Maurice Podoloff

Maurice Podoloff was an American lawyer and basketball and ice hockey administrator. He served as the president of the Basketball Association of America in 1946–1949, the National Basketball Association in 1949–1963. Podoloff was born to a Jewish family somewhere in the Russian Empire, on or about August 18, 1890. Doubt remains about birthday. "I was born on either Aug. 18 or Aug. 31, it was somewhere in Ukraine near Odessa." In young boyhood his family emigrated to the United States, where he graduated from Hillhouse High School in New Haven, Connecticut in 1909, from Yale University in New Haven with a law degree in 1915. In 1926, Podoloff opened the New Haven Arena on Grove Street in downtown New Haven with his father and two brothers; the Arena held over 4,000 people and hosted ice hockey and circus events before it was demolished in 1974. A distinguished lawyer, he was of impeccable character and was instrumental in the development and success of professional basketball. On June 6, 1946 serving as president of the American Hockey League, he was appointed president of the newly formed Basketball Association of America, becoming the first person to lead two professional leagues simultaneously.

After BAA teams signed several of the best players in the National Basketball League, Podoloff negotiated a merger with the NBL to form the National Basketball Association, or NBA, in 1949. His great organizational and administrative skills were regarded as the key factor that kept the league alive in its stormy formative years; as president, Podoloff expanded the NBA to as many as 17 teams in three divisions and worked out a 557-game schedule. He introduced the BAA's collegiate draft in 1947, in 1954 instituted the NBA's 24-second shot clock created by Dan Biasone, owner of the Syracuse Nationals, his executive vice-president, Leo Ferris, which quickened the pace of games and improved NBA basketball from a slow plodding game to a fast-paced sport; that same year, he increased national recognition of the NBA immensely by landing its first television contract. During his NBA presidency, he meted out lifetime suspensions to 32 players who were involved in point shaving scandal in 1951. Among these players were Indianapolis Olympians players Ralph Beard and Alex Groza for their actions at University of Kentucky, 1951's number one draft pick Gene Melchiorre, for his actions at Bradley University.

He stepped down as NBA president in 1963 after having increased fan interest during the NBA's formative years and having improved the overall welfare of the sport of basketball through his foresight and leadership. In his honor, the NBA would name its annual league Most Valuable Player trophy the Maurice Podoloff Trophy. In 1974, Podoloff was inducted into the Naismith Memorial Basketball Hall of Fame, in 2011 was inducted into the American Hockey League Hall of Fame, he was inducted into the International Jewish Sports Hall of Fame in 1989. Peterson, Robert W.. "The BAA and War Between the Leagues". Cages to Jump Shots: Pro Basketball's Early Years. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. Pp. 150–165. ISBN 0-8032-8772-0. Naismith Memorial Basketball Hall of Fame Bio

Corruption in Mexico

Corruption in Mexico has permeated several segments of society – political and social – and has affected the country's legitimacy, transparency and effectiveness. Many of these dimensions have evolved as a product of Mexico's legacy of elite, oligarchic consolidation of power and authoritarian rule. Transparency International's 2017 Corruption Perceptions Index ranks the country 135th place out of 180 countries. Although the Institutional Revolutionary Party came to power through cooptation and peace, it maintained power for 71 years straight by establishing patronage networks and relying on personalistic measures; that is, Mexico functioned as a one-party state and was characterized by a system in which politicians provided bribes to their constituents in exchange for support and votes for reelection. This type of clientelism constructed a platform through which political corruption had the opportunity to flourish: little political competition and organization outside of the party existed.

Political contestation equated to political and social isolation and neglect. The party remained securely in power, government accountability was low. Hierarchization was the norm. Power was consolidated in the hands of an elite few, more narrowly, the president controlled all of the practical power across the three branches of government; this central figure had both the formal and informal power to exercise extralegal authority over the judiciary and legislature and to relegate these other branches to the executive's individual political will. Beyond this, few checks were set on elected officials’ actions throughout the PRI's unbroken reign. Sustained PRI rule yielded low levels of transparency and legitimacy within the councils of Mexico's government. 71 years of power provided an opportunity for corruption to accumulate and become complex. Civil society developed around economic interest aggregation, organized by the clientelistic government. Anthony Kruszewski, Tony Payan, Katheen Staudt explain, "Running through the formal structure of…political institutions was a well-articulated and complex set of…networks… deliberately manipulate governmental resources…to advance their political aspirations and to protect their private interests and those of their clienteles and partners… Under the political geometry of an authoritarian and centralized scheme …grew and prospered."

With this type of institutionalized corruption, the political path in Mexico was narrow. There were specified selective electoral mobilization; these issues engrained in Mexico's political culture after over half a century's existence, have continued to generate and institutionalize political corruption in today's Mexico. Mexico’s geographic location has played in the development of the country’s role in organized crime and drug trafficking. Not only is Mexico adjacent to the world’s largest illegal drug market – the United States – but it borders Central and South America, the latter being a region of nations with a high demand for drugs; this positions Mexican drug cartels at an advantage. Because of this, Mexico’s borders are crucial to drug cartels and transnational criminal organizations, which can exploit the borders as a passageway for contraband and as a method for consolidation of power; as drug cartels and TCOs have made use of these areas, the groups have become progressively more complex and diverse.

Trafficking has been accompanied by other forms of illegal activity – such as extortion and political corruption – as disparate factions compete for control over the same, lucrative areas. The Mexican government has accomplished little in terms of curbing the offenses of these TCOs and cartels, has actually been complicit in aiding their actions. Many of Mexico’s institutions – including those for law, policy and finance – function under a patron-client system in which officials receive money, political support, or other bribes from TCOs in exchange for minimal interference in, or impunity for, those criminal groups’ affairs. In these scenarios of narco-corruption, Mexico's power structure is defined by leaders who guide TCOs’ behaviors, receive payoffs, manipulate government resources, align public policies with legislation that will further their personal and political objectives; these relationships have served as an impetus for new and problematic sources of violent, drug-related deaths, ineffective governance and policy implementation, terror-based TCO tactics, a deepening drug market.

Under this system, TCOs’ influence has extended beyond violent criminal activity or drug trade, has reached into Mexico's institutional bases. These networks – alongside a lack of government transparency and checks and balances – have allowed corruption in government to flourish; the growing prevalence and diversification of organized crime is in many ways linked to the political changes that Mexico underwent in 2000. For the first time in 71 years, the PRI ceded power to the National Action Party; the traditional power structure, which had enabled patronage networks to flourish and TCOs to operate, became challenged by government forces that attempted to curb violence and illegal activity. However, social decomposition followe

Brian Keeble

Brian Keeble is a British author and editor. He is a co-founder of the Temenos and Temenos Academy. Keeble is the founder of Golgonooza Press where he worked as editor and publisher from 1974-2004, he was a co-founder and is a Fellow of the Temenos Academy - whose Patron is Charles, Prince of Wales -, a teaching organization dedicated to the same central idea that had inspired the earlier Temenos, of which he was a co-founder and editor. Both focus on a devotion to the ‘Arts of the Imagination’ and feature the lectures and works of scholars and teachers committed to Perennial Philosophy; the Golgonooza Press Archive, covering the years 1962 to 2012, is in the British Library Department of Manuscripts. Art: For Whom and For What?, Vernon Watkins: Inspiration as Poetry,Poetry as Inspiration, Twenty-four Poems, Conversing with Paradise, Shapes of Light,Poems, Every Man an Artist: Readings in the Traditional Philosophy of Art, Kathleen Raine: Poetic Imagination and the Vision of Reality, In His Name and other poems, God & Work: Aspects of Art and Tradition, Cecil Collins:The Artist as Writer and Image Maker, From a Handful of Dust,Poems, Far from the Dawn, Daily Bread: Art and Work in the Reign of Quantity and introduced by Andrew Frisardi, Mask After Mask, Works Edited by Brian Keeble The Inner Journey of the Poet, other papers, by Kathleen Raine.

A Holy Tradition of Working. An Anthology of the Writings of Eric Gill, What is Civilisation? and other Essays, by Ananda K. Coomaraswamy, Standing on Earth. Selected Essays of Wendell Berry, Poems, Pages from a Sketch Book, by Cecil Collins, The Music of Silence, a Composer's Testament, by Sir John Tavener, The Vision of the Fool and other Writings, by Cecil Collins, enlarged edition, Temenos Academy Review 7, Kathleen Raine Memorial Issue, The Underlying Order and other Essays, by Kathleen Raine, That Wondrous Pattern, Essays on Poetry and Poets, by Kathleen Raine. Temenos Academy Review Traditionalism Kathleen Raine