Maquis (Star Trek)
In the Star Trek science fiction franchise, the Maquis are a 24th-century paramilitary organization/terrorist group first introduced in the 1994 episode "The Maquis" of the television series Star Trek: Deep Space Nine, subsequently appeared in Star Trek: The Next Generation and Star Trek: Voyager. The Maquis story debuted when three Star Trek television shows running from the late 1980s to 2001 took place in the same fictional science-fiction universe at the same time in the future; as a result, the Maquis story was told across dozens of episodes with many more shows providing the context in the wider Star Trek narrative. The Maquis are featured in the comic book saga The Maquis: Soldier of Peace by Malibu Comics, who held the rights to Deep Space Nine comics in the 1990s; the Maquis are an important part of Star Trek: Voyager, as the formative plot for the series is that a Federation and a Maquis crew are stranded together on the opposite side of the Galaxy. The Maquis are in the book series The Badlands by Susan Wright, who has written many other non-canon trekiverse novels published by Pocket Books.
The concept of the Maquis was intentionally introduced by the creators of Deep Space Nine so that it could play a role in the upcoming Voyager, scheduled to begin airing in 1995. As Jeri Taylor commented, "we knew that we wanted to include a renegade element in Voyager, that the show would involve a ship housing both Starfleet people and those idealistic freedom fighters that the Federation felt were outlaws." Therefore, the creators of Star Trek decided to create a backstory for the Maquis in several episodes of Deep Space Nine and The Next Generation, they named them after the French guerrilla fighters of the Second World War. The recurring characters of Michael Eddington in Deep Space Nine and Ro Laren in The Next Generation became members of the Maquis, Voyager contained three regular former Maquis characters: Chakotay, B'Elanna Torres, Tom Paris. In, "Caretaker", the pilot episode of Star Trek: Voyager, the titular starship pursues a Maquis ship into the Badlands before being teleported to the Delta Quadrant.
According to the fictional storyline of the Star Trek universe, the Maquis were formed in the 24th century after a peace treaty was enacted between the United Federation of Planets and the Cardassian Union, redesignating the demilitarized zone between the two powers, which resulted in the Federation ceding several of their colony worlds to the Cardassians. Although the colonists were offered free relocation to elsewhere in Federation territory, some insisted on remaining on the ceded worlds becoming Cardassian Union citizens; some of these colonists subsequently formed the Maquis to protect themselves from Cardassian aggression, although they received no official support from the Federation, who feared breaking the peace treaty with the Cardassians, which would lead to war. Nonetheless, various Federation members supported the Maquis' cause, illegally helped to supply them with weapons and other technology that they could use in their struggle. In several cases, the Federation intervened in the war between the Maquis and the Cardassians, aiding the latter in recognition of the peace treaty.
In one case, the Federation ship USS Voyager tracked a Maquis vessel to the Badlands with the intention of apprehending it, but an alien force transported both to the Delta Quadrant, on the opposite side of the Milky Way Galaxy. The two crews were forced to unite to survive against alien threats such as the Borg. In years, when the Cardassians joined the Dominion to fight in the Dominion War against the Federation, the Dominion aided the Cardassian military in wiping out the Maquis, a prelude to their war against the Federation and its allies; the Maquis provide moral challenges to existing characters such as Quark and Sisko on Deep Space Nine station. Quark is lured into selling weapons to the Maquis by an attractive Vulcan woman, showing how his desire for money unwittingly turned him into an illegal arms dealer. Sisko must navigate the internal politics of the Cardassians and Federation as he tries to uphold the peace treaty, in addition to being tested by his old friend trying to recruit him into the rebellion.
Background: The Cardassians were introduced on Star Trek The Next Generation in January 1991 with the episode "The Wounded" which lays some of the foundation for the Maquis story as does the story arc of Ensign Ro, introduced on The Next Generation in the fall of 1991 "The Wounded" introduces the Cardassians and the Federation-Cardassian peace treaty "Ensign Ro" Introduces Bajoran character Ro Laren "Chain of Command" further develops Cardassian-Federation relationship "Duet" further develops Cardassian-Bajor story "Journey's End" background on the Federation-Cardassian peace treatyMaquis-focussed episodes: "The Maquis, Part I and Part II" "Preemptive Strike" "Tribunal" "Defiant" "Caretaker" "Heart of Stone" "Learning Curve" "Dreadnought" Aftermath of Maquis-Cardassian war "For the Cause" "For the Uniform "Worst Case Scenario" (Airdate - May 14
Aristotelia chilensis, known as maqui or Chilean wineberry, is a tree species in the Elaeocarpaceae family native to South America in the Valdivian temperate rainforests of Chile and adjacent regions of southern Argentina. Limited numbers of these trees are cultivated in gardens for their small fruits, known as maqui berries. Most of the fruits commercially marketed come from the wild. A. chilensis is a small dioecious evergreen tree. Its divided trunk has a smooth bark, its branches are abundant and flexible. Its leaves are simple, hanging, oval-lanceolate and coriaceous, with serrated edges; the leaf venation is visible, the leaf stalk is a strong red color. In the beginning of spring, the tree sheds the old cohort, used as a carbohydrate source to form the new leaves and flowers; when A. chilensis flowers at the end of spring, the white flowers are unisexual and small, but they yield a small edible fruit. The small purple-black berries that form are 4 to 6 millimetres in diameter and contain 4 to 8 angled seeds.
A seven-year-old tree can produce up to 10 kilograms of berries per year. With fruit that tastes similar to blackberries, the species is known as the Chilean wineberry, locally in Spanish as maqui or maque. A. chilensis is native to Argentina near the southwest coast of South America. It is found in Chilean rainforests, its native area includes the Coquimbo and Aysén regions of Chile, is 170,000 hectares in total. Maqui berries are a favored food for birds at the end of summer. Deforestation of the Valdivian temperate rainforests in Chile suppresses seed dispersal by birds and leads to inbreeding depression; the berries of A. chilensis are collected from wild plants from December to March of each year by families Mapuche, who collect their harvest near the Andes Mountains. The harvesting process involves collecting the side branches of trees, shaking them to separate the berries and leaves from the branches, employing a mechanical process to separate the berries from the leaves; the stored fruits are sold with prices ranging from $6.5 to $15 per kilogram.
The average area yield is about 220 kilograms per hectare annually, with an estimated yearly total of only 90 short tons, due to remote access and difficulty for transportation. A. chilensis is not grown on an orchard scale. Most of the fruits on the market come from the wild. Maqui is frost sensitive and tolerant of maritime exposure, it with some protection against cold, drying winds. The soil should be acidic with moderate fertility. A. Chilensis can be planted in USDA zones 8 to 12, it is cultivated in Spain, in milder, moister areas of Britain, where winter frosts reduce plant stock, thereby stimulating growth of more shoots in spring. Seeds of A. chilensis germinate without cold stratification. In zones with the possibility of frost, it is recommended to sow in spring in a greenhouse. If they have grown enough, by autumn, the new plants can be planted into individual pots; the potted plants should stay in the greenhouse for the first winter. The following year, after the last expected frost in spring, the plants can be planted out into their final positions.
In their first winter outdoors, some type of frost protection is required. For further propagation, vegetal reproduction is possible: cuttings of wood with a length of 15 to 30 centimetres can be planted into pots; these cuttings root, can be planted out in the following spring. Only limited polyphenol research has been completed on the maqui berry, which showed its anthocyanin content to include eight glucoside pigments of delphinidin and cyanidin, with the principal anthocyanin being delphinidin 3-sambubioside-5-glucoside; the average total anthocyanin content was 138 milligrams per 100 grams of fresh fruit, or 212 milligrams per 100 grams of dry fruit, ranking maqui berries low among darkly pigmented fruits for anthocyanin content. One study found that anthocyanins are present in maqui leaves. Media related to Aristotelia chilensis at Wikimedia Commons
Maquis (World War II)
The Maquis were rural guerrilla bands of French Resistance fighters, called maquisards, during the Nazi Occupation of France in World War II. They were composed of men and women who had escaped into the mountains to avoid conscription into Vichy France's Service du travail obligatoire to provide forced labor for Germany. To avert capture and deportation to Germany, they became organized into active resistance groups; the word came from the kind of terrain in which the armed resistance groups hid, high ground in southeastern France covered with scrub growth called maquis. Although speaking it means thicket, maquis could be translated as "the bush". Historians have not established. In Corsica, the saying Prendre le maquis "to go into the bush" is used to describe someone who leaves the village in order to live in the bush, biding time to seek revenge, or are being pursued by people with and intent to arrest or kill; the Italian-derived word ‘maquis’ is used to describe woods and scrubland on the island, evokes an all-encompassing image of woods and mountains, whereas the more limited word ‘garrigue’ used in the south of France indicated an inhospitable terrain, the words ‘bois’, ‘foret’ and ‘montagne’ were too bland.
The term maquis signified both the group of their rural location. Members of those bands were called maquisards, their image was a committed and voluntary fighter, a combattant, as opposed to the previous réfractaire. The term became an honorific meaning "armed resistance fighter"; the maquis came to symbolize the French Resistance. Most maquisards operated in the remote or mountainous areas of Brittany and southern France in the Alps and in Limousin, they relied on guerrilla tactics to harass the Milice and German occupation troops. The Maquis aided the escape of downed Allied airmen and others pursued by the Vichy and German authorities. Maquisards relied on some degree of sympathy or cooperation from the local populace. In March 1944, the German army began a terror campaign throughout France; this included reprisals against civilians living in areas where the French resistance was active, such as the Oradour-sur-Glane, Maillé and Tulle massacres by SS troops. The Maquisards were to take their revenge in the épuration sauvage that took place after the war's end.
Most of the Maquis cells—like the Maquis du Limousin or the Maquis du Vercors—took names after the area they were operating in. The size of these cells varied from tens to thousands of women. In French Indochina, the local resistance fighting the Japanese since 1941 was backed up by a special forces airborne commando unit created by de Gaulle in 1943, known as the Corps Léger d'Intervention, they were supplied by airlifts of the British Force 136. Politically, the Maquis were diverse, including right-wing nationalists, socialists and anarchists; some Maquis bands that operated in southwest France, were composed of left-wing Spanish veterans of the Spanish Civil War. Spanish Civil War veteran Carlos Romero Giménez was a center-democratic liberal operating from Bordeaux; when Germany began a forced labor draft in France at the beginning of 1943, thousands of young men fled and joined the Maquis. The British Special Operations Executive helped the Maquis with agents; the American Office of Strategic Services began to send its own agents to France in cooperation with the SOE and the French BCRA agents, as part of Operation Jedburgh.
The British government provided supplies and support to assist Charles de Gaulle to unify the Free French resistance movement. Prior to the inception of the maquis, small resistance groups were created in the occupied and unoccupied zones of France. In northern and western France, movements like Organisation Civile et Militaire, Libération-Nord, Ceux de la Libération, Ceux de la Résistance survived through clandestine pamphlets or newspapers, to build up a solidarity of attitudes and disparate actions and to taunt the Germans; some of these movements took the first steps at hiding weapons and plotting sabotage. In the Zone Libre, movements were created as early as in the north and west but did not face decimating raids by the authorities, which allowed movements like Combat, Libération-Sud and Franc-Tireur to have a more expansive character". Resistance groups in the occupied zone became linked to the Free French in London or the Special Operations Executive set up by Britain to undermine Nazi-occupied Europe with specially trained agents.
By May 1941, the northern movements, who specialized in sabotage and espionage and the southern movements, who focused on planning escape routes, developed the only major movement common to both, the Front National. Resistance became linked with the effects of the occupation and Vichy legislation and as the working class became alienated "resisters and people on the run could be harboured with a degree of safety". in the rural areas of France, resistance had a role and justification in the lives of many people "who had no ambition to hold a gun, or memorize a coded message, though as the occupation grew in its violence the pressure on the French people to defend themselves by force intensified, the military nature of resistance came to predominate". The connection between the Vichy government and armed resistance paved the way for the eventual formation of the Maquis; the Service du Travail Obligatoire was enacted on 16 February 1943 but underwent various refinements and classificat
The Spanish Maquis were Spanish guerrillas exiled in France after the Spanish Civil War who continued to fight against Francoist Spain until the early 1960s, carrying out sabotage, occupations of the Spanish Embassy in France and assassinations of Francoists, as well as contributing to the fight against Nazi Germany and the Vichy regime in France during World War II. Referring to the contribution of the Spanish Maquis to the French resistance movement, Martha Gellhorn wrote in The Undefeated: During the German occupation of France, the Spanish Maquis engineered more than four hundred railway sabotages, destroyed fifty-eight locomotives, dynamited thirty-five railway bridges, cut one hundred and fifty telephone lines, attacked twenty factories, destroying some factories and sabotaged fifteen coal mines, they took several thousand German prisoners and - most miraculous considering their arms - they captured three tanks. In the south-west part of France where no Allied armies have fought, they liberated more than seventeen towns.
During World War II, Spaniards assassinated the German generals von Schaumberg and von Ritter. In October 1944 a group of 6,000 maquis including Antonio Téllez Solà invaded Spain via the Aran Valley but were driven back after ten days. Few details of the maquis' actions in Spain have been made public because of the secrecy of the Franco government, but guerrillas, including Francesc Sabaté Llopart, Jose Castro Veiga, Ramon Vila Capdevila were responsible for the deaths of hundreds of Guardia Civil officers, uncountable acts of industrial sabotage. Between 1943 and 1952, 2,166 maquis were reported arrested by the Civil Guard, nearly wiping out the movement; the term maquis comes from the French term maquis, which in turn comes from the Corsican term macchia, the maquis shrubland, a type of biome found in the Mediterranean basin associated with Corsica. In France, the term was first used to refer to a group of guerrillas of the French resistance against the German occupation of France during World War II.
The resistance fighters in these encampments were referred to as maquisards. The anti-Franco guerrilla resistance in Spain began before the 1939 end of the Spanish Civil War; the outbreak of World War II so soon after the civil war surprised a large part of the Spanish Republican exiles in France. By 1944, with the German forces in retreat, many of the guerrillas refocused their fight towards Spain. Despite the failure of the invasion of the Val d'Arán that year, some columns continued to progress into the Spanish interior and to connect with the groups that had remained in the mountains since 1939; the apogee of guerrilla action was between 1945 and 1947. After this, the repression from the Franco government intensified, little by little the groups were destroyed. Many of their members were incarcerated. Others escaped to Morocco. In 1952, the last important contingents evacuated from Spain. After that, those who resisted in the mountainous regions refusing to choose either exile or surrender, fought only for their own survival.
The origins of the maquis in Spain lie with those who fled the advancing forces of Franco's Nationalists. The insecurity engendered by the repressive tactics of the Nationalist insurgency turned their political opponents—even many who were not politically active but known to sympathize with the republic—into fugitives. At first many hid in relatives' homes, but some sought refuge in the mountains, their numbers were enhanced by escapees from prisons and concentration camps. These constituted the nucleus of those; the political character of the guerrillas was as varied as that of the Popular Front, containing communists and anarchists. Despite the diverse ideologies, due to the organizational persistence of the Communist Party of Spain until 1948, the Communists dominated the other currents. During the war, the idea of the possibility of a guerrilla war at the rearguard of Franco's Nationalists was proposed; the idea came to fruition at the initiative of Juan Negrín, at the time head of the Republican government and of the Ministry of Defense.
He created the XIV Cuerpo de Ejército Guerrillero in October 1937. This name was used for the Basque section of the Spanish Republican Army until the collapse of the front in the north; the short-term objectives of this Corps were the interruption of the communications and supply lines to the Nationalist troops, the carrying out of special operations. In the long term, they were to continue the war against Franco in the case of defeat on the conventional fronts. At the end of the war, such activities had been set in motion on the fronts of Teruel, Andalusia and Toledo; the action with the greatest significance was the liberation, on May 23, 1938, of 300 Asturian political prisoners in Granada. Throughout 1938 and 1939 the Corps brought together many of the exiles of Extremadura. Hundreds of thousands of Republican soldiers and civilians crossed the French border ahead of the advancing Nationalist troops in Catalonia. Once on the other side, they were put in concentration camps by the authorities.
There were 22 camps in total: Barcarès, Saint-Cyprien, Argelès-sur-Mer, Berck-Plage, Montpellier Chapallete, Fort Mahon Plage, Tour de Carol, Baste-les-Foages, Haros, Vernet d'Ariège, Fort Colliure, Rieucros in Metropolitan France and, in French North Africa, Camp Morand, Djelfa, Hadjerat-OM'Guil, Ain-el-Curak. In th
Cambodian Civil War
The Cambodian Civil War was a military conflict that pitted the forces of the Communist Party of Kampuchea and their allies the Democratic Republic of Vietnam and the Viet Cong against the government forces of the Kingdom of Cambodia and, after October 1970, the Khmer Republic, which were supported by the United States and the Republic of Vietnam. The struggle was complicated by the influence and actions of the allies of the two warring sides. North Vietnam's People's Army of Vietnam involvement was designed to protect its Base Areas and sanctuaries in eastern Cambodia, without which the prosecution of its military effort in South Vietnam would have been more difficult; the Cambodian coup of 18 March 1970 put a pro-American, anti-North Vietnamese government in power and ended Cambodia's neutrality in the Vietnam War. The PAVN was now threatened by a newly unfriendly Cambodian government. Between March and June 1970, the North Vietnamese moved many of its military installations further inside Cambodia in response to the coup and the establishment of a pro-American government, capturing most of the northeastern third of the country in engagements with the Cambodian army.
The North Vietnamese turned over some of their conquests and provided other assistance to the Khmer Rouge, thus empowering what was at the time a small guerilla movement. The Cambodian government hastened to expand its army to combat the North Vietnamese and the growing power of the Khmer Rouge; the U. S. was motivated by the desire to buy time for its withdrawal from Southeast Asia, to protect its ally in South Vietnam, to prevent the spread of communism to Cambodia. American and both South and North Vietnamese forces directly participated in the fighting; the U. S. assisted the central government with massive U. S. aerial bombing campaigns and direct material and financial aid. After five years of savage fighting, the Republican government was defeated on 17 April 1975 when the victorious Khmer Rouge proclaimed the establishment of Democratic Kampuchea; the war caused a refugee crisis in Cambodia with two million people—more than 25 percent of the population—displaced from rural areas into the cities Phnom Penh which grew from about 600,000 in 1970 to an estimated population of nearly 2 million by 1975.
Children were used during and after the war being persuaded or forced to commit atrocities. The Cambodian government estimated that more than 20 percent of the property in the country had been destroyed during the war. In total, an estimated 275,000–310,000 people were killed as a result of the war; the conflict was part of the Second Indochina War which consumed the neighboring Kingdom of Laos, South Vietnam, North Vietnam individually referred to as the Laotian Civil War and the Vietnam War respectively. The Cambodian civil war led to one of the bloodiest in history. During the early-to-mid-1960s, Prince Norodom Sihanouk's policies had protected his nation from the turmoil that engulfed Laos and South Vietnam. Neither the People's Republic of China nor North Vietnam disputed Sihanouk's claim to represent "progressive" political policies and the leadership of the prince's domestic leftist opposition, the Pracheachon Party, had been integrated into the government. On 3 May 1965, Sihanouk broke diplomatic relations with the U.
S. ended the flow of American aid, turned to the PRC and the Soviet Union for economic and military assistance. By the late 1960s, Sihanouk's delicate domestic and foreign policy balancing act was beginning to go awry. In 1966, an agreement was struck between the prince and the Chinese, allowing the presence of large-scale PAVN and Viet Cong troop deployments and logistical bases in the eastern border regions, he had agreed to allow the use of the port of Sihanoukville by communist-flagged vessels delivering supplies and material to support the PAVN/Viet Cong military effort in South Vietnam. These concessions made questionable Cambodia's neutrality, guaranteed by the Geneva Conference of 1954. Sihanouk was convinced that the PRC, not the U. S. would control the Indochinese Peninsula and that "our interests are best served by dealing with the camp that one day will dominate the whole of Asia – and coming to terms before its victory – in order to obtain the best terms possible."During the same year, however, he allowed his pro-American minister of defense, General Lon Nol, to crack down on leftist activities, crushing the Pracheachon by accusing its members of subversion and subservience to Hanoi.
Sihanouk lost the support of Cambodia's conservatives as a result of his failure to come to grips with the deteriorating economic situation and with the growing communist military presence. On 11 September 1966, Cambodia held its first open election. Through manipulation and harassment the conservatives won 75 percent of the seats in the National Assembly. Lon Nol was chosen by the right as prime minister and, as his deputy, they named Prince Sirik Matak. In addition to these developments and the clash of interests among Phnom Penh's politicized elite, social tensions created a favorable environment for the growth of a domestic communist insurgency in the rural areas; the prince found himself in a political dilemma. To maintain the balance against the rising tide of the conservatives, he named the leaders of the group he had been oppressing as members of a "counter-government", meant to monitor and criticize Lon Nol's administ
Maquis or macchia is a shrubland biome in the Mediterranean region consisting of densely growing evergreen shrubs. Garrigue Maquis Mediterranean forests and scrub Media related to Maquis shrubland at Wikimedia Commons Media related to Maquis at Wikimedia Commons Media related to Mediterranean forests and scrub at Wikimedia Commons