1968 Red Square demonstration
The 1968 Red Square demonstration took place on 25 August 1968 at Red Square, Soviet Union, to protest the invasion of Czechoslovakia by the Soviet Union and its Warsaw Pact allies, that occurred during the night of 20–21 August 1968, crushing the Prague Spring, a set of de-centralization reforms promoted by Alexander Dubček. Many people over the world had protested against the suppression of the Prague spring with troops of Soviet Union and other countries of the Warsaw Pact. One such act of protest took place at the Red Square; the protest was held at the Lobnoye Mesto, to avoid any violation of public order that could have occurred during the demonstration. The protesters were sitting to avoid any inconvenience to ordinary citizens which might be caused by them standing, although this appears to have had little effect; the protest began at noon as eight protesters sat at the Lobnoye Mesto and held a small Czechoslovak flag and banners with various slogans, including: "We are losing our best friends", "Ať žije svobodné a nezávislé Československo!", "Shame to the occupiers", "Hands off the ČSSR", "For your freedom and ours", "Freedom for Dubček".
Within a few minutes, seven protesters were assaulted, brutally beaten and loaded into cars by KGB operatives. The Czechoslovak flag was broken, the banners were confiscated. Since Natalya Gorbanevskaya had given birth, she was not made to stand trial; the other protesters convinced 21-year-old Tatiana Baeva to declare that she had been at the scene by accident, she was released soon after. The KGB failed to find out; the banners were branded by the KGB as "anti-Soviet". During the investigation and trial, the defence revealed several inconsistencies in the accusations. One of the eyewitnesses declared that he saw protesters leaving the GUM, a large store in the vicinity though this store is closed on Sundays. Additionally, all eyewitnesses happened to be from the same military division though they all claimed that they ended up on Red Square accidentally. However, these inconsistencies were not taken into account during the trial. None of the demonstrators pleaded guilty. Vadim Delaunay and Vladimir Dremlyuga were sentenced to three years.
Victor Fainberg had his teeth knocked out during the arrest. Larisa Bogoraz was sentenced to four years of exile to a remote Siberian settlement in the Irkutsk region. Konstantin Babitsky was sentenced to three years of exile. Pavel Litvinov was sentenced to five years of exile. Natalya Gorbanevskaya was released the same day but was sent to a psychiatric prison. Lawyers for the defence, all members of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union who were appointed and paid for by the state, had shown that there was no criminal intent in the demonstration held by the protesters, but despite this, the protesters received harsh sentences of up to several years in prison, it was claimed by Yuliy Kim that the sentences had been written down before the trial. Yuliy Kim wrote the song "Ilyich", which mentions Yuri Andropov's and Leonid Brezhnev's anger regarding the demonstration, names three of the participants: Pavel Litvinov, Natalya Gorbanevskaya and Larisa Bogoraz. Public recognition of the protesters had to wait 40 years.
During the conflict in South Ossetia, August 2008, the former president of the Czech Republic, Václav Havel, expressed his sympathies for the protesters of 1968. Czech Premier Mirek Topolánek recognized the heroism of the protesters with awards. Yet, no similar recognition is reported from the side of the Russian government. Instead, 24 August 2008, the similar demonstration with the slogan For your freedom and ours happened at the same place. On 25 August 2013, the 45th anniversary of the demonstration and several of her friends recreated the original protest, again featuring the "For your freedom and ours" banner. Ten participants were arrested immediately, brutally beaten and taken to a police station, they were soon arraigned and released pending court appearance on charges of failing to secure prior permission for a political rally, a misdemeanor under current Russian law. In 2018 three participants were arrested; the 1968 demonstration is recounted in the 2005 documentary They Chose Freedom.
Gorbanevskaya, Natalya. Red Square at Noon. New York: Holt and Winston. ISBN 978-0-03-085990-8. Alexeyeva, Lyudmila. Soviet Dissent: Contemporary Movements for National and Human Rights. Carol Pearce, John Glad. Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press. ISBN 0-8195-6176-2. Boobbyer, Philip. Conscience and reform in Soviet Russia. Routledge. ISBN 0415331862. "Natalia Gorbanevskaya: Red Square at Noon. What I remember of the demonstration". Prague Writers' Festival. 28 May 2008. Soviet Archives posted by V. Bukovsky. Chapter 3.1 Dissidents, 1960–1969, http://psi.ece.jhu.edu/~kaplan/IRUSS/BUK/GBARC/pdfs/dis60/dis60-e.html Boobbyer, Philip. Conscience and reform in Soviet Russia. Routledge. ISBN 0415331862. Информация о демонстрации в бюллетене «Хроника текущих событий» Информация о суде над демонстрантами в бюллетене «Хроника текущих событий» Л. А. Кацва. История России. Cоветский период. Сева Новгородцев 23 августа 2003: К
Protests of 1968
The protests of 1968 comprised a worldwide escalation of social conflicts, predominantly characterized by popular rebellions against military and bureaucratic elites, who responded with an escalation of political repression. In capitalist countries, these protests marked a turning point for the civil rights movement in the United States, which produced revolutionary movements like the Black Panther Party. In reaction to the Tet Offensive, protests sparked a broad movement in opposition to the Vietnam War all over the United States and into London, Paris and Rome. Mass socialist movements grew not only in the United States but in most European countries; the most spectacular manifestation of these was the May 1968 protests in France, in which students linked up with wildcat strikes of up to ten million workers, for a few days the movement seemed capable of overthrowing the government. In many other capitalist countries, struggles against dictatorships, state repression, colonization were marked by protests in 1968, such as the beginning of the Troubles in Northern Ireland, the Tlatelolco massacre in Mexico City, the escalation of guerrilla warfare against the military dictatorship in Brazil.
In the socialist countries there were protests against lack of freedom of speech and violation of other civil rights by the Communist bureaucratic and military elites. In Central and Eastern Europe there were widespread protests that escalated in the Prague Spring in Czechoslovakia, in Warsaw, in Poland, in Yugoslavia. Background speculations of overall causality vary about the political protests centering on the year 1968; some argue that protests could be attributed to the social changes during the twenty years following the end of World War II. Many protests were a direct response to perceived injustices, such as those voiced in opposition to United States involvement in the Vietnam War. After World War II, much of the world experienced an unusual surge in births, creating a large age demographic; these babies were born during a time of prosperity for most countries. This was the first generation to grow up with television in their homes. Television had a profound effect on this generation in two ways.
First, it gave them a common perspective from. The children growing up in this era shared not only the news and programs that they watched on television, they got glimpses of each other's worlds. Secondly, television allowed them to experience major public events. Public education was becoming more attended and more standardized, creating another shared experience. Chain stores and franchised restaurants were bringing shared shopping and dining experiences to people in different parts of the world; the Cuban Missile Crisis and the Cold War was another shared experience of this generation. The knowledge that a nuclear attack could end their life at any moment was reinforced with classroom bomb drills creating an atmosphere of fear; as they became older teens, the anti-war movement and the feminist movement were becoming a force in much of the world. The Eastern Bloc had seen several mass protests in the decades following World War II, including the Hungarian Revolution, the uprising in East Germany and several labour strikes in Poland important ones in Poznań in 1956.
The feminist movement made a generation question their belief that the family was more important than the individual. The peace movement made them question and distrust authority more than they had already. By the time they started college, many were part of the anti-establishment culture and became the impetus for a wave of rebellion that started on college campuses and swept the world. Waves of social movements throughout the 1960s began to shape the values of the generation that were college students during 1968. In America, the Civil Rights Movement was at its most violent. So, too, in Northern Ireland, where it paved the way for an organised revolt against British governance. Italy and France were in the midst of a socialist movement; the New Left political movement was causing political upheavals in many European and South American countries. The Israeli–Palestinian conflict had started. Great Britain's anti-war movement was strong and African independence was a continuing struggle. In Poland in March 1968, student demonstrations at Warsaw University broke out when the government banned the performance of a play by Adam Mickiewicz at the Polish Theatre in Warsaw, on the grounds that it contained "anti-Soviet references".
It became known as the March 1968 events. The college students of 1968 embraced the New Left politics, their socialist leanings and distrust of authority led to many of the 1968 conflicts. The dramatic events of the year showed both the popularity and limitations of New Left ideology, a radical leftist movement, deeply ambivalent about its relationship to communism during the middle and years of the Cold War; the 2–3 June 1968 student demonstrations in Belgrade, the capital of Yugoslavia, were the first mass protest in the country after the Second World War. The authorities suppressed the protest, while President Josip Broz Tito had the protests cease by giving in to some of the students’ demands. Protests broke out in other capitals of Yugoslav republics - Sarajevo and Ljubljana—but they were smaller and shorter than in Belgrade. In 1968, Czechoslovakia underwent a process known as the Prague Spring. In the August 1968 Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia, Czechoslovakian citizens responded to the attack on their sovereignty with passive resistance.
Soviet troops were frustrated as street signs were painted over, their water supplies mysteriously shut off, buildings decorated with flowers and slo
History of the Jews in Poland
The history of the Jews in Poland dates back over 1,000 years. For centuries, Poland was home to the most significant Jewish community in the world. Poland was a principal center of Jewish culture, thanks to a long period of statutory religious tolerance and social autonomy; this ended with the Partitions of Poland which began in 1772, in particular, with the discrimination and persecution of Jews in the Russian Empire. During World War II there was a nearly complete genocidal destruction of the Polish Jewish community by Nazi Germany and its collaborators, during the 1939–1945 German occupation of Poland and the ensuing Holocaust. Since the fall of communism in Poland, there has been a Jewish revival, featuring an annual Jewish Culture Festival, new study programs at Polish secondary schools and universities, the work of synagogues such as the Nożyk Synagogue, Warsaw's Museum of the History of Polish Jews. From the founding of the Kingdom of Poland in 1025 through to the early years of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth created in 1569, Poland was the most tolerant country in Europe.
Historians have described the label paradisus iudaeorum. The country became a shelter for persecuted and expelled European Jewish communities and the home to the world's largest Jewish community of the time. According to some sources, about three-quarters of the world's Jews lived in Poland by the middle of the 16th century. With the weakening of the Commonwealth and growing religious strife, Poland's traditional tolerance began to wane from the 17th century onward. After the Partitions of Poland in 1795 and the destruction of Poland as a sovereign state, Polish Jews were subject to the laws of the partitioning powers, the antisemitic Russian Empire, as well as Austria-Hungary and Kingdom of Prussia. Still, as Poland regained independence in the aftermath of World War I, it was the center of the European Jewish world with one of the world's largest Jewish communities of over 3 million. Antisemitism was a growing problem throughout Europe in those years, from both the political establishment and the general population.
At the start of World War II, Poland was partitioned between the Soviet Union. One-fifth of the Polish population perished during World War II. Although the Holocaust occurred in German-occupied Poland, there was little collaboration with the Nazis by its citizens. Collaboration by individual Poles has been described as smaller than in other occupied countries. Statistics of the Israeli War Crimes Commission indicate that less than 0.1% of Poles collaborated with the Nazis. Examples of Polish attitudes to German atrocities varied from risking death in order to save Jewish lives, passive refusal to inform on them, to indifference, in extreme cases, participation in pogroms such as the Jedwabne pogrom. Grouped by nationality, Poles represent the largest number of people who rescued Jews during the Holocaust. In the post-war period, many of the 200,000 Jewish survivors registered at Central Committee of Polish Jews or CKŻP left the Polish People’s Republic for the nascent State of Israel and North or South America.
Their departure was hastened by the destruction of Jewish institutions, post-war violence and the hostility of the Communist Party to both religion and private enterprise, but because in 1946–1947 Poland was the only Eastern Bloc country to allow free Jewish aliyah to Israel, without visas or exit permits. Most of the remaining Jews left Poland in late 1968 as the result of the Soviet-sponsored "anti-Zionist" campaign. After the fall of the Communist regime in 1989, the situation of Polish Jews became normalized and those who were Polish citizens before World War II were allowed to renew Polish citizenship. Religious institutions were revived through the activities of Jewish foundations from the United States; the contemporary Polish Jewish community is estimated to have between 20,000 members. The number of people with Jewish heritage of any sort may be several times larger; the first Jews arrived in the territory of modern Poland in the 10th century. Travelling along trade routes leading east to Kiev and Bukhara, Jewish merchants, known as Radhanites, crossed Silesia.
One of them, a diplomat and merchant from the Moorish town of Tortosa in Spanish Al-Andalus, known by his Arabic name, Ibrahim ibn Yaqub, was the first chronicler to mention the Polish state ruled by Prince Mieszko I. In the summer of 965 or 966 Jacob made a trade and diplomatic journey from his native Toledo in Muslim Spain to the Holy Roman Empire and to Slavic countries; the first actual mention of Jews in Polish chronicles occurs in the 11th century. It appears that Jews were living in Gniezno, at that time the capital of the Polish kingdom of the Piast dynasty. Among the first Jews to arrive in Poland were those banished from Prague; the first permanent Jewish community is mentioned in 1085 by a Jewish scholar Jehuda ha-Kohen in the city of Przemyśl. As elsewhere in Central and Eastern Europe, the principal activity of Jews in medieval Poland was commerce and trade, including export and import of goods such as cloth, furs, wax, metal objects, slaves; the first extensive Jewish emigration from Western Europe to Poland occurred at the time of the First Crusade in 1098.
Under Bolesław III, the Jews, encouraged by the tolerant regime of this ruler, settled throughout Poland, including over
Racism in the United States
Racism in the United States has existed since the colonial era, when white Americans were given or sanctioned privileges and rights while these same rights were denied to other races and minorities. European Americans — affluent white Anglo-Saxon Protestants — enjoyed exclusive privileges in matters of education, voting rights, land acquisition, criminal procedure throughout American history. Non-Protestant immigrants from Europe Irish and Poles, were victims of xenophobic exclusion and other forms of discrimination in American society until the late 1800s and early 1900s. In addition, groups like Jews and Arabs have faced continuous discrimination in the United States, as a result, some people who belong to these groups do not identify as white. East and Southeast Asians have faced racism in America. Major racially and ethnically structured institutions include slavery, Native American reservations, Native American boarding schools and naturalization laws, internment camps. Formal racial discrimination was banned in the mid-20th century and it came to be perceived as being and morally unacceptable.
Racial politics remains a major phenomenon, racism continues to be reflected in socioeconomic inequality. Racial stratification continues to occur in employment, education and government. In the view of the United Nations and the U. S. Human Rights Network, "discrimination in the United States permeates all aspects of life and extends to all communities of color." While the nature of the views held by average Americans has changed over the past several decades, surveys by organizations such as ABC News have found that in modern America, large sections of Americans admit to holding discriminatory viewpoints. For example, a 2007 article by ABC stated that about one in ten admitted to holding prejudices against Hispanic and Latino Americans and about one in four did so regarding Arab-Americans. A 2018 YouGov/Economist poll found that 17% of Americans oppose interracial marriage, with 19% of "other" ethnic groups, 18% of blacks, 17% of whites, 15% of Hispanics opposing; some Americans saw the presidential candidacy of Barack Obama, who served as president of the United States from 2009 to 2017 and was the first black president, as a sign that the nation had entered a new, post-racial era.
The right-wing populist radio and television host Lou Dobbs claimed in November 2009, "We are now in a 21st-century post-partisan, post-racial society." Two months Chris Matthews, an MSNBC host, said that President Obama, "is post-racial by all appearances. You know, I forgot he was black tonight for an hour." The election of President Donald Trump in 2016 has been viewed by some commentators as a racist backlash against the election of Barack Obama. During the 2010s, American society continues to experience high levels of discrimination. One new phenomenon has been the rise of the "alt-right" movement: a white nationalist coalition that seeks the expulsion of sexual and racial minorities from the United States. In August 2017, these groups attended a rally in Charlottesville, intended to unify various white nationalist factions. During the rally, a white supremacist demonstrator drove his car into a group of counter-protesters, killing one person and injuring 19. Since the mid-2010s, the Department of Homeland Security and the Federal Bureau of Investigation have considered white supremacist violence to be the leading threat of domestic terrorism in the United States.
The Atlantic slave trade had an economic foundation. The dominant ideology among the European elite who structured national policy throughout the age of the Atlantic slave trade was mercantilism, the belief that national policy should be centered around amassing military power and economic wealth. Colonies were sources of mineral wealth and crops. Using Europeans for labor in the colonies proved unsustainably expensive, as well as harmful to the domestic labor supply of the colonizing countries. Instead, the colonies imported African slaves, who were "available in large numbers at prices that made plantation agriculture in the Americas profitable", it is argued that along with the economic motives underlying slavery in the Americas, European world schemas played a large role in the enslavement of Africans. According to this view, the European in-group for humane behavior included the sub-continent, while African and American Indian cultures had a more localized definition of "an insider". While neither schema has inherent superiority, the technological advantage of Europeans became a resource to disseminate the conviction that underscored their schemas, that non-Europeans could be enslaved.
With the capability to spread their schematic representation of the world, Europeans could impose a social contract, morally permitting three centuries of African slavery. While the disintegration of this social contract by the eighteenth century led to abolitionism, it is argued that the removal of barriers to "insider status" is a slow process, uncompleted today; as a result of the above, the Atlantic slave trade prospered. According to estimates in the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database, between 1626 and 1860 more than 470,000 slaves were forcibly transported from Africa to what is now the United States. Prior to the Civil War, eight serving presidents owned slaves, a practice protected by the U. S. Constitution. Providing wealth for the white elite one Southern family in four held slaves prior to the Civil War. According to the 1860 U. S. census, there were about 385,000 slave owners out of a white population in the slave states of 7
Military dictatorship in Brazil
The Brazilian military government was the authoritarian military dictatorship that ruled Brazil from April 1, 1964 to March 15, 1985. It began with the 1964 coup d'état led by the Armed Forces against the administration of President João Goulart—who, having been vice-president, had assumed the office of president upon the resignation of the democratically elected president Jânio Quadros—and ended when José Sarney took office on March 15, 1985 as President; the military revolt was fomented by Magalhães Pinto, Adhemar de Barros, Carlos Lacerda, governors of Minas Gerais, São Paulo, Guanabara. The coup was supported by the State Department of the United States through its embassy; the military dictatorship lasted for twenty-one years. The regime adopted nationalism, economic development, anti-communism as its guidelines; the dictatorship reached the height of its popularity in the 1970s with the so-called "Brazilian Miracle" as the regime censored all media, tortured and exiled dissidents. João Figueiredo became President in March 1979.
While combating the "hardline" members of the regime and supporting a re-democratization policy, he couldn't control the crumbling economy, chronic inflation and concurrent fall of other military dictatorships in South America. Amid massive popular demonstrations in the streets of the main cities of the country, the first free elections in 20 years were held for the national legislature in 1982. In 1985, another election was held, this time to elect a new president, being contested between civilian candidates for the first time since the 1960s, won by the opposition. In 1988, a new Constitution was passed and Brazil returned to democracy. Since the military has remained under the control of civilian politicians, with no official role in domestic politics. Brazil's military regime provided a model for other military regimes and dictatorships around Latin America, systematizing the “Doctrine of National Security”, which "justified" the military's actions as operating in the interest of national security in a time of crisis, creating an intellectual basis upon which other military regimes relied.
In 2014, nearly 30 years after the regime collapsed, the Brazilian military recognized for the first time the excesses committed by its agents during the years of the dictatorship, including the torture and murder of political dissidents. In May 2018, the United States government released a memorandum, written by Henry Kissinger, dating back to April 1974, confirming that the leadership of the Brazilian military regime was aware of the killing of dissidents, it is estimated that 434 people were either confirmed killed or went missing during the military dictatorship in Brazil. While some human rights activists and others assert that the true figure could be much higher, the armed forces have always disputed this. Brazil's political crisis stemmed from the way in which the political tensions had been controlled in the 1930s and 1940s during the Vargas Era. Vargas' dictatorship and the presidencies of his democratic successors marked different stages of Brazilian populism, an era of economic nationalism, state-guided modernization, import substitution trade policies.
Vargas' policies were intended to foster an autonomous capitalist development in Brazil, by linking industrialization to nationalism, a formula based on a strategy of reconciling the conflicting interests of the middle class, foreign capital, the working class, the landed oligarchy. This was the epic of the rise and fall of Brazilian populism from 1930 to 1964: Brazil witnessed over the course of this time period the change from export-orientation of the First Brazilian Republic to the import substitution of the populist era and to a moderate structuralism of 1964–80; each of these structural changes forced a realignment in society and caused a period of political crisis. Period of right-wing military dictatorship marked the transition between populist era and the current period of democratization; the Brazilian Armed Forces acquired great political clout after the Paraguayan War. The politicization of the Armed Forces was evidenced by the Proclamation of the Republic, which overthrew the Empire, or within Tenentismo and the Revolution of 1930.
Tensions escalated again in the 1950s, as important military circles joined the elite, medium classes and right-wing activists in attempts to stop Presidents Juscelino Kubitschek and João Goulart from taking office, due to their supposed support for Communist ideology. While Kubitschek proved to be friendly to capitalist institutions, Goulart promised far-reaching reforms, expropriated business interests and promoted economical-political neutrality with the USA. After Goulart assumed power in 1961, society became polarized, with the elites fearing that Brazil would become another Cuba and join Communist Bloc, while many thought that the reforms would boost the growth of Brazil and end its economical subservience with the US, or that Goulart could be used to increase the popularity of the Communist agenda. Influential politicians, such as Carlos Lacerda and Kubitschek, media moguls, the Church, l
Free love is a social movement that accepts all forms of love. The Free Love movement's initial goal was to separate the state from sexual matters such as marriage, birth control, adultery, it claimed that such issues were the concern of the people involved, no one else. Much of the free love tradition reflects a liberal philosophy that seeks freedom from state regulation and church interference in personal relationships. According to this concept, the free unions of adults are legitimate relations which should be respected by all third parties whether they are emotional or sexual relations. In addition, some free love writing has argued that both men and women have the right to sexual pleasure without social or legal restraints. In the Victorian era, this was a radical notion. A new theme developed, linking free love with radical social change, depicting it as a harbinger of a new anti-authoritarian, anti-repressive sensibility. According to today's stereotype, earlier middle-class Americans wanted the home to be a place of stability in an uncertain world.
To this mentality are attributed strongly-defined gender roles, which led to a minority reaction in the form of the free-love movement. While the phrase free love is associated with promiscuity in the popular imagination in reference to the counterculture of the 1960s and 1970s the free-love movement has not advocated multiple-sexual partners or short-term sexual relationships. Rather, it has argued that sexual relations that are entered into should not be regulated by law; the term "sex radical" is used interchangeably with the term "free lover", was the preferred term by advocates because of the negative connotations of "free love". By whatever name, advocates had two strong beliefs: opposition to the idea of forced sexual activity in a relationship and advocacy for a woman to use her body in any way that she pleases. Laws of particular concern to free love movements have included those that prevent an unmarried couple from living together, those that regulate adultery and divorce, as well as age of consent, birth control, homosexuality and sometimes prostitution.
The abrogation of individual rights in marriage is a concern—for example, some jurisdictions do not recognize spousal rape or treat it less than non-spousal rape. Free-love movements since the 19th century have defended the right to publicly discuss sexuality and have battled obscenity laws. At the turn of the 20th century, some free-love proponents extended the critique of marriage to argue that marriage as a social institution encourages emotional possessiveness and psychological enslavement; the history of free love is entwined with the history of feminism. From the late 18th century, leading feminists, such as Mary Wollstonecraft, have challenged the institution of marriage, many have advocated its abolition. According to feminist critique, a married woman was a wife and mother, denying her the opportunity to pursue other occupations. In 1855, free love advocate Mary Gove Nichols described marriage as the "annihilation of woman," explaining that women were considered to be men's property in law and public sentiment, making it possible for tyrannical men to deprive their wives of all freedom.
For example, the law allowed a husband to beat his wife. Free-love advocates argued that many children were born into unloving marriages out of compulsion, but should instead be the result of choice and affection—yet children born out of wedlock did not have the same rights as children with married parents. In 1857, in the Social Revolutionist, Minerva Putnam complained that "in the discussion of free love, no woman has attempted to give her views on the subject" and challenged every woman reader to "rise in the dignity of her nature and declare herself free."In the 19th century at least six books endorsed the concept of free love, all of which were written by men. However of the four major free-love periodicals following the U. S. civil war, half had female editors. Mary Gove Nichols was the leading-female advocate and the woman most looked up to in the free-love movement, her autobiography became the first argument against marriage written from a woman's point of view. To proponents of free love, the act of sex was not just about reproduction.
Access to birth control was considered a means to women's independence, leading birth-control activists embraced free love. Sexual radicals remained focused on their attempts to uphold a woman's right to control her body and to discuss issues such as contraception, marital-sex abuse, sexual education; these people believed. To help achieve this goal, such radical thinkers relied on the written word, books and periodicals, by these means the movement was sustained for over fifty years, spreading the message of free love all over the United States. A number of utopian social movements throughout history have shared a vision of free love; the all-male Essenes, who lived in the Middle East from the 1st century BC to the 1st century AD shunned sex and slavery. They renounced wealth, lived communally, were pacifist vegetarians. An Early Christian sect known as the Adamites existed in North Africa in the 2nd, 3rd and 4th centuries and rejected marriage, they believed themselves to be without original sin.
In the 6th century, adherents of Mazdakism in pre-Muslim Persia supported a kind of free love in the place of marriage, like many other free-love movements favored
Civil rights movement
The civil rights movement in the United States was a decades-long struggle with the goal of enforcing constitutional and legal rights for African Americans that other Americans enjoyed. With roots that dated back to the Reconstruction era during the late 19th century, the movement achieved its largest legislative gains in the mid-1960s, after years of direct actions and grassroots protests that were organized from the mid-1950s until 1968. Encompassing strategies, various groups, organized social movements to accomplish the goals of ending legalized racial segregation, disenfranchisement, discrimination in the United States, the movement, using major nonviolent campaigns secured new recognition in federal law and federal protection for all Americans. After the American Civil War and the abolition of slavery in the 1860s, the Reconstruction Amendments to the United States Constitution granted emancipation and constitutional rights of citizenship to all African Americans, most of whom had been enslaved.
For a period, African Americans voted and held political office, but they were deprived of civil rights under Jim Crow laws, subjected to discrimination and sustained violence by whites in the South. Over the following century, various efforts were made by African Americans to secure their legal rights. Between 1955 and 1968, acts of nonviolent protest and civil disobedience produced crisis situations and productive dialogues between activists and government authorities. Federal and local governments and communities had to respond to these situations, which highlighted the inequities faced by African Americans across the country; the lynching of Chicago teenager Emmett Till in Mississippi, the outrage generated by seeing how he had been abused, when his mother decided to have an open-casket funeral, mobilized the African-American community nationwide. Forms of protest and/or civil disobedience included boycotts, such as the successful Montgomery Bus Boycott in Alabama. Moderates in the movement worked with Congress to achieve the passage of several significant pieces of federal legislation that overturned discriminatory practices and authorized oversight and enforcement by the federal government.
The Civil Rights Act of 1964 expressly banned discrimination based on race, religion, sex, or national origin in employment practices. The Voting Rights Act of 1965 restored and protected voting rights for minorities by authorizing federal oversight of registration and elections in areas with historic under-representation of minorities as voters; the Fair Housing Act of 1968 banned discrimination in the rental of housing. African Americans re-entered politics in the South, across the country young people were inspired to take action. From 1964 through 1970, a wave of inner-city riots in black communities undercut support from the white middle class, but increased support from private foundations; the emergence of the Black Power movement, which lasted from about 1965 to 1975, challenged the established black leadership for its cooperative attitude and its practice of nonviolence. Instead, its leaders demanded that, in addition to the new laws gained through the nonviolent movement and economic self-sufficiency had to be developed in the black community.
Many popular representations of the movement are centered on the charismatic leadership and philosophy of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. who won the 1964 Nobel Peace Prize for his role in non-violent, moral leadership. However, some scholars note that the movement was too diverse to be credited to any one person, organization, or strategy. Before the American Civil War four million blacks were enslaved in the South, only white men of property could vote, the Naturalization Act of 1790 limited U. S. citizenship to whites only. But some free states of the North extended the franchise and other rights of citizenship to African Americans. Following the Civil War, three constitutional amendments were passed, including the 13th Amendment that ended slavery. From 1865 to 1877, the United States underwent a turbulent Reconstruction Era trying to establish free labor and civil rights of freedmen in the South after the end of slavery. Many whites resisted the social changes, leading to insurgent movements such as the Ku Klux Klan, whose members attacked black and white Republicans to maintain white supremacy.
In 1871, President Ulysses S. Grant, the U. S. Army, U. S. Attorney General Amos T. Akerman, initiated a campaign to repress the KKK under the Enforcement Acts; some states were reluctant to enforce the federal measures of the act. In addition, by the early 1870s, other white supremacist and insurgent paramilitary groups arose that violently opposed African-American legal equality and suffrage and suppressing black voters, assassinating Republican officeholders. However, if the states failed to implement the acts, the laws allowed the Federal Government to ge