Hawaiian religion encompasses the indigenous religious beliefs and practices of the Native Hawaiians. It is polytheistic and animistic, with a belief in many deities and spirits, including the belief that spirits are found in non-human beings and objects such as animals, the waves, the sky. Hawaiian religion originated among the Tahitians and other Pacific islanders who landed in Hawaiʻi between 500 and 1300 AD. Today, Hawaiian religious practices are protected by the American Indian Religious Freedom Act. Traditional Hawaiian religion is unrelated to the modern New Age practice known as "Huna." Hawaiian religion is polytheistic, with four deities most prominent: Kū, Lono and Kanaloa. Other notable deities include Laka, Haumea, Papahānaumoku, most famously, Pele. In addition, each family is considered to have one or more guardian spirits known as ʻaumakua that protected family. One breakdown of the Hawaiian pantheon consists of the following groups: the four gods – Kū, Kāne, Kanaloa the forty male gods or aspects of Kāne the four hundred gods and goddesses the great multitude of gods and goddesses the spirits the guardians Another breakdown consists of three major groups: the four gods, or akua: Kū, Kāne, Kanaloa many lesser gods, or kupua, each associated with certain professions guardian spirits, ʻaumakua, associated with particular families One Hawaiian creation myth is embodied in the Kumulipo, an epic chant linking the aliʻi, or Hawaiian royalty, to the gods.
The Kumulipo is divided into two sections: night, or pō, day, or ao, with the former corresponding to divinity and the latter corresponding to mankind. After the birth of Laʻilaʻi, the woman, Kiʻi, the man, the man succeeds at seducing and reproducing with the woman before the god Kāne has a chance, thereby making the divine lineage of the gods younger than and thus subservient to the lineage of man. This, in turn, illustrates the transition of mankind from being symbols for the gods into the keeper of these symbols in the form of idols and the like; the Kumulipo was recited during the time of Makahiki, to honor the god of Lono. The kahuna were well respected, educated individuals that made up a social hierarchy class that served the King and the Courtiers and assisted the Maka'ainana. Selected to serve many practical and governmental purposes, Kahuna were healers, builders, prophets/temple workers, philosophers, they talked with the spirits. Kahuna Kūpaʻiulu of Maui in 1867 described a counter-sorcery ritual to heal someone ill due to hoʻopiʻopiʻo, another’s evil thoughts.
He said. Prayers were said. "If the evil spirit appears and possesses the patient he or she can be saved by the conversation between the practitioner and that spirit."Pukui and others believed kahuna did not have mystical transcendent experiences as described in other religions. Although a person, possessed would go into a trance-like state, it was not an ecstatic experience but a communion with the known spirits. Kapu refers to a system of taboos designed to separate the spiritually pure from the unclean. Thought to have arrived with Pāʻao, a priest or chief from Tahiti who arrived in Hawaiʻi sometime around 1200 AD, the kapu imposed a series of restrictions on daily life. Prohibitions included: The separation of men and women during mealtimes Restrictions on the gathering and preparation of food Women separated from the community during their menses Restrictions on looking at, touching, or being in close proximity with chiefs and individuals of known spiritual power Restrictions on overfishingHawaiian tradition shows that ʻAikapu was an idea led by the kahuna in order for Wākea, the sky father, to get alone with his daughter, Hoʻohokukalani without his wahine, or wife, the earth mother, noticing.
The spiritually pure or laʻa, meaning "sacred" and unclean or haumia were to be separated. ʻAikapu included: The use of a different ovens to cook the food of male and female Different eating places Women were forbidden to eat pig, coconut and certain red foods because of their male symbolism. During times of war, the first two men to be killed were offered to the gods as sacrifices. Other Kapus included Mālama ʻĀina, meaning Niʻaupiʻo. Tradition says that mālama ʻāina originated from the first child of Wākea and Hoʻohokukalani being deformed so they buried him in the ground and what sprouted became the first kalo known as taro; the Hawaiian islands are all children of Papa, Wākea and Hoʻohokukalani so meaning that they are older siblings of the Hawaiian chiefs. Second child of Wākea and Hoʻohokukalani became the first Aliʻi Nui, or "Grand Chief"; this came to be called Niʻaupiʻo, the chiefly incest to create the "godly child". Punishments for breaking the kapu could include death, although if one could escape to a puʻuhonua, a city of refuge, one could be saved.
Kāhuna nui mandated long periods. No baby could cry, dog howl, or rooster crow, on pain of death. Human sacrifice was not unknown; the kapu system remained in place until 1819. Prayer was an essential part of Hawaiian life, employed when building a house, making a canoe, giving lomilomi massage. Hawaiians addressed prayers to various gods depending on the situation; when healers picked herbs for medicine, they prayed to Kū and Hina and female, right and left and supine. The people worshiped Lono during Kū during times of war. Histories from the 19th century describe prayer throughout the day, with specific p
Mo'orea is a high island in French Polynesia, one of the Windward Islands, part of the Society Islands, 17 kilometres northwest of Tahiti. The true spelling of Mo'orea is Mo'ore'a, meaning "yellow lizard" in Tahitian: Mo'o = lizard. An older name for the island is'Aimeho, sometimes spelled'Aimeo or'Eimeo. Early Western colonists and voyagers referred to Mo'orea as York Island. Several ferries go to the Vai'are wharf in Mo'orea daily from the Tahitian capital; the Vai'are wharf is in the Vai'are bay. There are 3 ferries. One of them is the'Aremiti 5; the largest one is the'Aremiti Ferry and the other one is the Terevau ferry. The ferries have to pass through Mo'orea's coral pass toward Pape'ete across the ocean and into the Tahiti Lagoon; the Vai'are bay is in the east part of Mo'orea. Mo'orea's Tema'e Airport has connections to the international airport in Pape'ete and onward to other Society Islands such as Bora Bora. If the islanders want to make an international flight, they would take Air Tahiti to get to the Fa'a'ā International Airport on Tahiti.
The Mo'orea airport is located north of the Vai'are bay. There is one road. Along the road are kilometre markers from 1 to 35; the first one is near the airport. The 35th one is in Ha'apiti. There are white signs that tell the driver which commune they entered. Other signs have the communes name with a red slash through it, meaning that the driver is leaving the commune; the island was formed as a volcano 1.5 to 2.5 million years ago, the result of a Society hotspot in the mantle under the oceanic plate that formed the whole of the Society Archipelago. It is theorized that the current bays were river basins that filled during the Holocene searise. Mo'orea is about 10 miles in width from the west to the east. There are two small, nearly symmetrical bays on the north shore; the one to the west is called'Ōpūnohu Bay, not populated but many travelers have come into the bay. The main surrounding communes of the bay are Piha'ena in the east and Papetō'ai to the west; the one to the east is Cook's Bay called Pao Pao Bay since the largest commune of Mo'orea is at the bottom of the bay.
The other communes are Piha'ena to the busy Maharepa to the east. The highest point is Mount Tohi'e'a, near the center of Mo'orea, it can be seen from Tahiti. There are hiking trails in the mountains; the Vai'are Bay is another small inlet, smaller than the two main bays, on the east shore. This bay has a lot of business; the main village is located just south of the bay. The island is administratively part of the commune of Mo'orea-Mai'ao, itself in the administrative subdivision of the Windward Islands; the main village is'Āfareaitu. The largest village is Pao Pao at the bottom of Cook's Bay; the second largest is Maharepa. Because of its stunning scenery and accessibility to Pape'ete, Mo'orea is visited by many western tourists who travel to French Polynesia. Popular as a honeymoon destination, Mo'orea can be seen in advertisements in American wedding magazines. Arthur Frommer declared in Frommer's travel guide that he considered it the most beautiful island in the world. Like many of the other islands, Mo'orea was first settled by Polynesians from the islands west of Mo'orea.
They arrived on canoes coming down from South Asia looking for islands to settle. It is estimated that they arrived on Mo'orea 1000 years ago. There are some ancient landmarks on Mo'orea known as marae, which consists of ancient stone rocks shaped like pyramids. On the rocks are carvings that tell when sacrifices took place; the oldest marae is the'Āfareaitu Marae, located in the island's main village. It was made by the early Polynesians in the year 900; the first European that recorded its sight was Pedro Fernandes de Queirós in 1606. The first settlers who were Europeans arrived during the 18th century; the first European to arrive on the island were the Englishmen Samuel Wallis and James Cook. Captain James Cook first landed on Tahiti, where he planned the 1769 Transit of Venus observed from Tahiti and Mo'orea. At Mo'orea, where Ta'aroa was chief, Cook first landed in'Ōpūnohu Bay, Cook's Bay was named in his honor. Spanish sailor Domingo de Bonechea named it Santo Domingo; the island was among those visited by the United States Exploring Expedition on its tour of the South Pacific in 1839.
Charles Darwin found inspiration for his theory regarding the formation of coral atolls when looking down upon Mo'orea while standing on a peak on Tahiti. He described it as a "picture in a frame". Don the Beachcomber lived here in the late 1920s, his houseboat was destroyed by tropical cyclones after he moved it from Waikiki after 1947. On October 7, 1967, construction was completed on the Mo'orea Airport, which opened the following month; the University of California, Berkeley maintains the Richard B. Gump South Pacific Research Station on the west coast of Cook's Bay; the Gump station is home to the Mo'orea Coral Reef Long Term Ecological Research Site. The project, funded by the US National Science Foundation, is a partnership between the University of California Santa Barbara and California State University, Northridge that includes additional researchers from UC Davis, UC Santa Cruz, UC San Diego and the University of Hawaiʻi; the Mo'orea Coral Reef LTER is part of the National Science Foundation's Long Term Ecological Research Network.
The LTER Program was established by the
French Polynesia is an overseas collectivity of the French Republic and the only overseas country of France. It is composed of 118 geographically dispersed islands and atolls stretching over an expanse of more than 2,000 kilometres in the South Pacific Ocean, its total land area is 4,167 square kilometres. French Polynesia is divided into five groups of islands: the Society Islands archipelago, composed of the Windward Islands and the Leeward Islands. Among its 118 islands and atolls, 67 are inhabited. Tahiti, located within the Society Islands, is the most populous island, having close to 69% of the population of French Polynesia as of 2017. Papeete, located on Tahiti, is the capital. Although not an integral part of its territory, Clipperton Island was administered from French Polynesia until 2007. Following the Great Polynesian Migration, European explorers visited the islands of French Polynesia on several occasions. Traders and whaling ships visited. In 1842, the French took over the islands and established a French protectorate they called Etablissements des français en Océanie.
In 1946, the EFOs became an overseas territory under the constitution of the French Fourth Republic, Polynesians were granted the right to vote through citizenship. In 1957, the EFOs were renamed French Polynesia. In 1983 French Polynesia became a member of the Pacific Community, a regional development organization. Since 28 March 2003, French Polynesia has been an overseas collectivity of the French Republic under the constitutional revision of article 74, gained, with law 2004-192 of 27 February 2004, an administrative autonomy, two symbolic manifestations of which are the title of the President of French Polynesia and its additional designation as an overseas country. French Polynesia was one of the last places on Earth to be settled by humans. Scientists believe the Great Polynesian Migration happened around 1500 BC as Austronesian people went on a journey using celestial navigation to find islands in the South Pacific Ocean; the first islands of French Polynesia to be settled were the Marquesas Islands in about 200 BC.
The Polynesians ventured southwest and discovered the Society Islands around AD 300. European encounters began in 1521 when Portuguese explorer Ferdinand Magellan, sailing at the service of the Spanish Crown, sighted Puka-Puka in the Tuāmotu-Gambier Archipelago. In 1606 another Spanish expedition under Pedro Fernandes de Queirós sailed through Polynesia sighting an inhabited island on 10 February which they called Sagitaria the island of Rekareka to the southeast of Tahiti. Over a century British explorer Samuel Wallis visited Tahiti in 1767. French explorer Louis Antoine de Bougainville visited Tahiti in 1768, while British explorer James Cook arrived in 1769. In 1772, the Spanish Viceroy of Peru Don Manuel de Amat ordered a number of expeditions to Tahiti under the command of Domingo de Bonechea, the first European to explore all of the main islands beyond Tahiti. A short-lived Spanish settlement was created in 1774, for a time some maps bore the name Isla de Amat after Viceroy Amat. In 1772, Dutchman Jakob Roggeveen came across Bora Bora in the Society Islands.
Christian missions began with Spanish priests. Protestants from the London Missionary Society settled permanently in Polynesia in 1797. King Pōmare II of Tahiti was forced to flee to Mo'orea in 1803. French Catholic missionaries arrived on Tahiti in 1834. In 1842, Tahiti and Tahuata were declared a French protectorate, to allow Catholic missionaries to work undisturbed; the capital of Papeetē was founded in 1843. In 1880, France annexed Tahiti; the island groups were not united until the establishment of the French protectorate in 1889. After France declared a protectorate over Tahiti in 1840, the British and French signed the Jarnac Convention in 1847, declaring that the kingdoms of Raiatea and Bora Bora were to remain independent from either powers and that no single chief was to be allowed to reign over the entire archipelago. France broke the agreement, the islands were annexed and became a colony in 1888 after many native resistances and conflicts called the Leewards War, lasting until 1897.
In the 1880s, France claimed the Tuamotu Archipelago, which belonged to the Pōmare Dynasty, without formally annexing it. Having declared a protectorate over Tahuata in 1842, the French regarded the entire Marquesas Islands as French. In 1885, France appointed a governor and established a general council, thus giving it the proper administration for a colony; the islands of Rimatara and Rūrutu unsuccessfully lobbied for British protection in 1888, so in 1889 they were annexed by France. Postage stamps were first issued in the colony in 1892; the first official name for the colony was Établissements de l'Océanie. In 1940, the administration of French Polynesia recognised the Free French Forces and many Polynesians served in World War II. Unknown at the time to the French and Polynesians, the Konoe Cabinet in Imperial Japan on 16 September 1940 included French Polynesia among the many territories whic
Māori mythology and Māori traditions are the two major categories into which the legends of the Māori of New Zealand may usefully be divided. The rituals and the world view of Māori society were based on an elaborate mythology, inherited from a Polynesian homeland and adapted and developed in the new setting. Few records survive of the extensive body of Māori mythology and tradition from the early years of European contact; the missionaries had the best opportunity to get the information, but failed to do so at first, in part because their knowledge of the language was imperfect. Most of the missionaries who did master the language were unsympathetic to Māori beliefs, regarding them as'puerile beliefs', or even'works of the devil'. Exceptions to this general rule were J. F. Wohlers of the South Island, Richard Taylor, who worked in the Taranaki and Wanganui River areas, William Colenso who lived at the Bay of Islands and in Hawke's Bay. "The writings of these men are among our best sources for the legends of the areas in which they worked".
In the 1840s Edward Shortland, Sir George Grey, other non-missionaries began to collect the myths and traditions. At that time many Māori were literate in their own language and the material collected was, in general, written by Māori themselves in the same style as they spoke; the new medium seems to have had minimal effect on the content of the stories. Genealogies and narratives were written out in full, just as if they were being recited or sung. Many of these early manuscripts have been published, as of 2012 scholars have access to a great body of material containing multiple versions of the great myth cycles known in the rest of Polynesia, as well as of the local traditions pertaining only to New Zealand. A great deal of the best material is found in two books, Nga Mahi a nga Tupuna, collected by Sir George Grey and translated as Polynesian Mythology; the three forms of expression prominent in Māori and Polynesian oral literature are genealogical recital and narrative prose. The reciting of genealogies was well developed in Māori oral literature, where it served several functions in the recounting of tradition.
Firstly it served to provide a kind of time scale which unified all Māori myth and history, from the distant past to the present. It linked living people to the legendary heroes. By quoting appropriate genealogical lines, a narrator emphasised his or her connection with the characters whose deeds were being described, that connection proved that the narrator had the right to speak of them. "In the cosmogonic genealogies, to be described genealogical recital is revealed as a true literary form. What appears at first sight to be a mere listing of names is in fact a cryptic account of the evolution of the universe"'. Māori poetry was always chanted. Rhyme or assonance were not devices used by the Māori; the lines are indicated by features of the music. The language of poetry tends to differ stylistically from prose. Typical features of poetic diction are the use of synonyms or contrastive opposites, the repetition of key words. "Archaic words are common, including many which have lost any specific meaning and acquired a religious mystique.
Abbreviated, sometimes cryptic utterances and the use of certain grammatical constructions not found in prose are common". Prose narrative forms the great bulk of Māori legendary material; some appears to have been sacred or esoteric, but many of the legends were well-known stories told as entertainment in the long nights of winter. "Nevertheless, they should not be regarded as fairy tales to be enjoyed only as stories. The Māui myth, for example, was important not only as entertainment but because it embodied the beliefs of the people concerning such things as the origin of fire, of death, of the land in which they lived; the ritual chants concerning firemaking, death, so on made reference to Māui and derived their power from such reference". Myths are set in the remote past and their content have to do with the supernatural, they present Māori ideas of people. The mythology accounts for natural phenomena, the weather, the stars and the moon, the fish of the sea, the birds of the forest, the forests themselves.
Much of the culturally institutioned behaviour of the people finds its sanctions in myth. "Perhaps the most distinctive feature of myth, as distinct from tradition, is its universality. Each of the major myths is known in some version not only throughout New Zealand but over much of Polynesia as well"; the Māori understanding of the development of the universe was expressed in genealogical form. These genealogies appear in many versions, in which several symbolic themes recur. "Evolution may be likened to a series of periods of darkness or voids, each numbered in sequence or qualified by some descriptive term. In some cases the periods of darkness are succeeded by periods of light. In other versions the evolution of the universe is likened to a tree, with its base, tap roots, branching roots, root hairs. Another theme likens evolution to the development of a child in the womb, as in the sequence “the seeking, the searching, the conception, the growth, the feeling, the thought, the mi
The Marquesas Islands are a group of volcanic islands in French Polynesia, an overseas collectivity of France in the southern Pacific Ocean. The Marquesas are located at 9.7812° S, 139.0817° W. The highest point is the peak of Mount Oave on Ua Pou island at 1,230 m above sea level. Research based on 2010 studies suggests the islands were colonized in two successive waves by indigenous colonists from West Polynesia, beginning c. 1025–1120 AD, leading to the development of a "remarkably uniform culture, human biology and language."The Marquesas Islands form one of the five administrative divisions of French Polynesia. The capital of the Marquesas Islands administrative subdivision is the settlement of Taiohae on the island of Nuku Hiva; the population of the Marquesas Islands was 9,346 inhabitants at the August 2017 census. The Marquesas Islands group is one of the most remote in the world, lying about 852 mi northeast of Tahiti and about 3,000 mi away from the west coast of Mexico, the nearest continental land mass.
They fall into two geographical divisions: the northern group, consisting of Eiao, Motu One, the islands centered on the large island of Nuku Hiva: Motu Iti, Ua Pou, Motu Oa and Ua Huka, the southern group of Fatu Uku, Moho Tani, Fatu Hiva and Motu Nao, clustered around the main island of Hiva ʻOa. With a combined land area of 1,049 square kilometres, the Marquesas are among the largest island groups of French Polynesia discovered by Spanish galleons fleets en route to Manila, Nuku Hiva being the second largest island in the entire territory, after Tahiti. With the exception of Motu One, all the islands of the Marquesas are of volcanic origin. In contrast to the tendency to associate Polynesia with lush tropical vegetation, the Marquesas are remarkably dry islands. Though the islands lie within the tropics, they are the first major break in the prevailing easterly winds that spawn from the extraordinarily dry Humboldt Current; because of this, the islands are subject to frequent drought conditions, only those that reach highest into the clouds have reliable precipitation.
This has led to historical fluctuations in water supply, which have played a crucial role in the sustainability of human populations in certain sections of the various islands throughout the archipelago. This is evident in the low historical population of Ua Huka and the intermittent inhabitability of Eiao; the Marquesas Islands are thought to have formed by a center of upwelling magma called the Marquesas hotspot. Eiao Hatutu Motu Iti Motu Oa Motu One Nuku Hiva Ua Huka Ua Pou Fatu Hiva Fatu Huku Hiva ʻOa Moho Tani Motu Nao Tahuata Terihi There are a number of seamounts or shoals, located in the area of the northern Marquesas. Among these are: Clark Bank Hinakura Bank Lawson Bank Bank Jean Goguel The bulk of the Marquesas Islands are of volcanic origin, created by the Marquesas hotspot that underlies the Pacific Plate; the Marquesas Islands lie above a submarine volcanic plateau of the same name. The plateau, like the islands, is believed to be less than 5 million years old, though one hypothesis has the plateau as older and having a mirror image, the Inca Plateau, subducting under northern Peru.
Except for Motu One, all the Marquesas are high islands. Motu One is a low island. Unlike the majority of French Polynesian islands, the Marquesas are not surrounded by protective fringing reefs. Except for Motu One, in bays and other protected areas, the only other coral in the Marquesas is found in a rather strange place: on the top of the island of Fatu Huku; the South Equatorial Current lashes the islands mercilessly, which has led to sea-caves dotting the islands' shores. Except for where the valleys empty into the small bays, the islands are remarkable for their mountain ridges, which end abruptly as cliffs where they meet the sea; the islands are estimated to range in age from Fatu Hiva to the oldest, Eiao. Temperatures in the Marquesas are stable year around, but precipitation is variable. Precipitation is much greater on the east parts of the islands than on the western parts. Average annual precipitation can vary from more than 100 inches on windward shores and mountains to a low as 20 inches in the "desert" region of Nuku Hiva.
Droughts, sometimes lasting several years, are frequent and seem to be associated with the El Niño phenomena. The statistics from the weather station at Atuona on Hiva ʻOa is representative of the average sea-level climate of the Marquesas. Illustrating the variability of precipitation, the highest annual rainfall recorded in Atuona is 148.2 inches. The first recorded settlers of the Marquesas were Polynesians, from archaeological evidence, was long believed by scholars to have arrived from West Polynesia before 100 AD. However, a 2010 study using revised, high-precision radiocarbon dating based on more reliable samples has established that the period of eastern Polynesian colonization took place much in a shorter time frame of two waves: the "earliest in the Society Islands A. D. ∼1025–112
Ethnologue: Languages of the World is an annual reference publication in print and online that provides statistics and other information on the living languages of the world. It was first issued in 1951, is now published annually by SIL International, a U. S.-based, Christian non-profit organization. SIL's main purpose is to study and document languages to promote literacy and for religious purposes; as of 2018, Ethnologue contains web-based information on 7,097 languages in its 21st edition, including the number of speakers, dialects, linguistic affiliations, availability of the Bible in each language and dialect described, a cursory description of revitalization efforts where reported, an estimate of language viability using the Expanded Graded Intergenerational Disruption Scale. Ethnologue has been published by SIL International, a Christian linguistic service organization with an international office in Dallas, Texas; the organization studies numerous minority languages to facilitate language development, to work with speakers of such language communities in translating portions of the Bible into their languages.
The determination of what characteristics define a single language depends upon sociolinguistic evaluation by various scholars. Ethnologue follows general linguistic criteria, which are based on mutual intelligibility. Shared language intelligibility features are complex, include etymological and grammatical evidence, agreed upon by experts. In addition to choosing a primary name for a language, Ethnologue provides listings of other name for the language and any dialects that are used by its speakers, government and neighbors. Included are any names that have been referenced regardless of whether a name is considered official, politically correct or offensive; these lists of names are not complete. In 1984, Ethnologue released a three-letter coding system, called an'SIL code', to identify each language that it described; this set of codes exceeded the scope of other standards, e.g. ISO 639-1 and ISO 639-2; the 14th edition, published in 2000, included 7,148 language codes. In 2002, Ethnologue was asked to work with the International Organization for Standardization to integrate its codes into a draft international standard.
The 15th edition of Ethnologue was the first edition to use this standard, called ISO 639-3. This standard is now administered separately from Ethnologue. In only one case and the ISO standards treat languages differently. ISO 639-3 considers Akan to be a macrolanguage consisting of two distinct languages and Fante, whereas Ethnologue considers Twi and Fante to be dialects of a single language, since they are mutually intelligible; this anomaly resulted because the ISO 639-2 standard has separate codes for Twi and Fante, which have separate literary traditions, all 639-2 codes for individual languages are automatically part of 639–3 though 639-3 would not assign them separate codes. In 2014, with the 17th edition, Ethnologue introduced a numerical code for language status using a framework called EGIDS, an elaboration of Fishman's GIDS, it ranks a language from 0 for an international language to 10 for an extinct language, i.e. a language with which no-one retains a sense of ethnic identity.
In December 2015, Ethnologue launched a metered paywall. As of 2017, Ethnologue's 20th edition described 237 language families including 86 language isolates and six typological categories, namely sign languages, pidgins, mixed languages, constructed languages, as yet unclassified languages. In 1986, William Bright editor of the journal Language, wrote of Ethnologue that it "is indispensable for any reference shelf on the languages of the world". In 2008 in the same journal, Lyle Campbell and Verónica Grondona said: "Ethnologue...has become the standard reference, its usefulness is hard to overestimate."In 2015, Harald Hammarström, an editor of Glottolog, criticized the publication for lacking citations and failing to articulate clear principles of language classification and identification. However, he concluded that, on balance, "Ethnologue is an impressively comprehensive catalogue of world languages, it is far superior to anything else produced prior to 2009." Starting with the 17th edition, Ethnologue has been published every year.
Linguasphere Observatory Register Lists of languages List of language families Martin Everaert. The Use of Databases in Cross-Linguistic Studies. Walter de Gruyter. ISBN 9783110198744. Retrieved 2014-07-13. Skutnabb-Kangas, Tove. Linguistic Genocide in Education-or Worldwide Diversity and Human Rights?. Routledge. ISBN 9781135662356. Retrieved 2014-07-13. Paolillo, John C.. "Evaluating language statistics: the Ethnologue and beyond". UNESCO Institute of Statistics. Pp. 3–5. Retrieved October 8, 2015. Web version of Ethnologue
Mangareva is the central and largest island of the Gambier Islands in French Polynesia. It is surrounded by smaller islands: Taravai in the southwest and Akamaru in the southeast, islands in the north. Mangareva has a permanent population of 1,239 and the largest village on the island, Rikitea, is the chief town of the Gambier Islands; the island is 8 kilometres long and, at 15.4 square kilometres, it comprises about 56% of the land area of the whole Gambier group. Mangareva has a high central ridge; the highest point in the Gambiers is Mt. Duff, on Mangareva, rising to 441 m along the island's south coast; the island has a large lagoon 24 kilometres in diameter containing reefs whose fish and shellfish helped ancient islanders survive much more than on nearby islands with no reefs. The Mangarevan language suggests two waves of immigration from the Marquesas via the Eastern Tuamotus. A Marquesan influence is evident in the style of many ruined marae platforms. Basalt used for making local adze heads can be geochemically traced to quarries on the Marquesas and Society Islands to the north, to Pitcairn and Henderson Island to the east.
Strong similarities between the earliest artefacts here and those from Easter Island have been identified, suggesting that the island once served as a southern sailing hub comparable to the Society Islands in the more northerly trade wind belt. Mangareva was once forested and supported a large population that traded with other islands via canoes. However, excessive logging by the islanders during the 10th to the 15th centuries resulted in deforestation of the island, with disastrous results for its environment and economy; the first European to arrive at Mangareva was British Captain James Wilson in 1797 on the ship Duff. Wilson named the island group in honour of Admiral James Gambier, who had helped him to equip his vessel. Mangareva along with its dependencies in the Gambier Islands were ruled by a line of kings and regents until the French formally annexed the islands. A French protectorate was requested on 16 February 1844 by King Maputeoa but was never ratified by the French government.
On 4 February 1870, Prince Regent Arone Teikatoara and the Mangarevan government formally withdrew the protectorate request and asked the French to not intervene in the kingdom's affairs. After Father Honoré Laval was removed to Tahiti, the native government changed its stance and an agreement between Prince Regent Arone and the French colonial authority in Tahiti was signed reaffirming the protectorate status on 30 November 1871; the Gambier Islands were annexed on 21 February 1881 under Prince Regent Bernardo Putairi and approved by the President of France on 30 January 1882. Mangareva is reached by boat from the nearby airport across the lagoon. Mangareva is an important travel link to Pitcairn Island; the only way a traveler can reach Pitcairn Island is to fly to Tahiti to Mangareva. From there, a 32-hour boat ride will take the traveler to the island; some reach Pitcairn by commercial shipping traffic, but, less and less common as shipping lanes do not pass close to Pitcairn. Painter and author Robert Lee Eskridge's book Manga Reva: The Forgotten Islands offers first-hand observations of the environment and traditions of Mangareva.
It includes original photographs by the author. In 1962, adventure-fiction writer Garland Roark acknowledged Eskridge's work in a foreword to his novel The Witch of Manga Reva. Eskridge wrote and illustrated a children's book about his visit to Mangareva: South Sea Playmates; the Mangarevan people had developed a binary number system 300 years ahead of Europeans. The discovery of the binary system being used as far back as 1450 CE is surprising, given its location; this old way of common numbering has been all but lost. Because the islands were controlled by the French for such a long period, the Hindu–Arabic numerals with which the West is most familiar has taken its place. Researchers Andrea Bender and Sieghard Beller discovered that mathematicians on the island combined the two number systems into a novel binary system which allowed them to cut down on the number of digits involved in traditional binary systems: for example, 130 is represented in binary as 10000010. V stands for 80, T is 40, K is 10.
List of volcanoes in French Polynesia British Navigators, 1780 to 1800 Intrepid Polynesian Voyagers Mangareva, Tahiti - Death of a People Mangareva