Colombian Communist Party
The Colombian Communist Party or PCC is a legal communist party in Colombia. It was founded in 1930 as the Communist Party of Colombia, at which point it was the Colombian section of the Comintern, changed its name in 1991; the party is led by Jaime Caycedo and publishes a weekly newspaper called Voz. The Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia was founded as the armed wing of the PCC in 1964, but the two organisations separated in 1993. In July 2017, they announced new plans to form a political coalition. In the mid-1960s the U. S. State Department estimated the party membership to be 13,000. Three members of the PCC were known to have undergone training with the East German Ministry of State Security; the PCC was a founding member of the Social and Political Front party coalition, which merged into the Alternative Democratic Pole alliance. The PCC was expelled from the PDA in August 2012 because of its affiliation to Patriotic March, another political alliance. During and following the La Violencia civil war that erupted in Colombia from the late 1940s to the mid-1950s, the communists developed organic links to several liberal guerrilla and irregular rural forces, most of whom nominally depended on the official Colombian Liberal Party and demobilized by the end of that period.
Those groups with more direct relations with the PCC tended to not demobilize, keeping their weapons and organizational structures intact. In 1947, a short-lived Communist Labour Party was formed by former members of the PCC. In 1964, a section of these guerrillas would develop into the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, considered as the official armed wing of the Communist party; the PCC leadership operated in the cities during the 1960s and 1970s, but it supported the operations of the FARC holding solidarity and donation rallies for FARC members and units, as well as providing other forms of aid. The PCC justified the operations of the guerrillas as the armed component of the fight against capitalism and imperialism in Colombia, while at the same time it continued to participate in legal electoral activities independently. Both activities were considered to have their own place within the so-called "combination of all forms of struggle", a concept employed by PCC and FARC; the PCC and FARC-EP grew apart politically, in particular during the 1980s.
Both organizations had their share of internal debates, for example as to which entity would have greater influence and control over the Unión Patriótica during its formation, on the issue of continuing to participate in elections as the UP suffered violent suppression. Other disagreements would include that the PCC may have tended to follow the changes that developed within the official Soviet line during the Cold War, which the FARC-EP did not consider as binding. After the Berlin Wall fell, confusion among the two sides increased; the principle of the "combination of all forms of struggle" was brought into question at the time by some members of the PCC and UP leadership. The PCC broke with the FARC in 1993; as a result, a separate Clandestine Colombian Communist Party was formed in 2000, though some sort of separate FARC-based internal party structure had been in de facto existence during most of the 1990s. Both organizations have remained distinct in their activities, though individual members of both parties may have continued to maintain working relationships on occasion.
In July 2017, the PCC and FARC announced plans to create a new political alliance ahead of the Colombian parliamentary election, 2018. Both organisations indicated their support for the creation of a "new party or political movement". During most of its history the PCC has been the subject of repression and persecution both by private individuals and retired government agents and others; the PCC was weakened by paramilitary massacres and assassinations from the early 1980s to the mid 1990s. A leading PCC figure, Arturo Díaz García, was assassinated on December 21, 2005 in the corregimiento of Toche in the municipality of Ibagué, Tolima. Supporters of David Ravelo, a member of the PCC's central committee, serving an 18-year sentence for plotting to murder a municipal official, contend that he is a political prisoner, prosecuted illegitimately. Communism in Colombia PCC Party website
Communist Party of Ecuador
Communist Party of Ecuador is a political party in Ecuador. It was formed in 1925 as the Socialist Party; the party publishes El Pueblo, the general secretary is Winston Alarcón and the youth wing of the PCE is the Juventud Comunista del Ecuador. After its foundation PCE gained in importance; the first female MP of the country, Nela Martínez, belonged to the party. In 1946 the government jailed many of its members; the PCE was legalized during the 1948-52 term of President Galo Plaza, but was banned again when the military junta held power in 1963-1966. In 1964 PCE suffered a major split; the pro-China minority constituted the Marxist-Leninist Communist Party of Ecuador which went on to side with Albania during the Sino-Albanian split and now maintains a hoxhaist line. In the mid-1960s the U. S. State Department estimated the party membership to be 2500. PCE was legalized, although it had only an estimated 5000 members in 1988; the PCE participated in congressional and presidential elections as part of the coalition of the Broad Left Front, which gained thirteen seats in Congress in 1986.
The main strength of PCE is its trade union work. PCE plays a leading role in the Confederation of Ecuadorian Workers; the party participates in the ruling coalition led by the PAIS Alliance. The Ecuadorian Communist Party is a split from PCE
Communist Party of Réunion
The Communist Party of Réunion is a Communist political party in the French overseas department of Réunion. PCR was founded in 1959, as the French Communist Party federation in Reunion became an independent party. In the same year, they decided to include demands for autonomy in their manifesto; the party said. It has since abandoned its policy of autonomism. Paul Vergès led the party from its foundation until February 1993, when he stepped down and Élie Hoarau was elected general secretary. During the late 1990s the relations between PCF and PCR became somewhat strained, regarding differences in party lines. Relations were, however restored in 2005, on the occasion of PCF leader Marie-George Buffet's visit to the island; the main party leaders are Huguette Bello and Pierre Vergès. The press outlet of the party is the daily newspaper Témoignages, founded by Paul Vergès' father, Dr. Raymond Vergès, in 1944. Temoignages has headquarters in Le Port, where the Communist Party gets most of their votes.
Élie Hoarau Paul Vergès Gélita Hoarau Huguette Bello Huguette Bello Claude Hoarau Roland Robert Yolande Pausé Eric Fruteau Jean-Yves Langenier Paul Vergès Maya Cesari Yasmina Panshbaya Élie Hoarau Rahiba Dubois Catherine Gaud Aline Hoarau Murin Béatrice Leperlier Philippe Jean-Pierre Maurice Gironcel Roland Ramakistin Yvon Virapin Robert Nativel Yvon Bello Eric Fruteau Monica Govindin Jean-Yves Langenier Roland Robert Pierre Vergès Marxist–Leninist Communist Organisation of Réunion Gilles Gauvin, Le parti communiste de la Réunion, Vingtième Siècle. Revue d'histoire, No. 68, pp. 73–94 Témoignages Paul Vergès MEP
A political spectrum is a system of classifying different political positions upon one or more geometric axes that represent independent political dimensions. Most long-standing spectra include a left wing, which referred to seating arrangements in the French parliament after the Revolution. On a left–right spectrum and socialism are regarded internationally as being on the left, Liberalism can mean different things in different contexts: sometimes on the left; those with an intermediate outlook are sometimes classified as centrists. That said and neoliberals are called centrists too. Politics that rejects the conventional left–right spectrum is known as syncretic politics, though the label tends to mischaracterize positions that have a logical location on a two-axis spectrum because they seem randomly brought together on a one-axis left-right spectrum. Political scientists have noted that a single left–right axis is insufficient for describing the existing variation in political beliefs and include other axes.
Though the descriptive words at polar opposites may vary in popular biaxial spectra the axes are split between socio-cultural issues and economic issues, each scaling from some form of individualism to some form of communitarianism. The terms right and left refer to political affiliations originating early in the French Revolutionary era of 1789–1799 and referred to the seating arrangements in the various legislative bodies of France; as seen from the Speaker's seat at the front of the Assembly, the aristocracy sat on the right and the commoners sat on the left, hence the terms right-wing politics and left-wing politics. The defining point on the ideological spectrum was the Ancien Régime. "The Right" thus implied support for aristocratic or royal interests and the church, while "The Left" implied support for republicanism and civil liberties. Because the political franchise at the start of the revolution was narrow, the original "Left" represented the interests of the bourgeoisie, the rising capitalist class.
Support for laissez-faire commerce and free markets were expressed by politicians sitting on the left because these represented policies favorable to capitalists rather than to the aristocracy, but outside parliamentary politics these views are characterized as being on the Right. The reason for this apparent contradiction lies in the fact that those "to the left" of the parliamentary left, outside official parliamentary structures represent much of the working class, poor peasantry and the unemployed, their political interests in the French Revolution lay with opposition to the aristocracy and so they found themselves allied with the early capitalists. However, this did not mean that their economic interests lay with the laissez-faire policies of those representing them politically; as capitalist economies developed, the aristocracy became less relevant and were replaced by capitalist representatives. The size of the working class increased as capitalism expanded and began to find expression through trade unionist, socialist and communist politics rather than being confined to the capitalist policies expressed by the original "left".
This evolution has pulled parliamentary politicians away from laissez-faire economic policies, although this has happened to different degrees in different countries those with a history of issues with more authoritarian-left countries, such as the Soviet Union or China under Mao Zedong. Thus the word "Left" in American political parlance may refer to "liberalism" and be identified with the Democratic Party, whereas in a country such as France these positions would be regarded as more right-wing, or centrist overall, "left" is more to refer to "socialist" or "social-democratic" positions rather than "liberal" ones. For a century, social scientists have considered the problem of how best to describe political variation. In 1950, Leonard W. Ferguson analyzed political values using ten scales measuring attitudes toward: birth control, capital punishment, communism, law, theism, treatment of criminals and war. Submitting the results to factor analysis, he was able to identify three factors, which he named religionism and nationalism.
He defined religionism as belief in God and negative attitudes toward birth control. This system was derived empirically, as rather than devising a political model on purely theoretical grounds and testing it, Ferguson's research was exploratory; as a result of this method, care must be taken in the interpretation of Ferguson's three factors, as factor analysis will output an abstract factor whether an objectively real factor exists or not. Although replication of the nationalism factor was inconsistent, the finding of religionism and humanitarianism had a number of replications by Ferguson and others. Shortly afterward, Hans Eysenck began researching political attitudes in Great Britain, he believed that there was something similar about the National Socialists on the one hand and the communists on the other, despite their opposite positions on the left–right axis. As Hans Eysenck described in his 1956 book Sense and
Anti-revisionism is a position within Marxism–Leninism which emerged in the 1950s in opposition to the reforms of Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev. Where Khrushchev pursued an interpretation of Leninism that differed from his predecessor Joseph Stalin, the anti-revisionists within the international communist movement remained dedicated to Stalin's ideological legacy and criticized the Soviet Union under Khrushchev and his successors as state capitalist and social imperialist due to its hopes of achieving peace with the United States; the term "Stalinism" is used to describe these positions, but it is not used by its supporters who opine that Stalin synthesized and practiced Leninism. Marxism–Leninism is a political ideology based on the theories of Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels and Vladimir Lenin, it holds that capitalism divides society into two classes – the bourgeoisie or property-owning class, the proletariat or labouring class. On top of this, it claims the proletariat is divided into a labour aristocracy of powerful imperialist nations, granted some economic and political power, the superexploited colonial or neo-colonial proletariat.
Marxist–Leninists advocate the most class conscious members of the proletariat form vanguard parties based around the principle of democratic centralism which will lead revolutionary movements towards the creation of single-party states which will progress to socialism and global communism. Anti-revisionism is a position within Marxism–Leninism based on its interpretation by Joseph Stalin called Stalinism. Stalin advocated strict totalitarian rule by vanguard parties and fast-paced economic transformation in the short-term, violent confrontation with capitalist powers; the emergence of the Khrushchevist interpretation lead to a reaction from pro-Stalin Marxist–Leninists, who formed the anti-revisionist movement. Anti-revisionists rejected the Soviet Union's leadership of the Marxist–Leninist movement, believing it had become state capitalist and social imperialist. Despite this, the lines between the two camps in Marxism–Leninism were blurry; the Korean Workers' Party, for instance, was pro-Soviet, but defended Stalin's legacy and was engaged in violent struggle against the capitalist South Korea and its American backers.
Due to this, the global anti-revisionist movement tended to support it and continues to do so to this day despite its ideological departure from Marxism–Leninism. The Cuban Communist Party and Vietnamese Communist Party received critical support from many anti-revisionists despite being pro-Soviet, due to their violent struggles against the US; the Cuban Communists provided material support to the American anti-revisionist Black Panther Party. The Chinese Communist Party is anti-revisionist; the term "Dengism" is used to describe this perceived revisionist tendency in Marxism–Leninism, despite official claims that it is an adaptation of Marxism–Leninism to contemporary Chinese material conditions, rather than a revision. Despite agreeing that he had a revisionist turn in his life, most contemporary anti-revisionists hold particular interest in the theories of Chinese leader Mao Zedong. Mao, amongst other things, claimed that socialist movements in the neo-colonial world could temporarily ally with the nationalist movements of the local petite bourgeoisie, that the implementation of a "mass line" policy will prevent a vanguard from becoming revisionist.
Departing from anti-revisionist Marxism–Leninism, many today instead believe in a separate ideology known as Marxism–Leninism–Maoism, which views the early theories of Mao as a higher stage of Leninist ideology, just as Leninism is a higher stage of Marxism. Among both Marxist–Leninist–Maoists and anti-revisionist Marxist–Leninists with a tendency towards Mao's theories exists the Maoist tendency which claims the labour aristocracy has no immediate revolutionary potential, may claim it experiences no exploitation at all. Self-proclaimed anti-revisionists oppose the reforms initiated in Communist countries by leaders like Nikita Khrushchev in the Soviet Union and Deng Xiaoping in China, they refer to such reforms and states as state capitalist and social imperialist. They reject Trotskyism and its "Permanent Revolution" as "hypocritical" by arguing that Leon Trotsky had at one time thought it acceptable that socialism could work in a single country as long as that country was industrialized, but that Trotsky had considered Russia too backward to achieve such industrialization – what it in fact did achieve through his archenemy Joseph Stalin's Five Year Plans.
In their own right, anti-revisionists acknowledge that the Soviet Union contained a "new class" or "'red' bourgeoisie", but they place the blame for the formation of that class on Khrushchev and his successors, not on Stalin. Therefore, in anti-revisionist circles, there is little talk of class conflict in the Soviet Union before 1956, except when talking about specific contexts such as the Russian Civil War and World War II. During the Sino-Soviet split, the governments of the People's Republic of China under Mao Zedong and the People's Republic of Albania under Enver Hoxha proclaimed themselves to be taking an anti-revisionist line and denounced Khrushchev's policies in the Soviet Union. In the United Sta
Egyptian Communist Party
The Egyptian Communist Party is the title of a modern political party in Egypt. The same name was used by an older Egyptian party founded in 1921; the modern Egyptian Communist Party was formed in 1921 by a number of members of the former Egyptian Communist Party. Under the regimes of Presidents Anwar Sadat and Hosni Mubarak the new Communist Party faced state repression and was barred from running in elections; the party however continued to operate underground until the overthrow of Mubarak in 2011. Despite having ECP members killed and imprisoned under Mubarak, the party have since been involved in mobilizing workers in 2011. On 10 May 2011, the ECP agreed to enter into a "socialist front" with four other Egyptian leftist groups called the Coalition of Socialist Forces, which includes the Revolutionary Socialists, the Socialist Popular Alliance Party, Socialist Party of Egypt and the Workers Democratic Party. Communist Party - international movement Egyptian Communist Party - an early holder of the name founded in 1921
Communist Party of Canada
The Communist Party of Canada is a communist political party in Canada founded in 1922. Although it is now a political party without any parliamentary representation, the party's candidates have been elected to the Parliament of Canada, the Ontario legislature, the Manitoba legislature, various municipal governments across the country; the party has contributed to trade union organizing and labour history in Canada and anti-war activism, many other social movements. The Communist Party of Canada is the second oldest active party after the Liberal Party of Canada. In 1993 the party was de-registered and had its assets seized, forcing it to begin a successful thirteen-year political and legal battle to maintain registration of small political parties in Canada; the campaign culminated with the final decision of Figueroa v. Canada, changing the legal definition of a political party in Canada. Despite its continued presence as a registered political party, the CPC places the vast majority of its emphasis on extra-parliamentary activity what it terms "the labour and people's movements", as reflected in its programme "Canada's Future is Socialism".
The Canadian Communist Party began as an illegal organization in a rural barn near the town of Guelph, Ontario, on May 28 and 29, 1921. Many of its founding members had worked as labour organizers and as anti-war activists and had belonged to groups such as the Socialist Party of Canada, One Big Union, the Socialist Labor Party, the Industrial Workers of the World, other socialist, Marxist, or Labour parties or clubs and organizations; the first members felt inspired by the Russian Revolution, radicalised by the negative aftermath of World War I and the fight to improve living standards and labour rights, including the experience of the Winnipeg General Strike. The Comintern accepted the party affiliation as its Canadian section in December 1921, thus it adopted a similar organizational structure and policy to Communist parties around the world; the party alternated between illegality during the 1920s and 1930s. Because of the War Measures Act in effect at its time of creation, the party operated as the "Workers' Party of Canada" in February, 1922 as its public face, in March began publication of a newspaper, The Worker.
When Parliament allowed the War Measures Act to lapse in 1924, the underground organization was dissolved and the party's name was changed to the Communist Party of Canada. The party's first actions included establishing a youth organization, the Young Communist League of Canada, solidarity efforts with the Soviet Union. By 1923 the party had raised over $64,000 for the Russian Red Cross, a large sum of money at that time, it initiated a Canadian component of the Trade Union Educational League which became an organic part of the labour movement with active groups in 16 of 60 labour councils and in mining and logging camps. By 1925 party membership stood at around 4,500 people, composed of miners and lumber workers, of railway and garment workers. Most of these people came from immigrant communities like Ukrainians; the party, working with the TUEL, played a role in many bitter strikes and difficult organizing drives, in support of militant industrial unionism. From 1922 to 1929, the provincial wings of the WPC/CPC affiliated with the Canadian Labour Party, another expression of the CPC's "united front" strategy.
The CLP operated as a federated labour party. The CPC came to lead the CLP organization in several regions of the country, including Quebec, did not run candidates during elections. In 1925 William Kolisnyk became the first communist elected to public office in North America, under the banner of the CLP in Winnipeg; the CLP itself, never became an effective national organization. The Communists withdrew from the CLP in 1928-1929 following a shift in Comintern policy, as the organization folded. From 1927 to 1929, the party went through a series of policy debates and internal ideological struggles in which advocates of the ideas of Leon Trotsky, as well as proponents of what the party called "North American Exceptionism", were expelled. Expellees included Maurice Spector, the editor of the party's paper The Worker and party chairman, Jack MacDonald who resigned as the party's general secretary for factionalism, was expelled; the Secretary of the Women's Bureau and general editor of the Woman Worker Florence Custance was only saved from expulsion from the Party due to her untimely death in 1929.
Her feminism and advocacy of birth control, for example, were well-known to the mainstream press, but her radical contemporaries questioned her political sympathies and gave her few chances to shine. MacDonald sympathetic to Trotskyist ideas, joined Spector in founding the International Left Opposition Canada, which formed part of Trotsky's so-called Fourth International Left Opposition; the party expelled supporters of Nikolai Bukharin and of Jay Lovestone's Right Opposition, such as William Moriarty. The communists disagreed over strategy, the socialist identity of the Soviet Union, over Canada's status as an imperialist power. While some communists like J. B. Salsberg expressed sympathy with these positions, after debates that dominated party conventions for a couple of years by the early 1930s, the vast majority of members had decided to continue with the party. Tim Buck won election as party general secretary in 1929, he remained in the position until 1962. The stock market crash in late 1929 signalled the beginning of a long and protracted economic crisis in Canada and internationally.
The crisis led to widespread unemployment, povert