Suffering, or pain in a broad sense, may be an experience of unpleasantness and aversion associated with the perception of harm or threat of harm in an individual. Suffering is the basic element; the opposite of suffering is happiness. Suffering is categorized as physical or mental, it may come from mild to intolerable. Factors of duration and frequency of occurrence compound that of intensity. Attitudes toward suffering may vary in the sufferer or other people, according to how much it is regarded as avoidable or unavoidable, useful or useless, deserved or undeserved. Suffering occurs in the lives of sentient beings in numerous manners dramatically; as a result, many fields of human activity are concerned with some aspects of suffering. These aspects may include the nature of suffering, its processes, its origin and causes, its meaning and significance, its related personal and cultural behaviors, its remedies and uses; the word suffering is sometimes used in the narrow sense of physical pain, but more it refers to mental pain, or more yet it refers to pain in the broad sense, i.e. to any unpleasant feeling, emotion or sensation.
The word pain refers to physical pain, but it is a common synonym of suffering. The words pain and suffering are used both together in different ways. For instance, they may be used as interchangeable synonyms. Or they may be used in'contradistinction' to one another, as in "pain is physical, suffering is mental", or "pain is inevitable, suffering is optional". Or they may be used to define each other, as in "pain is physical suffering", or "suffering is severe physical or mental pain". Qualifiers, such as physical, mental and psychological, are used to refer to certain types of pain or suffering. In particular, mental pain may be used in relationship with physical pain for distinguishing between two wide categories of pain or suffering. A first caveat concerning such a distinction is that it uses physical pain in a sense that includes not only the'typical sensory experience of physical pain' but other unpleasant bodily experiences including air hunger, vestibular suffering, sleep deprivation, itching.
A second caveat is that the terms physical or mental should not be taken too literally: physical pain or suffering, as a matter of fact, happens through conscious minds and involves emotional aspects, while mental pain or suffering happens through physical brains and, being an emotion, involves important physiological aspects. The word unpleasantness, which some people use as a synonym of suffering or pain in the broad sense, may be used to refer to the basic affective dimension of pain in contrast with the sensory dimension, as for instance in this sentence: "Pain-unpleasantness is though not always linked to both the intensity and unique qualities of the painful sensation." Other current words that have a definition with some similarity to suffering include distress, misery, woe, discomfort, disagreeableness. Hedonism, as an ethical theory, claims that good and bad consist in pleasure and pain. Many hedonists, in accordance with Epicurus and contrarily to popular perception of his doctrine, advocate that we should first seek to avoid suffering and that the greatest pleasure lies in a robust state of profound tranquility, free from the worrisome pursuit or the unwelcome consequences of ephemeral pleasures.
For Stoicism, the greatest good lies in reason and virtue, but the soul best reaches it through a kind of indifference to pleasure and pain: as a consequence, this doctrine has become identified with stern self-control in regard to suffering. Jeremy Bentham developed hedonistic utilitarianism, a popular doctrine in ethics and economics. Bentham argued that the right act or policy was that which would cause "the greatest happiness of the greatest number", he suggested a procedure called hedonic or felicific calculus, for determining how much pleasure and pain would result from any action. John Stuart Mill promoted the doctrine of hedonistic utilitarianism. Karl Popper, in The Open Society and Its Enemies, proposed a negative utilitarianism, which prioritizes the reduction of suffering over the enhancement of happiness when speaking of utility: "I believe that there is, from the ethical point of view, no symmetry between suffering and happiness, or between pain and pleasure. Human suffering makes a direct moral appeal for help, while there is no similar call to increase the happiness of a man, doing well anyway."
David Pearce, for his part, advocates a utilitarianism that aims straightforwardly at the abolition of suffering through the use of biotechnology. Another aspect worthy of mention here is that many utilitarians since Bentham hold that the moral status of a being comes from its ability to feel pleasure and pain: therefore, moral agents should consider not only the interests of human beings but those of animals. Richard Ryder came to the same conclusion in his concepts of'speciesism' and'painism'. Peter Singer's writings the book Animal Liberation, represent the leading edge of this kind of utilitarianism for animals as well as for people. Another doctrine related to the relief of suffering is humanitarianism. "Where humanitarian efforts seek a positive addition to the happiness of sentient beings, it is to make the unhappy happy rather than the happy happier. [
Presidency of Jimmy Carter
The presidency of Jimmy Carter began at noon EST on January 20, 1977, when Jimmy Carter was inaugurated as the 39th President of the United States, ended on January 20, 1981. Carter, a Democrat, took office after defeating incumbent Republican President Gerald Ford in the 1976 presidential election, his presidency ended with his defeat in the 1980 presidential election by Republican nominee Ronald Reagan. Carter took office during a period of "stagflation", as the economy experienced a combination of high inflation and slow economic growth, his budgetary policies centered on taming inflation by reducing deficits and government spending. Responding to energy concerns that had persisted through much of the 1970s, his administration enacted a national energy policy designed to promote energy conservation and the development of alternative resources. Despite Carter's policies, the country was beset by an energy crisis in 1979, followed by a recession in 1980. Carter sought reforms to the country's welfare, health care, tax systems, but was unsuccessful due to poor relations with Congress.
He presided over the establishment of the Department of Education. Taking office in the midst of the Cold War, Carter reoriented U. S. foreign policy towards an emphasis on human rights. Taking office during a period of warm relations with both China and the Soviet Union, Carter continued the conciliatory policies of his predecessors, he normalized relations with China and continued the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks with the Soviet Union. In an effort to end the Arab–Israeli conflict, he helped arrange the Camp David Accords between Israel and Egypt. Through the Torrijos–Carter Treaties, Carter guaranteed the transfer of the Panama Canal to Panama in 1999. After the start of the Soviet–Afghan War, he discarded his conciliatory policies towards the Soviet Union and began a period of military build-up; the final fifteen months of Carter's presidential tenure were marked by several major crises, including the Iran hostage crisis, serious fuel shortages, the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. His low approval ratings drew a challenge from Ted Kennedy, a prominent liberal Democrat who protested Carter's opposition to a national health insurance system.
Boosted by public support for his policies in late 1979 and early 1980, Carter rallied to defeat Kennedy in the 1980 Democratic primaries. In the general election, Carter faced a conservative former governor of California. Though polls taken on the eve of the election showed a close race, Reagan won a decisive victory. In polls of historians and political scientists, Carter is ranked as a below-average president. Carter was elected as the Governor of Georgia in 1970, during his four years in office he earned a reputation as a progressive, racially moderate Southern governor. Observing George McGovern's success in the 1972 Democratic primaries, Carter came to believe that he could win the 1976 Democratic presidential nomination by running as an outsider unconnected to establishment politicians in Washington, D. C. Despite scant backing from party leaders, McGovern had won the 1972 Democratic nomination by winning delegates in primary elections, Carter's campaign would follow a similar course. Carter declared his candidacy for the 1976 Democratic presidential nomination in December 1974.
As Democratic leaders such as 1968 nominee Hubert Humphrey, Senator Walter Mondale of Minnesota, Senator Ted Kennedy of Massachusetts declined to enter the race, there was no clear favorite in the Democratic primaries. Mo Udall, Sargent Shriver, Birch Bayh, Fred R. Harris, Terry Sanford, Henry M. Jackson, Lloyd Bentsen, George Wallace all sought the nomination, many of these candidates were better known than Carter. Carter sought to appeal to various groups in the party. Iowa held the first contest of the primary season, Carter campaigned in the state, hoping that a victory would show that he had serious chance of winning the nomination. Carter won the most votes of any candidate in the Iowa caucus, he dominated media coverage in advance of the New Hampshire primary, which he won. Carter's subsequent defeat of Wallace in the Florida and North Carolina primaries eliminated Carter's main rival in the South; the support of black voters was a key factor in Carter's success in the Southern primaries.
With a victory over Jackson in the Pennsylvania primary, Carter established himself as the clear front-runner. Despite the late entrance of Senator Frank Church and Governor Jerry Brown into the race, Carter clinched the nomination on the final day of the primaries; the 1976 Democratic National Convention proceeded harmoniously and, after interviewing several candidates, Carter chose Mondale as his running mate. The selection of Mondale was well received by many liberal Democrats, skeptical of Carter; the Republicans experienced a contested convention that nominated incumbent President Gerald Ford, who had succeeded to the presidency in 1974 after the resignation of Richard Nixon due to the latter's involvement in the Watergate scandal. With the Republicans badly divided, with Ford facing questions over his competence as president, polls taken in August 1976 showed Carter with a 15-point lead. In the general election campaign, Carter continued to promote a centrist agenda, seeking to define new Democratic positions in the aftermath of the tumultuous 1960s.
Above all, Carter attacked the political system, defining himself as an "outsider" who would reform Washington in the post-Watergate era. In response, Ford attacked Carter's supposed "fuzziness", arguing that
James Earl Carter Jr. is an American politician and philanthropist who served as the 39th president of the United States from 1977 to 1981. A Democrat, he served as a Georgia State senator from 1963 to 1967 and as the 76th governor of Georgia from 1971 to 1975. Carter has remained active in public life during his post-presidency, in 2002 he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for his work in co-founding the Carter Center. Raised in Plains, Carter graduated from the United States Naval Academy in 1946 with a Bachelor of Science degree and joined the United States Navy, where he served on submarines. After the death of his father in 1953, Carter left his naval career and returned home to Georgia to take up the reins of his family's peanut-growing business. Carter inherited comparatively little due to his father's forgiveness of debts and the division of the estate among the children, his ambition to expand and grow the Carters' peanut business was fulfilled. During this period, Carter was motivated to oppose the political climate of racial segregation and support the growing civil rights movement.
He became an activist within the Democratic Party. From 1963 to 1967, Carter served in the Georgia State Senate, in 1970, he was elected as Governor of Georgia, defeating former Governor Carl Sanders in the Democratic primary on an anti-segregation platform advocating affirmative action for ethnic minorities. Carter remained as governor until 1975. Despite being a dark-horse candidate, little known outside of Georgia at the start of the campaign, Carter won the 1976 Democratic presidential nomination. In the general election, Carter ran as an outsider and narrowly defeated incumbent Republican President Gerald Ford. On his second day in office, Carter pardoned all the Vietnam War draft evaders. During Carter's term as president, two new cabinet-level departments, the Department of Energy and the Department of Education, were established, he established a national energy policy that included conservation, price control, new technology. In foreign affairs, Carter pursued the Camp David Accords, the Panama Canal Treaties, the second round of Strategic Arms Limitation Talks, the return of the Panama Canal Zone to Panama.
On the economic front he confronted persistent stagflation, a combination of high inflation, high unemployment and slow growth. The end of his presidential tenure was marked by the 1979–1981 Iran hostage crisis, the 1979 energy crisis, the Three Mile Island nuclear accident, the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. In response to the invasion, Carter escalated the Cold War by ending détente, imposing a grain embargo against the Soviets, enunciating the Carter doctrine, leading an international boycott of the 1980 Summer Olympics in Moscow. In 1980, Carter faced a primary challenge from Senator Ted Kennedy, but he won re-nomination at the 1980 Democratic National Convention. Carter lost the general election in an electoral landslide to Republican nominee Ronald Reagan. Polls of historians and political scientists rank Carter as an average president. In 2012, Carter surpassed Herbert Hoover as the longest-retired president in U. S. history, in 2017 became the first president to live to the 40th anniversary of his inauguration.
He is the oldest and earliest-serving of all living U. S. presidents. In 2019, Carter surpassed George H. W. Bush as the longest-lived American president in U. S. history. In 1982, he established the Carter Center to expand human rights, he has traveled extensively to conduct peace negotiations, monitor elections, advance disease prevention and eradication in developing nations. Carter is considered a key figure in the Habitat for Humanity charity, he has written over 30 books ranging from politics to poetry and inspiration. He has criticized some of Israel's actions and policies in regards to the Israeli–Palestinian conflict and has advocated for a two-state solution. James Earl Carter Jr. was born on October 1, 1924, at the Wise Sanitarium in Plains, Georgia, a hospital where his mother was employed as a registered nurse. Carter was the first U. S. president to be born in a hospital. He was the eldest son of Bessie Lillian and James Earl Carter Sr. Carter is a descendant of English immigrant Thomas Carter, who settled in Virginia in 1635.
Numerous generations of Carters lived as cotton farmers in Georgia. Carter is a descendant of Thomas Cornell, an ancestor of Cornell University's founder, is distantly related to Richard Nixon and Bill Gates. Plains was a boomtown of 600 people at the time of Carter's birth. Carter's father was a successful local businessman, who ran a general store, was an investor in farmland, he served as a reserve second lieutenant in the U. S. Army's Quartermaster Corps during World War I; the family moved several times during Carter Jr.'s infancy. The Carters settled on a dirt road in nearby Archery, entirely populated by impoverished African American families, they had three more children: Gloria and Billy. Carter got along well with his parents, although his mother worked long hours and was absent in his childhood. Although Earl was staunchly pro-segregation, he allowed his son to befriend the black farmhands' children. Carter was an enterprising teenager, given his own acre of Earl's farmland where he grew and sold peanuts.
He rented out a section of tenant housing that he had purchased. Carter attended the Plains High School from 1937 to 1941. By that time, the Great Depression had impoverished Archery and Plains, but the family benefited from New Deal farming subsidies, Earl
Herman Kahn was a founder of the Hudson Institute and one of the preeminent futurists of the latter part of the twentieth century. He came to prominence as a military strategist and systems theorist while employed at the RAND Corporation, he became known for analyzing the consequences of nuclear war and recommending ways to improve survivability, making him one of three historical inspirations for the title character of Stanley Kubrick's classic black comedy film satire Dr. Strangelove, his theories contributed to the development of the nuclear strategy of the United States. Kahn was born in the son of Yetta and Abraham Kahn, a tailor, his parents were Jewish immigrants from Eastern Europe. He was raised in the Bronx in Los Angeles following his parents' divorce. Raised Jewish, he became an atheist, he attended the University of Los Angeles, majoring in physics. During World War II, he was stationed by the Army as a telephone linesman in Burma. After the war, he embarked on a doctorate at Caltech.
He did receive an MSc. Following a brief stint in real estate, he joined the RAND Corporation via his friend Samuel Cohen, the inventor of the neutron bomb, he became involved with the development of the hydrogen bomb, commuting to the Lawrence Livermore Laboratory in northern California to work with Edward Teller, John von Neumann, Hans Bethe, Albert Wohlstetter. Kahn's major contributions were the several strategies he developed during the Cold War to contemplate "the unthinkable" – namely, nuclear warfare – by using applications of game theory. Kahn is cited as a father of scenario planning. During the mid-1950s, the Eisenhower administration's prevailing nuclear strategy had been one of "massive retaliation", enunciated by Secretary of State John Foster Dulles. According to this theory, dubbed the "New Look", the Soviet Army was larger than that of the United States and therefore presented a potential security threat in too many locations for the Americans to counter at once; the United States had no choice but to proclaim that its response to any Soviet aggression anywhere would be a nuclear attack.
Kahn considered this theory untenable because it was crude and destabilizing. He argued that New-Look theory invited nuclear attack by providing the Soviet Union with an incentive to precede any conventional localized military action somewhere in the world with a nuclear attack on U. S. bomber bases, thereby eliminating the Americans' nuclear threat and forcing the United States into the land war it sought to avoid. In 1960, as Cold War tensions were near their peak following the Sputnik crisis and amidst talk of a widening "missile gap" between the United States and the Soviet Union, Kahn published On Thermonuclear War, the title of which alluded to On War, the classic 19th-century treatise by the German military strategist Carl von Clausewitz. Kahn rested his theory upon two premises, one obvious, one controversial. First, nuclear war was feasible, since the United States and the Soviet Union had massive nuclear arsenals aimed at each other. Second, like any other war, it was winnable. Kahn argued for deterrence and believed that if the Soviet Union believed that the United States had a second strike capability it would offer greater deterrence, which he wrote in his paper titled "The Nature and Feasibility of War and Deterrence".
Whether hundreds of millions died or "merely" a few major cities were destroyed, Kahn argued, life would go on – as it had, for instance, after the Black Death in Europe during the 14th century, or in Japan after the limited nuclear attack in 1945 – contrary to the conventional, prevailing doomsday scenarios. Various outcomes might be far more horrible than anything hitherto witnessed or imagined, but some of them nonetheless could be far worse than others. No matter how calamitous the devastation, Kahn argued that the survivors would not "envy the dead" and to believe otherwise would mean that deterrence was unnecessary in the first place. If Americans were unwilling to accept the consequences, no matter how horrifying, of a nuclear exchange they had no business proclaiming their willingness to attack. Without an unfettered, unambivalent willingness to "push the button", the entire array of preparations and military deployments was an elaborate bluff; the bases of his work were systems theory and game theory as applied to economics and military strategy.
Kahn argued that for deterrence to succeed, the Soviet Union had to be convinced that the United States had second-strike capability in order to leave the Politburo in no doubt that a coordinated massive attack would guarantee a measure of retaliation that would leave them devastated as well: At the minimum, an adequate deterrent for the United States must provide an objective basis for a Soviet calculation that would persuade them that, no matter how skillful or ingenious they were, an attack on the United States would lead to a high risk if not certainty of large-scale destruction to Soviet civil society and military forces. Superficially, this reasoning resembles the older doctrine of Mutual Assured Destruction due to John von Neumann, although Kahn was one of its vocal critics. Strong conventional forces were a key element in Kahn's strategic thinking, for he argued that the tension generated by minor flashpoints worldwide could be dissipated without resort to the nuclear option. Due to his willingness to articulate the most brutal possibilities, Kahn came to be disliked by some, although he was know
Economic stagnation is a prolonged period of slow economic growth accompanied by high unemployment. Under some definitions, "slow" means slower than potential growth as estimated by macroeconomists though the growth rate may be nominally higher than in other countries not experiencing economic stagnation; the term "secular stagnation" was coined by Alvin Hansen in 1938 to "describe what he feared was the fate of the American economy following the Great Depression of the early 1930s: a check to economic progress as investment opportunities were stunted by the closing of the frontier and the collapse of immigration". Warnings similar to secular stagnation theory have been issued after all deep recessions, but they turned out to be wrong because they underestimated the potential of existing technologies. Secular stagnation refers to "a condition of negligible or no economic growth in a market-based economy". In this context, the term secular is used in contrast to cyclical or short-term, suggests a change of fundamental dynamics which would play out only in its own time.
Alan Sweezy described the difference: "But, whereas business-cycle theory treats depression as a temporary, though recurring, the theory of secular stagnation brings out the possibility that depression may become the normal condition of the economy." According to Alan Sweezy "the idea of secular stagnation runs through much of Keynes General Theory". The years following the Panic of 1873, known as the Long Depression, were followed by periods of stagnation intermixed with surges of growth until steadier growth resumed around 1896; the period was characterized by low interest rates and deflation. According to David Ames Wells the economic problems were the result of rapid changes in technology, such as railroads, steam-powered ocean ships, steel displacing iron and the telegraph system; because there was so much economic growth overall, how much of this period was stagnation remains controversial. See: Long DepressionThe Great Depression of the 1930s and the rest of the period lasting until World War II.
Post War Economic Problems, Harris was written with the expectation that the stagnation would continue after the war ended. See: Causes of the Great Depression The U. S. economy of the early 19th century was agricultural and suffered from labor shortages. Capital was so scarce before the Civil War that private investors supplied only a fraction of the money to build railroads, despite the large economic advantage railroads offered; as new territories were opened and federal land sales conducted, land had to be cleared and new homesteads established. Hundreds of thousands of immigrants came to the United States every year and found jobs digging canals and building railroads; because there was little mechanization all work was done by hand or with horses and oxen until the last two decades of the 19th century. The decade of the 1880s saw great growth in the steel and machinery industries. Purchase of structures and equipment increased 500% from the previous decade. Labor productivity rose 26.5% and GDP nearly doubled.
The workweek during most of the 19th century was over 60 hours, being higher in the first half of the century, with twelve-hour work days common. There were other labor movements for a ten-hour day; the tight labor market was a factor in productivity gains allowing workers to maintain or increase their nominal wages during the secular deflation that caused real wages to rise in the late 19th century. Labor did suffer temporary setbacks, such as when railroads cut wages during the Long Depression of the mid-1870s. Construction of structures, residential and industrial, fell off during the depression, but housing was well on its way to recovering by the late 1930s; the depression years were the period of the highest total factor productivity growth in the United States to the building of roads and bridges, abandonment of unneeded railroad track and reduction in railroad employment, expansion of electric utilities and improvements wholesale and retail distribution. This helped the United States, which escaped the devastation of World War II, to convert back to peacetime production.
The war created pent up demand for many items as factories that once produced automobiles and other machinery converted to production of tanks, military vehicles and supplies. Tires had been rationed due to shortages of natural rubber. S. government built synthetic rubber plants. The U. S. government built synthetic ammonia plants, aluminum smelters, aviation fuel refineries and aircraft engine factories during the war. After the war, commercial aviation and synthetic rubber would become major industries and synthetic ammonia was used for fertilizer; the end of armaments production freed up hundreds of thousands of machine tools, which were made available for other industries. They were needed in the growing aircraft manufacturing industry; the memory of war created a need for preparedness in the United States. This resulted in constant spending for defense programs, creating what President Eisenhower called the military-industrial complex. U. S. birth rates began to recover by the time of World War II, turned into the baby boom of the postwar decades.
A building boom commenced in the years following the war. Suburbs began a rapid automobile ownership increased. High-yielding crops and chemical fertilizers increased crop yields and lowered the cost of food, giving consumers more discretionary income. Railroad locomotives switched from steam to diesel power
A malaise trap is a large, tent-like structure used for trapping flying insects Hymenoptera and Diptera. The trap can be various colours. Insects are funnelled into a collecting vessel attached to highest point, it was invented by René Malaise in 1934. Many versions of the malaise trap are used, but the basic structure consists of a tent with a large opening at the bottom for insects to fly into and a tall central wall that directs the flying insects upwards to a cylinder containing a killing agent; the chemicals vary according to access. Conventionally, cyanide was used inside the jar with an absorbent material. However, due to restrictions, many people use ethanol. Ethanol damages some flying insects such as lepidopterans, but most people use the malaise trap for hymenopterans and dipterans. In addition, the ethanol keeps the specimens preserved for a longer period of time. Other dry killing agents including no-pest strips and ethyl acetate need to be checked more regularly. CylinderWhen choosing a malaise trap design, the types of insects to catch must be considered.
The opening to the cylinder is of key importance. The opening is around 12–15 mm, can vary according to the size of insect desired. If using a dry agent, a smaller hole results in a faster death, limiting the amount of damage a newly caught insect can inflict on older, fragile specimens. In ethanol, this is less of a concern. Larger holes allow in more butterflies and dragonflies. LocationPlacement of the trap is important; this is determined by the natural features of the site. One should evaluate topography, vegetation and water. For example, if a wide corridor in a forest such as a trail is used, the trap should be oriented with its opening to the corridor. Places where vegetation is growing high around the opening limits the number of flying insects that enter the trap. Other ideal places may be on edges of forests. A well-placed trap in ideal seasonal conditions can catch over 1,000 insects a day. In less ideal conditions, such as rain, the trap is still effective; the malaise trap can function as a light trap.
If a lamp is placed at the end opposite of the opening, the light will attract insects into the trap. Specimens should be collected and removed at dawn and dusk to determine insects caught in daytime versus the night. Specimens should be removed from the trap at least once a week if using ethanol, or more if using a dry killing agent; the design of the trap catches insects that fly upwards when they hit a barrier. However, some insects drop. Addition of a pan with ethanol at the bottom of the main wall will catch specimens such as beetles that fall before reaching the top. A trap without the netting on top, but with just a preservative-filled basin under the barrier is named a flight interception trap. Insect Collection - Malaise Traps.
René Edmond Malaise was a Swedish entomologist and art collector, known for his invention of the Malaise trap and his systematic collection of thousands of insects. As an explorer he took part in an expedition to Kamchatka between 1920 and 1922 along with Sten Bergman and Eric Hultén. Malaise left the others and arrived in Kamakura, Japan in August 1923, just days before the great earthquake on 31 August 1923 which he witnessed from a short distance before his return to Stockholm, he traveled back to Kamchatka in 1924 along with his fiancée, the journalist and explorer Ester Blenda Nordström and did not return from the Soviet Union until 1930. On 31 August 1925 Ester Blenda married him on Kamchatka, they would divorce in 1929. In 1933 he married a teacher of biology and religion from Stockholm. Malaise set out on another expedition of his own to northern Burma between 1933 and 1935, with Ebba accompanying him on the trip, it was here, in Yangon in 1934, that he had five insect traps of his own construction manufactured inventing the "Malaise trap".
During this trip he collected some 100,000 insects, many of these unknown to entomology before Malaise's endeavor. Between 1953 and 1958 he supervised the entomological department of the Swedish Museum of Natural History, his only endeavor into geology, was his book Atlantis, en geologisk verklighet, ridiculed by the scientific community. In this book, he defended the "constriction theory" of paleozoologist Nils Odhner and claimed that Alfred Wegeners theory of plate tectonics was incorrect and that the migration of species has been helped by a sunken continent in the Atlantic, i.e. Atlantis. In his years he spent most of his time building up a large art collection, including works of Rembrandt. There is no written biography on Malaise, but Fredrik Sjöberg's essay, Flugfällan ISBN 91-578-0448-6 contains several chapters with tidbits from the life of Malaise that he has found in different places