In political science, Marxism–Leninism was the official state ideology of the Soviet Union, of the parties of the Communist International, after their Bolshevisation, is the ideology of Stalinist political parties. As Stalin's synthesis of Leninism, the political praxis of Lenin, of Marxism, the politico-economic theories of Karl Marx, the purpose of Marxism–Leninism is the transformation of a capitalist state into a socialist state, by way of two-stage revolution and led by a vanguard party of professional revolutionaries, drawn from the proletariat. To realise the two-stage transformation of the state, the vanguard party establishes the dictatorship of the proletariat, which determines policy with democratic centralism. Politically, the Marxist–Leninist communist party is the vanguard for the organisation of a capitalist society into a socialist society, the lower stage of socio-economic development, progress towards the upper-stage communist society, stateless and classless. In the late 1920s, after the death of Lenin, Stalin established universal ideologic orthodoxy among the Communist Party, the USSR, the Communist International, with his coinage Marxism–Leninism, a term which redefined theories of Lenin and Marx to establish universal Marxist–Leninist praxis for the exclusive, geopolitical benefit of the USSR.
In the late 1930s, Stalin's official textbook The History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, made the term Marxism–Leninism common, political-science usage among communists and non-communists. Critical of Stalin's political economy and single-party government in the USSR, the Italian Left-communist Amadeo Bordiga said that Marxism–Leninism was a form of political opportunism, which preserved rather than destroyed capitalism, because of the claim that the exchange of commodities would occur under socialism; the American Marxist Raya Dunayevskaya dismissed Marxism–Leninism as a type of state capitalism because: state ownership of the means of production is a form of state capitalism. In 1929, within five years of the death of Lenin, Stalin was the Government of the Soviet Union, a ruler who flouted and applied the socialist principles of Lenin and Marx as political expediencies used to realise his plans for the USSR and for world socialism. Stalin justified his régime's deviations from Lenin's practices with the book Concerning Questions of Leninism, in which Stalin represented Marxism–Leninism as a separate communist ideology, which featured an omniscient leader, hierarchies of one global communist party and communist vanguard parties in each country of the world.
Stalin's interpretations of Lenin and Marx became Stalinism, the official state ideology of the Soviet Union. As the Left Opposition to Stalin within the Communist Party and the Soviet government, Leon Trotsky and the Trotskyists argued that Stalin's Marxist–Leninist ideology contradicted Marxism and Leninism in theory and in practice, thus was illegitimate socialist philosophy for the practical implementation of Socialism in Russia. Moreover, within the Party, the Trotskyists identified their communist ideology as Bolshevik–Leninism, to politically differentiate their ideology from the ideology Stalin used to justify and implement his theory of Socialism in One Country. In Marxist political discourse the term Marxism–Leninism and connoting the theory and praxis of Stalinism, has two usages: praise of Joseph Stalin, by Stalinists who believe Stalin developed Lenin's legacy. Consequent to the Sino-Soviet split, in each socialist country, the Communist Party of China and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union each claimed to be the sole heir-and-successor to Stalin, regarding the correct interpretation of Marxism–Leninism, thus ideological leader of world communism.
In that vein, the History of the People's Republic of China represents Maoism as Mao Zedong's fundamental up-dating and adaptation of Leninism to Chinese conditions, in which revolutionary praxis is primary and ideologic orthodoxy is secondary. The Sino-Albanian split was caused by Socialist Albania's rejection of the PRC's Realpolitik of Sino–American rapprochement the Mao–Nixon meeting, which the anti-revisionist Albanian Labor Party perceived as an ideological betrayal of Mao's own Three Worlds Theory, which excluded such political relations of rapprochement. To the Albanians, the Chinese dealings with the U. S. were a lessening of Mao's practical commitments to proletarian internationalism. Enver Hoxha, the head of the Albanian Labor Party, theorised an anti-revisionist Marxism-Leninism referred to as Hoxhaism, which attempted to retain an'authentic' socialism in comparison to the post-Stalinist Soviet Union
Semana is a weekly magazine of opinion and analysis in Colombia. Semana was founded in 1946 by Alberto Lleras Camargo and that folded in 1961, it was relaunched by journalist Felipe López Caballero in 1983. Es:Felipe López Caballero, the person who restarted the magazine, took two earlier Colombian magazines as models. One was Camargo's Semana; the foreign magazines that he strove to imitate were Newsweek. Recalling the prestige, enjoyed by Lleras's magazine, López asked for, was given, permission to use the same name; the first issue came out on 12 May 12 1982. Its cover story was about terrorism; some of Semana's most important reporting has been about Pablo Escobar, the drug trafficking kingpin. In the 1980s, López was one of the two "big critics" of drug trafficking. Since however, the magazine has become less political. Semana's coverage of Proceso 8000, the unofficial name of the legal investigation of accusations that Ernesto Samper's 1994 presidential campaign was funded with drug money, was the high point of the magazine's influence.
Yet while the magazine covered Samper's activities with brutal honesty, López never fell out with Samper. Once he invited Samper and radio journalist Julio Sánchez Cristo, a fierce Samper critic, to lunch in hopes of making peace between them. Samper told López "you have been harsh," and Sanchez injected that López had been harsh out of conviction, while he had done it for money. In recent years, Semana has been critical of the administration of Álvaro Uribe Vélez and has taken on Colombian guerrilla and paramilitary groups. In May 2009, Semana opposed a possible second re-election of Uribe, arguing that "a third term... would have serious institutional repercussions" and that keeping Uribe in power would only aggravate the "erosion of separation of powers that has taken place during these seven years." While acknowledging that "the popularity of the President... is undeniable and deserved," Semana concluded that a third term for Uribe would, on the whole, be inadvisable. On the occasion of its 30th anniversary in 2012, Semana was described as "one of the major and largest publications in the Americas" by Finanzas.com, which observed that its history had been "tied up with the most important events in Colombia" and that it had "recorded our country's most significant successes."
Although there had been great changes in Colombia, the magazine's principles had "not changed in these thirty years." In May 2013, Ricardo Calderon, the prize-winning investigative editor of Semana, was surprised by gunmen, who men shot "five bullets into his car ", but he escaped without injury. The Associated Press noted that at the time of the murder attempt Calderon had been working on an investigative series about "the scandalously luxurious life of military officers jailed for crimes including murder and crimes against humanity at Tolemaida army base." Although a great many local journalists in Colombia have been murdered over the last few decades, this was, according to the Associated Press, "the first attempt on the life of a Semana journalist in the magazine's 30 years and it sent shock waves through the news media and human rights communities because of Calderon's stature." Semana won the Premio Rey de Espana two years in a row, in 2007 and 2008. The 2007 award acknowledged the magazine's 25 years of investigative journalism.
In 2008, the magazine won the award for a series of articles that uncovered the strong ties between political leaders and illegal right-wing paramilitary groups. The awards jury praised the magazine's "tireless research" and described their work as "a moral call to Colombia and the world."The magazine's website has won several national and international awards, including the Círculo de Periodistas de Bogotá, Premio Rey de España, Premio de la Sociedad Interamericana de Prensa. It has twice been a finalist for the Premio Iberoamericano de Periodismo Cemex-Fnpi. In 2007, Semana.com won the Premio de la Sociedad Interamericana de Prensa for Internet news coverage. The prize was awarded for "La muerte de Carlos Castaño." In the same year, Semana won honorable mention in the category of human rights for "Torturas en el Ejército" and was a finalist in the opinion category. In 2013, Ricardo Calderón of Semana, José Navia of SoHo, Semana.com all won prizes from the Círculo de Periodistas de Bogotá. Semana.com won for "Cerro Matoso: mina rica, pueblo pobre" published in August 2012.
Semana, which has won several international prizes and has more than a million readers, is considered required reading for Colombia's political and cultural elite. "In the history of journalism in Colombia," reads a profile of López by a Colombian writer, "there is a'before Semana' and an'after Semana,' because, in effect, before May 1982 such a thing didn't exist.... The press in this country was an extension of the political parties." The same profile notes that "at least 80 percent of all the political scandals that have occurred in Colombia in the last 30 years have been exposed by Semana." The Washington Post, The New York Times and The Economist have all called Semana the best magazine in Latin America. Over time, the magazine Semana developed into Publicaciones Semana, a magazine group which publishes several other major periodicals in Colombia and neighboring countries. Dinero is Colombia's major economics and business magazine; each of these magazi
Armed resistance in Chile (1973–1990)
Beginning with the 1973 Chilean coup d'état, an armed leftist resistance movement against Military dictatorship of Chile developed until 1990 when democracy was restored. The main armed resistance groups of the period were the Revolutionary Left Movement and Frente Patriótico Manuel Rodríguez, the armed wing of the Communist Party of Chile; these groups had a long-standing rivalry. Key events during the armed resistance were the attempt to set up guerrilla camps in Neltume in 1970-73 and 1980-81, the February 1986 sabotaging of the Limache train tracks, the Carrizal Bajo arms smuggling operation in August 1986 and the attempted killing of Pinochet in September that same year. After the return to democracy was initiated in 1990 the bulk of the armed groups demobilized. However, splinter groups that switched targets after the dictatorship fell, continued to carry out assassinations, bombings and armed robberies until 2010; the first major action by the MIR took place in September 1967 during violent clashes between MIR-led students from the University of Concepción and riot police.
Carabineros were seeking to arrest those responsible for destroying a police vehicle, but students reorganized and kidnapped carabinier Héctor Gutiérrez Orellana. Chilean president Eduardo Nicanor Frei Montalva sought to defuse the situation through intermediaries and obtained the release of the policeman in exchange for dropping charges against students earlier arrested in the confrontations. During 1968, the MIR presence continued to be felt in various universities with armed actions increasing in 1969 through multiple acts of vandalism and physical assaults on conservative/right wing students and faculty members. On 1 May 1969, fifteen MIR activists armed with knives took over the Bio Bio radio station in Concepción and transmitted a special broadcast calling for the locals to take up arms and overthrow the government of Frei. On 2 May 1969, MIR activists operating in Concepción attacked the branches of National City Bank, the building of the La Patria newspaper and the offices of the Weigner Stein business.
In June, the MIR kidnapped journalist Hernán Osses Santa María, Director of the Noticias de la Tarde in nearby Talcahuano, in an effort to silence the in depth reporting on the leftist violence in Concepción. Police Investigations and Carabineros soon surrounded the University of Concepción and forced the students to release the newspaper director unharmed. A specially appointed judge was soon named and a criminal suit was filed with the Courts of Appeals of Concepción against the MIR and over 20 of its identified leaders for breaking the Law of Interior Security of the State; the MIR had no option but to go underground and into hiding. In the ensuing police and military operations against the MIR, a guerrilla training camp is discovered in San José de Maipo and another at Corral. MIR guerrillas continue to operate, in Santiago alone carry out 12 armed robberies of banks and businesses between August 1969 and September 1970 to finance their operations; the Revolutionary Left Movement were absolved of criminal charges under an amnesty under the Popular Unity government of Allende and was allowed to operate again encouraging and carrying out illegal expropriations of farms and businesses, assaulting outspoken conservatives/rightist members of the public and security forces.
According to police figures submitted to the Chilean senate, 1,458 farms were illegally occupied between November 1970 and December 1971. Starting in the southern provinces of Cautin and Malleco the MIR organized a series of armed takeovers or tomas working northwards up into the provinces of Nuble and Linares and Santiago. In November 1970, Antonia Maechel, owner of the La Tregua estate in the Panguipulli area, took her own life after being raped by leftist militants that had seized her property. On 6 February 1970, carabineer Luis Merino Ferreira was killed in a clash with guerrillas. On 11 August 1970, MIR guerrillas killed carabineer corporal Luis Fuentes Pineda. On 21 September 1970, guerrillas shot and killed a carabineer corporal, Armando Cofré López, during a bank robbery in the suburb of Irarrázabal in Santiago. On 3 November 1970, another carabinier is killed in a shoot-out with MIR guerrillas robbing a Banco Panamericano branch. In April 1971, Juan Millalonco, a member of Christian Democratic Youth, was shot dead in Aysén by socialist militants, VOP guerrillas in Santiago killed 33-year-old Raúl Méndez Espinosa at his sweet shop for not paying protection money to the guerrillas targeting small businesses.
That same month in the expropriation of land on the part of leftist militants and guerrillas, Rolando Matus is shot dead resisting the takeover of the Carén farm in Pucón, Jorge Baraona and Domitila Palma died resisting the takeover of their farms in southern Chile. On 24 May 1971, VOP guerrillas in an armed robbery of a bank money transfer van shoot and mortally wound a carabinier and wound two other accompanying Miramar supermarket employees. In June 1971, VOP guerrillas killed Edmundo Perez Zujovic, a Christian Democrat and former interior minister; that same month, another marxist guerrilla of the VOP walked into police headquarters in Santiago with a sub-machinegun and kills three detectives before blowing himself up with dynamite, a carabineer corporal is killed by MIR guerrillas in the MIR stronghold of Concepción. On 1 December 1971, 50,000-200,000 women took to the streets of Santiago to protest against Salvador Allende's
El Mercurio is a Chilean newspaper with editions in Valparaíso and Santiago. Its Santiago edition is considered the country's newspaper of record and it is considered the oldest daily in the Spanish language in circulation. El Mercurio is owned by El Mercurio S. A. P. which operates a network of 19 regional dailies and 32 radio stations across the country. The Valparaíso edition of El Mercurio was founded by Pedro Félix Vicuña on September 12, 1827, was acquired by Agustín Edwards Ross in 1880; the Santiago edition was founded by Agustín Edwards Mac Clure, son of Edwards Ross, on June 1, 1900. In 1942 Edwards Mac Clure died and his son Agustín Edwards Budge took over as president; when Edwards Budge died in 1956, his son, Agustín Edwards Eastman, took control of the company. El Mercurio SAP owns the Chilean afternoon daily newspaper La Segunda, which published news with sensationalist and confrontational language, considered inappropriate for El Mercurio; the paper played "a significant role in setting the stage for the military coup" which took place on 11 September 1973, bringing General Augusto Pinochet to power.
It mobilised opponents of President Salvador Allende and the gremio movement to be active in destabilisation from the street, while advocating the neoliberal policies of the yet-to-come Chicago Boys. El Mercurio received funds from the CIA in the early 1970s to undermine the Socialist government of Salvador Allende, acting as a mouthpiece for anti-Allende propaganda. Declassified documents that detail US interventions in Chile revealed the paper's role, the extent of the paper’s cooperation with the CIA: “Throughout the 1960s, the CIA poured funds into Chile’s largest—and staunchly right-wing—newspaper, El Mercurio, putting reporters and editors on the payroll, writing articles and columns for placement and providing additional funds for operating expenses. After the paper’s owner, Agustín Edwards came to Washington in September 1970 to lobby Nixon for action against Allende, the CIA used El Mercurio as a key outlet for a massive propaganda campaign as part of Track I and Track II. Throughout Allende’s aborted tenure, the paper continued an unyielding campaign, running countless virulent, inflammatory articles and editorials exhorting opposition against—and at times calling for the overthrow of—the Popular Unity government.
" Support reached to the highest levels of the US government. When the paper requested significant funds for covert support in September 1971, “...in a rare example of presidential micromanagement of a covert operation, Nixon authorized the $700,000—and more if necessary—in covert funds to El Mercurio.” El Mercurio de Valparaíso Project FUBELT List of newspapers in Chile CIA article "Report of CIA Chilean Task Force Activities, 15 September to 3 November 1970". Report from CIA's 1970 Anti-Allende Task Force El Mercurio de Santiago: Flash version, Text version El Mercurio en Internet El Mercurio de Valparaíso
Torture is the act of deliberately inflicting severe physical or psychological suffering on someone by another as a punishment or in order to fulfill some desire of the torturer or force some action from the victim. Torture, by definition, is a knowing and intentional act. Torture has been carried out or sanctioned by individuals and states throughout history from ancient times to modern day, forms of torture can vary in duration from only a few minutes to several days or longer. Reasons for torture can include punishment, extortion, political re-education, coercion of the victim or a third party, interrogation to extract information or a confession irrespective of whether it is false, or the sadistic gratification of those carrying out or observing the torture. Alternatively, some forms of torture are designed to inflict psychological pain or leave as little physical injury or evidence as possible while achieving the same psychological devastation; the torturer may or may not kill or injure the victim, but torture may result in a deliberate death and serves as a form of capital punishment.
Depending on the aim a form of torture, intentionally fatal may be prolonged to allow the victim to suffer as long as possible. In other cases, the torturer may be indifferent to the condition of the victim. Although torture is sanctioned by some states, it is prohibited under international law and the domestic laws of most countries. Although illegal and reviled, there is an ongoing debate as to what is and is not defined as torture, it is a serious violation of human rights, is declared to be unacceptable by Article 5 of the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Signatories of the Geneva Conventions of 1949 and the Additional Protocols I and II of 8 June 1977 agree not to torture captured persons in armed conflicts, whether international or internal. Torture is prohibited for the signatories of the United Nations Convention Against Torture, which has 163 state parties. National and international legal prohibitions on torture derive from a consensus that torture and similar ill-treatment are immoral, as well as impractical, information obtained by torture is far less reliable than that obtained by other techniques.
Despite these findings and international conventions, organizations that monitor abuses of human rights report widespread use condoned by states in many regions of the world. Amnesty International estimates that at least 81 world governments practice torture, some of them openly; the United Nations Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, in force since 26 June 1987, provides a broad definition of torture. Article 1.1 of the UN Convention Against Torture reads: For the purpose of this Convention, the term "torture" means any act by which severe pain or suffering, whether physical or mental, is intentionally inflicted on a person for such purposes as obtaining from him, or a third person, information or a confession, punishing him for an act he or a third person has committed or is suspected of having committed, or intimidating or coercing him or a third person, or for any reason based on discrimination of any kind, when such pain or suffering is inflicted by or at the instigation of or with the consent or acquiescence of a public official or other person acting in an official capacity.
It does not include pain or suffering arising only from, inherent in, or incidental to, lawful sanctions. This definition was restricted to apply only to nations and to government-sponsored torture and limits the torture to that perpetrated, directly or indirectly, by those acting in an official capacity, such as government personnel, law enforcement personnel, medical personnel, military personnel, or politicians, it appears to exclude: torture perpetrated by gangs, hate groups, rebels, or terrorists who ignore national or international mandates. Some professionals in the torture rehabilitation field believe that this definition is too restrictive and that the definition of politically motivated torture should be broadened to include all acts of organized violence. An broader definition was used in the 1975 Declaration of Tokyo regarding the participation of medical professionals in acts of torture: For the purpose of this Declaration, torture is defined as the deliberate, systematic or wanton infliction of physical or mental suffering by one or more persons acting alone or on the orders of any authority, to force another person to yield information, to make a confession, or for any other reason.
This definition includes torture as part of domestic violence or ritualistic abuse, as well as in criminal activities. The Rome Statute is the treaty; the treaty was adopted at a diplomatic conference in Rome on 17 July 1998 and went into effect on 1 July 2002. The Rome Statute provides a simplest definition of torture regarding the prosecution of war criminals by the International Criminal Court. Paragraph 1 under Article 7 of the Rome Statute provides that: "Torture" means the intentional infliction of severe pain or suffering, whether physical or mental, upon a person in the custody or
Chile the Republic of Chile, is a South American country occupying a long, narrow strip of land between the Andes to the east and the Pacific Ocean to the west. It borders Peru to the north, Bolivia to the northeast, Argentina to the east, the Drake Passage in the far south. Chilean territory includes the Pacific islands of Juan Fernández, Salas y Gómez and Easter Island in Oceania. Chile claims about 1,250,000 square kilometres of Antarctica, although all claims are suspended under the Antarctic Treaty; the arid Atacama Desert in northern Chile contains great mineral wealth, principally copper. The small central area dominates in terms of population and agricultural resources, is the cultural and political center from which Chile expanded in the late 19th century when it incorporated its northern and southern regions. Southern Chile is rich in forests and grazing lands, features a string of volcanoes and lakes; the southern coast is a labyrinth of fjords, canals, twisting peninsulas, islands.
Spain conquered and colonized the region in the mid-16th century, replacing Inca rule in the north and centre, but failing to conquer the independent Mapuche who inhabited what is now south-central Chile. After declaring its independence from Spain in 1818, Chile emerged in the 1830s as a stable authoritarian republic. In the 19th century, Chile saw significant economic and territorial growth, ending Mapuche resistance in the 1880s and gaining its current northern territory in the War of the Pacific after defeating Peru and Bolivia. In the 1960s and 1970s, the country experienced severe left-right political polarization and turmoil; this development culminated with the 1973 Chilean coup d'état that overthrew Salvador Allende's democratically elected left-wing government and instituted a 16-year-long right-wing military dictatorship that left more than 3,000 people dead or missing. The regime, headed by Augusto Pinochet, ended in 1990 after it lost a referendum in 1988 and was succeeded by a center-left coalition which ruled through four presidencies until 2010.
The modern sovereign state of Chile is among South America's most economically and stable and prosperous nations, with a high-income economy and high living standards. It leads Latin American nations in rankings of human development, income per capita, state of peace, economic freedom, low perception of corruption, it ranks high regionally in sustainability of the state, democratic development. Chile is a member of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, joining in 2010, it has the lowest homicide rate in the Americas after Canada. Chile is a founding member of the United Nations, the Union of South American Nations and the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States. There are various theories about the origin of the word Chile. According to 17th-century Spanish chronicler Diego de Rosales, the Incas called the valley of the Aconcagua "Chili" by corruption of the name of a Picunche tribal chief called Tili, who ruled the area at the time of the Incan conquest in the 15th century.
Another theory points to the similarity of the valley of the Aconcagua with that of the Casma Valley in Peru, where there was a town and valley named Chili. Other theories say Chile may derive its name from a Native American word meaning either "ends of the earth" or "sea gulls". Another origin attributed to chilli is the onomatopoeic cheele-cheele—the Mapuche imitation of the warble of a bird locally known as trile; the Spanish conquistadors heard about this name from the Incas, the few survivors of Diego de Almagro's first Spanish expedition south from Peru in 1535–36 called themselves the "men of Chilli". Almagro is credited with the universalization of the name Chile, after naming the Mapocho valley as such; the older spelling "Chili" was in use in English until at least 1900 before switching to "Chile". Stone tool evidence indicates humans sporadically frequented the Monte Verde valley area as long as 18,500 years ago. About 10,000 years ago, migrating indigenous Peoples settled in fertile valleys and coastal areas of what is present-day Chile.
Settlement sites from early human habitation include Monte Verde, Cueva del Milodón and the Pali-Aike Crater's lava tube. The Incas extended their empire into what is now northern Chile, but the Mapuche resisted many attempts by the Inca Empire to subjugate them, despite their lack of state organization, they fought against his army. The result of the bloody three-day confrontation known as the Battle of the Maule was that the Inca conquest of the territories of Chile ended at the Maule river. In 1520, while attempting to circumnavigate the globe, Ferdinand Magellan discovered the southern passage now named after him thus becoming the first European to set foot on what is now Chile; the next Europeans to reach Chile were Diego de Almagro and his band of Spanish conquistadors, who came from Peru in 1535 seeking gold. The Spanish encountered various cultures that supported themselves principally through slash-and-burn agriculture and hunting; the conquest of Chile began in earnest in 1540 and was carried out by Pedro de Valdivia, one of Francisco Pizarro's lieutenants, who founded the city of Santiago on 12 February 1541.
Although the Spanish did not find the extensive gold and silver they sought, they recognize
KFC known as Kentucky Fried Chicken, is an American fast food restaurant chain headquartered in Louisville, Kentucky that specializes in fried chicken. It is the world's second-largest restaurant chain after McDonald's, with 22,621 locations globally in 136 countries as of December 2018; the chain is a subsidiary of Yum! Brands, a restaurant company that owns the Pizza Hut, Taco Bell, WingStreet chains. KFC was founded by Colonel Harland Sanders, an entrepreneur who began selling fried chicken from his roadside restaurant in Corbin, during the Great Depression. Sanders identified the potential of the restaurant franchising concept, the first "Kentucky Fried Chicken" franchise opened in Utah in 1952. KFC popularized chicken in the fast food industry, diversifying the market by challenging the established dominance of the hamburger. By branding himself as "Colonel Sanders", Harland became a prominent figure of American cultural history, his image remains used in KFC advertising to this day. However, the company's rapid expansion overwhelmed the aging Sanders, he sold it to a group of investors led by John Y. Brown Jr. and Jack C.
Massey in 1964. KFC was one of the first American fast food chains to expand internationally, opening outlets in Canada, the United Kingdom and Jamaica by the mid-1960s. Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, it experienced mixed fortunes domestically, as it went through a series of changes in corporate ownership with little or no experience in the restaurant business. In the early 1970s, KFC was sold to the spirits distributor Heublein, taken over by the R. J. Reynolds food and tobacco conglomerate; the chain continued to expand overseas, in 1987, it became the first Western restaurant chain to open in China. It has since expanded in China, now the company's single largest market. PepsiCo spun off its restaurants division as Tricon Global Restaurants, which changed its name to Yum! Brands. KFC's original product is pressure-fried chicken pieces, seasoned with Sanders' recipe of 11 herbs and spices; the constituents of the recipe represent a notable trade secret. Larger portions of fried chicken are served in a cardboard "bucket", which has become a well-known feature of the chain since it was first introduced by franchisee Pete Harman in 1957.
Since the early 1990s, KFC has expanded its menu to offer other chicken products such as chicken fillet sandwiches and wraps, as well as salads and side dishes such as French fries and coleslaw and soft drinks. KFC is known for its slogans "It's Finger Lickin' Good!", "Nobody does chicken like KFC", "So good". Harland Sanders was raised on a farm outside Henryville, Indiana; when Sanders was five years old, his father died. This left Sanders, as the eldest son. After he reached seven years of age, his mother taught him. After leaving the family home at the age of 13, Sanders passed through several professions, with mixed success. In 1930, he took over a Shell filling station on US Route 25 just outside North Corbin, Kentucky, a small town on the edge of the Appalachian Mountains, it was here that he first served to travelers the recipes that he had learned as a child: fried chicken and other dishes such as steaks and country ham. After four years of serving from his own dining room table, Sanders purchased the larger filling station on the other side of the road and expanded to six tables.
By 1936, this had proven successful enough for Sanders to be given the honorary title of Kentucky colonel by Governor Ruby Laffoon. In 1937 he expanded his restaurant to 142 seats, added a motel he purchased across the street, naming it Sanders Court & Café. Sanders was unhappy with the 35 minutes it took to prepare his chicken in an iron frying pan, but he refused to deep fry the chicken, which he believed lowered the quality of the product. If he pre-cooked the chicken in advance of orders, there was sometimes wastage at day's end. In 1939, the first commercial pressure cookers were released onto the market designed for steaming vegetables. Sanders bought one, modified it into a pressure fryer, which he used to fry chicken; the new method reduced production time to be comparable with deep frying, while, in the opinion of Sanders, retaining the quality of pan-fried chicken. In July 1940, Sanders finalised what came to be known as his "Original Recipe" of 11 herbs and spices. Although he never publicly revealed the recipe, he admitted to the use of salt and pepper, claimed that the ingredients "stand on everybody's shelf".
After being recommissioned as a Kentucky colonel in 1950 by Governor Lawrence Wetherby, Sanders began to dress the part, growing a goatee and wearing a black frock coat, a string tie, referring to himself as "Colonel". His associates went along with the title change, "jokingly at first and in earnest", according to biographer Josh Ozersky; the Sanders Court & Café served travelers, so when the route planned in 1955 for Interstate 75 bypassed Corbin, Sanders sold his properties and traveled the US to franchise his chicken recipe to restaurant owners. Independent restaurants would pay four cents on each chicken as a franchise fee, in exchange for Sanders' "secret blend of herbs and spices" and the right to feature his recipe on their menus and use his name and likeness for promotional purposes. In 1952 he had successfully franchised his recipe to his friend Pete Harman of South Salt Lake, the operator of one of the city's largest restaurants. Don Anderson, a sign painter hired by