the Alabama Crimson Tide in the 2009 SEC Championship Game. During his four-season college career, Nelson played in forty-four games, started fourteen, made forty-six receptions for 630 yards and seven touchdowns. Nelson was the recipient of quarterback Tim Tebow's "jump pass" in the 2009 BCS National Championship Game which cemented the Gators' 24–14 victory over the Oklahoma Sooners. Nelson graduated from the University of Florida with a bachelor's degree in sociology in 2009; the Buffalo Bills signed Nelson as undrafted free agent, he made his professional debut in the Bills' October 3, 2010 game against the New York Jets. Nelson had two consecutive touchdowns catches in the 2010-2011 season from quarterback Ryan Fitzpatrick in games against Cleveland and Miami, in weeks 14 and 15. Following the 2012 season, the Bills did not tender a new contract, he became an unrestricted free agent. Nelson was signed by the Cleveland Browns on April 8, 2013.
He was cut by the Browns on August 31, 2013. Nelson was signed by the New York Jets on October 2, 2013, he had a pair of touchdowns during the 2013 season. Nelson was released on October 2014 after the Jets had traded for Percy Harvin. On August 12, 2015, Nelson was signed by the Pittsburgh Steelers to a 1-year, $745,000 deal. At his first practice with the Steelers, Nelson suffered a shoulder injury. On August 25, 2015, the Steelers announced that after receiving an MRI on his shoulder, Nelson had been added to the injured/reserved list. Receiving Stats Nelson made national headlines in 2011 as a member of the Bills when they played the Dallas Cowboys, as his girlfriend at the time, Kelsi Reich, was a cheerleader for the Cowboys, he promised to do "something special" for her. After catching a touchdown pass from Ryan Fitzpatrick, Nelson jogged along the sidelines as cameras paid attention until he found Reich, they embraced and he gave her the scoring ball. David married Madison Sadri of Charlotte, North Carolina on June 9, 2017.
They have 2 children, Easton John, born April 2018, Noah Ally, born October 2019. David and his brothers have started a non-profit organization, I'mME, that focuses on ending the orphan cycle, they were inspired by a trip to Haiti in 2012. 2006 Florida Gators football team 2008 Florida Gators football team List of Buffalo Bills players List of Florida Gators football players in the NFL Buffalo Bills bio Florida Gators bio I'm ME official website
It Might as Well Be Swing is a 1964 studio album by Frank Sinatra, accompanied by Count Basie and his orchestra. It was Sinatra's first studio recording arranged by Quincy Jones; this was Basie's second collaboration after 1963's Sinatra-Basie. Sinatra's cover version of "Hello Dolly" on the album features a new second verse improvised by Sinatra, which pays tribute to Louis Armstrong, who had topped the Billboard charts with his own version of the song earlier in 1964, it Might as Well Be Swing is a reference to the title of the well known jazz standard "It Might as Well Be Spring". Frank Sinatra - vocals Count Basie - piano Quincy Jones - arranger, conductorThe Count Basie Orchestra Al Porcino, Don Rader, Wallace Davenport, Al Aarons, George Cohn and Harry "Sweets" Edison - trumpets Henry Coker, Grover Mitchell, Bill Hughes, Henderson Chambers and Kenny Shroyer - trombones Frank Foster, Charles Fowlkes, Marshal Royal, Frank Wess and Eric Dixon - reeds Emil Richards - vibraphone George Catlett - double bass Freddie Green - guitar Sonny Payne - drumsString section Gerald Vinci, Israel Baker, Jacques Gasselin, Thelma Beach, Bonnie Douglas, Marshall Sosson, Erno Neufeld, Lou Raderman, Paul Shure and James Getzoff - violins Virginia Majewski, Paul Robyn, Alvin Dinkin and Stan Harris - violas Edgar Lustgarten and Ann Goodman - cellosProductionSonny Burke - producer Lowell Frank - engineer Ted Allen - cover photo Gregg Geller - 1998 reissue producer Lee Herschberg - 20-bit digital mastering
The 1970 Royal Shakespeare Company production of A Midsummer Night's Dream was directed by Peter Brook, is known as Peter Brook's Dream. It opened in the Royal Shakespeare Theatre at Stratford-upon-Avon and moved to the Aldwych Theatre in London's West End in 1971, it was taken on a world tour in 1972–1973. Brook's production of A Midsummer Night's Dream for the RSC is described as one of the 20th century's most influential productions of Shakespeare, as it rejected many traditional ideas about the staging of classic drama. Shakespeare's play is set in a fairy-inhabited forest nearby. Brook's aim was to reject the 19th-century traditions of realism and illusionism in the theatre, focus instead on locating the play in "the heightened realm of metaphor", he wanted to liberate the play from encrusted "bad tradition" so that the actors could feel that they were encountering the text for the first time. As such, he avoided props. Instead, the set, designed by Sally Jacobs, was a simple white box, with two doors.
In Stratford, black drapes were hung above the box to hide the stage machinery. The purpose of this was to return the stage to the simplicity of the Elizabethan theatre, in which there was little scenery and the sense of location was generated by the poet's words. However, this approach was blended with modern elements: the trees of the forest were represented by giant slinky toys, Titania's bower was a huge red feather; the fairy magic was represented by circus tricks. For example, the fairies entered on trapeze bars, the love potion that Puck fetches was a spinning plate on a rod, which Puck handed to Theseus from a trapeze fifteen feet above the stage; when Bottom turned into an ass, he acquired not the traditional ass's head, but a clown's red nose. The costumes were non-Athenian and non-English Renaissance. Instead, they were a colourful mixture of elements from different places. Oberon wore a purple satin gown. Puck wore a yellow jumpsuit from the Chinese circus; the mechanicals were dressed as 20th-century factory workers.
The young lovers looked like 1960s "flower children" in ankle-length dresses. There were unusual casting choices, it had been traditional for the fairies to be played by children or women, but Brook cast adult men instead, an effect described as "disconcertingly strange and threatening", which made the forest a more frightening, adult place than in earlier productions. Brook decided to double the roles of Theseus/Oberon, Hippolyta/Titania, Philostrate/Puck and Egeus/Quince; this was to create a smaller, more intimate company, but to suggest that the fairies were not so much different characters, as different aspects of the human characters' personalities, an idea signified when Theseus and Hippolyta'became' Oberon and Titania by putting on robes. Brook believed that Theseus and Hippolyta have failed to achieve "the true union as a couple" and work through their quarrels as Oberon and Titania; the production emphasized, to a level never before seen, the supposed sexual undercurrents of the story of Titania's infatuation with Bottom after he turns into an ass.
Brook was influenced by Jan Kott's study of the play in Shakespeare Our Contemporary, in which Kott notes the phallic properties of the donkey, argues that Oberon deliberately degrades Titania by exposing her to this monstrous sexuality. In Brook's staging, Bottom entered Titania's bower carried by the fairies, one of whom thrust his upraised arm between Bottom's legs to represent a phallus. In a jab at more traditional stagings, the sequence was accompanied by Mendelssohn's Wedding March, a piece of music written to be played as an intermezzo between Acts IV and V, but used in more genteel productions for the final marriage scene of the play. Despite the disturbing undercurrents of this view of sexuality, many audience members found the play witty and affectionate in its treatment of sex, in tune with the spirit of 1960s permissiveness; the end of the production stressed the idea of community between audience and actors. As Oberon spoke his final lines about sunrise, the house lights rose, so that the audience was visible to each other while Puck spoke the play's closing speech.
Upon the line "Give me your hands, if we be friends", the entire cast rushed into the auditorium to shake hands with the audience, turning the theatre into a "lovefest". The production was popular, both in terms of box office and reviews. On the opening night, the audience gave a standing ovation at the interval; the majority of critics were in raptures over the production. It was a box office success, was recognized as a theatrical landmark, the product of a great artist: the Sunday Times reviewer called it "the sort of thing one only sees once in a lifetime, only from a man of genius". There were naysayers, the commonest criticism was that the production distracted the viewer from the play by prioritizing Brook's cleverness over Shakespeare's. Theatre historian John Russell Brown felt that the play was constrained by Brook's eccentric personal interpretations; however those critics who disliked the staging choices praised the verse-speaking for its clarity and freshness. One Shakespearean scholar watched it with his eyes shut, loving the acting, but hating the visuals.
Theatre historian Gary Jay Williams says the production was so influential that it became "the reference point for Shakespearean performance practice in general over the next decade". It encouraged the exploration of the play's darker, adult themes, which had b
The 2018 Russian pension protests were a series of country-wide protests and demonstrations in the Russia demanding abandoning of the retirement age hike induced by announced by Russian State Duma law. A plan of the pension reform was unexpectedly announced by the Government of Russia on June 14, 2018, the opening day of the Football World Cup hosted in Russia. During the tournament, any demonstrations were prohibited, but afterwards thousands of Russians expressed their negative opinion on the planned reform of the pension system; the anti-reform rallies and other actions were organized by the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and A Just Russia party. However other political parties, trade unions and individuals contributed to coordination of these protests; the corresponding bill was signed into law on October 3. An intention to hike the national retirement age and the more so a final decision to launch the reform have drastically downed the rating of the president Vladimir Putin and prime minister Dmitry Medvedev in Russia.
For example, in July 2018, just 49% would vote for Putin if the presidential elections were held in that moment. On June 14, 2018, using a start of the FIFA World Cup as a cover, the Russian government announced the plan of the pension reform presuming a substantial increase of the retirement age; until the 2018 Russian presidential election, this topic was silenced in Russian state media, in particular several days before the election the RIA Novosti agency published an article denying existence of any intentions to raise the pension age until 2030. In the previous years the problem was sporadically discussed but with no special accent. So an announcement of the reform plan by Prime Minister Medvedev has shocked the majority of Russian citizens; the pension reform became the central question in Russia at that time. Immediate protests during the World Cup were, not allowed from security reasons; the street protest actions were appointed for the end-July and subsequent months. The government was accused of misusing soccer for hiding the unpopular measures.
Near 90% of Russian citizens do not approve of the reform. On July 19, during the first reading of the corresponding bill in the State Duma, the pro-Putin political party United Russia has supported the retirement age hike, while all the opposition fractions, left-wing and liberal, were against it. Statistical studies show that the number of protest actions in the country has nearly tripled in the third quarter from the year before exclusively because of the plan to raise the retirement age; the first noteworthy street rallies, related with the retirement-age reform, proceeded on July 1. Several thousand people protested across Russia against an unpopular government decision to hike the pension age that has led to a record slump in President Vladimir Putin's approval ratings. No protests were held in World Cup host cities due to a regulation banning protest in the cities for the duration of the tournament. From mid-July, protest rallies and demonstrations were organized every weekend, sometimes on working days.
They occurred in nearly all major cities countrywide including Novosibirsk, Saint-Petersburg and Moscow. Total number of participants exceeded 200 thousands; these events were coordinated by all opposition parties, who have nothing common in political affairs. Trade unions and individual politicians functioned as organizers of the public actions; the largest protest events of the summer occurred on July 18 and July 28–29. In particular, on July 28, more than 10,000 people attended a rally in the capital, Moscow. On September 2, large-scale anti-reform manifestations were led by the Russian communists and some other left-wing oppositional political forces. In Moscow, about 9,000 people attended a rally against the governmental pension reform. A week on September 9, the demonstrations against the plans to raise the national retirement age were organized by Alexey Navalny all over Russia; the events occurred in more than 80 cities including the capital. The most of actions were not permitted by the authorities, the police detained in total about 1000 participants.
Beyond the anti-reform slogans, the participants chanted "Russia without Putin" and held signs with messages like "Putin, when will you go on pension?". Further rallies were announced for every Saturday or Sunday of September 2018. So, on September 22, the countrywide protest actions were organized by the Communist party. In Moscow, several thousands demanded abandoning the pension reform and blamed the Russian government for this unpopular initiative; the reform has affected the Russia's local elections in September 2018: the results of the governmental United Russia party was the worst for more than 10 years. United Russia lost the Khabarovsk Krai gubernatorial election and Vladimir Oblast gubernatorial election to the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia, lost Khakassia election to the Communist Party of the Russian Federation; the reform was passed by the State Duma on first reading on July 19, with a 328-104 vote. Following strong protests, the president of Russia Vladimir Putin has submitted to the Duma some amendments to reduce the hike of the retirement age for women from 63 to 60 years.
Some other softenings were foreseen, e.g. for women having 3 and more children. The amendments were unanimo
Francisco Javier Ortega Smith-Molina is a Spanish-Argentine lawyer and politician. Secretary General of Vox, the second most prominent position in the Spanish party after president Santiago Abascal, he serves as member of the Congress of Deputies and as member of the Madrid City Council since 2019. Born on 28 August 1968 in Madrid, son of a Spanish father and an Argentine mother of English and Italian descent, he holds dual Spanish and Argentine citizenship. Son and grandson of lawyers, he is cousin of Juan Chicharro Ortega, general in reserve duty and chief executive officer of the Francisco Franco National Foundation, whom Ortega Smith keeps a close relationship with. Despite his family living in the Arturo Soria area of Madrid, he studied at the San Agustín School at Padre Damián Street, Chamartín, he took studies in Law in an educational centre in Toledo dependent of the Complutense University of Madrid, finishing his degree at the University of Alcalá. Collaborator in Así, theoretical bulletin of Falange Española de las JONS of Ciudad Lineal, in 1986 he signed in this journal the article «No olvidar», where Ortega Smith extolled the figure of José Antonio Primo de Rivera and glorified the interwar Falange party.
He spent 9 months fulfilling the mandatory military conscription within the COE 13, part of the Special Operations Groups, located in the San Pedro Base, Colmenar Viejo. He was a keen practitioner of martial arts, he stood in the 1994 European Parliament election as candidate of the Foro-CDS coalition headed by science popularizer Eduard Punset. Settled in Chamberí, Ortega Smith started a professional career as lawyer. In 2012 he was hired as lawyer of Santiago Abascal during a trial at the Audiencia Nacional against some individuals who had verbally abused Abascal in the Basque Country years ago, he worked in the judicial department of the DENAES Foundation serving as spokesman of the organisation. Founding member of Vox, he was included in 2013 as provisional Vice-President of the organisation in the procedure for the registration of the political party in the Ministry of the Interior required for its legalisation, he headed the Vox electoral list for the 2015 municipal election in Madrid. He bid for a seat of senator representing Madrid in the 2015 and 2016 general elections, failing to become a member of the Upper House after receiving 34,702 and 26,781 votes, well short of the 725,719 and 720,901 votes obtained by the last elected senator in each election.
In June 2016 he took part in a propaganda stunt along with other Vox members in Gibraltar, spreading a Spanish flag in the British overseas territory. He fled swimming away from the Rock. Tasked with managing the judicial strategy of Vox, he played a role in the private accusation exerted by Vox in the judicial proceedings at the High Court of Justice of Catalonia, the Audiencia Nacional and the Supreme Court against Catalan separatist leaders facing criminal charges. After the 2018 Andalusian regional election, he was the national delegate of the party signing the accord with the People's Party for the composition of the Board of the Parliament of Andalusia that gained Vox a seat in it, thereby frustrating the attempt to establish a cordon sanitaire around the far right party by the rest of parliamentary forces. Ortega Smith, who ran second in the Vox list in Madrid for the Congress of Deputies vis-à-vis the 28 April 2019 general election, was elected member of the 13th term of the Congress of Deputies.
He ran first in the Vox list in the 26 May 2019 Madrid municipal election, became municipal councillor. On October 2019 Ortega Smith accused Las Trece Rosas, of having been "torturers", "murderers" and "rapists" providing no evidence of it. Not the Francoist regime itself accused them of any such crimes, having sentenced them to death on the basis of the generic "adhesion to the rebellion". Ortega Smith is a staunch militarist, he argues that the History of Spain is "inalienable" and defines it as inextricably "linked to the sword and the cross". According to Guillermo Fernández, the 2018 Vistalegre bullring speech by Ortega Smith—that started by praising the "leading" role of Spanish forces in the 1571 victory of the Battle of Lepanto over "barbarism", the aim being to fuel a sense of the Nation's historical destiny–was an attempt to connect with the discursive and ideological ideas of the Spanish extreme right; as guest at the demonstration of the policial association Jusapol in Barcelona on 29 September 2018, his speech during the event included a diatribe against the European Union.
He has defended José Antonio Primo de Rivera to be "one of the great men in history"