Southeast Asia Treaty Organization
The Southeast Asia Treaty Organization was an international organization for collective defense in Southeast Asia created by the Southeast Asia Collective Defense Treaty, or Manila Pact, signed in September 1954 in Manila, Philippines. The formal institution of SEATO was established on 19 February 1955 at a meeting of treaty partners in Bangkok, Thailand; the organization's headquarters were in Bangkok. Eight members joined the organization. Created to block further communist gains in Southeast Asia, SEATO is considered a failure because internal conflict and dispute hindered general use of the SEATO military. SEATO was dissolved on 30 June 1977 after many members withdrew; the Southeast Asia Collective Defense Treaty, or Manila Pact, was signed on 8 September 1954 in Manila, as part of the American Truman Doctrine of creating anti-communist bilateral and collective defense treaties. These treaties and agreements were intended to create alliances; this policy was considered to have been developed by American diplomat and Soviet expert George F. Kennan.
President Dwight D. Eisenhower's Secretary of State John Foster Dulles is considered to be the primary force behind the creation of SEATO, which expanded the concept of anti-communist collective defense to Southeast Asia, then-Vice President Richard Nixon advocated an Asian equivalent of NATO upon returning from his late-1953 Asia trip; the organization, headquartered in Bangkok, was created in 1955 at the first meeting of the Council of Ministers set up by the treaty, contrary to Dulles's preference to call the organization "ManPac". SEATO was intended to be a Southeast Asian version of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, in which the military forces of each member would be coordinated to provide for the collective defense of the members' country. Organizationally, SEATO was headed by the Secretary General, whose office was created in 1957 at a meeting in Canberra, with a council of representatives from member nations and an international staff. Present were committees for economics and information.
SEATO's first Secretary General was Pote Sarasin, a Thai diplomat and politician who had served as Thailand's ambassador to the U. S. between 1952 and 1957, as Prime Minister of Thailand from September 1957 to 1 January 1958. Unlike the NATO alliance, SEATO had no joint commands with standing forces. In addition, SEATO's response protocol in the event of communism presenting a "common danger" to the member nations was vague and ineffective, though membership in the SEATO alliance did provide a rationale for a large-scale U. S. military intervention in the region during the Vietnam War. Despite its name, SEATO included countries located outside of the region but with an interest either in the region or the organization itself, they were Australia, New Zealand, the Philippines, the United Kingdom and the United States. The Philippines and Thailand were the only Southeast Asian countries that participated in the organization, they shared close ties with the United States the Philippines, they faced incipient communist insurgencies against their own governments.
Thailand became a member upon the discovery of the newly founded "Thai Autonomous Region" in Yunnan – feeling threatened by potential Chinese communist subversion on its land. Other regional countries like Burma and Indonesia were far more mindful of domestic internal stability rather than any communist threat, thus rejected joining it. Malaya chose to not participate formally, though it was kept updated with key developments due to its close relationship with the United Kingdom; the states newly formed from French Indochina were prevented from taking part in any international military alliance as a result of the Geneva Agreements signed 20 July of the same year concluding the end of the First Indochina War. However, with the lingering threat coming from communist North Vietnam and the possibility of the domino theory with Indochina turning into a communist frontier, SEATO got these countries under its protection – an act that would be considered to be one of the main justifications for the U.
S. involvement in the Vietnam War. Cambodia, however rejected the protection in 1956; the majority of SEATO members were not located in Southeast Asia. To Australia and New Zealand, SEATO was seen as a more satisfying organization than ANZUS – a collective defense organization with the U. S; the United Kingdom and France joined due to having long maintained colonies in the region, due to concerns over developments in Indochina. Last but not least, the U. S. upon perceiving Southeast Asia to be a pivotal frontier for Cold War geopolitics saw the establishment of SEATO as essential to its Cold War containment policy. All in all, the membership reflected a mid-1950s combination of anti-communist Western nations and such nations in Southeast Asia; the United Kingdom and the United States, the latter of which joined after the U. S. Senate ratified. Canada considered joining, but decided against it in order to concentrate on its NATO responsibilities. Average of contributions to civil and military budgets between 1958 and 1973: U
1947 Poonch rebellion
In Spring 1947, an uprising against the Maharaja Hari Singh of Jammu and Kashmir broke out in the Poonch jagir, an area bordering the Rawalpindi district of West Punjab and the Hazara district of the North-West Frontier Province in the future Pakistan. The leader of the rebellion, Sardar Muhammad Ibrahim Khan escaped to Lahore by the end of August 1947 and persuaded the Pakistani authorities to back the rebellion. In addition to the backing, Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan authorised an invasion of the state, by the ex-Indian National Army personnel in the south and a force led by Major Khurshid Anwar in the north; these invasions led to the First Kashmir War fought between India and Pakistan, the formation of Azad Kashmir. The Poonch jagir has since been divided across Azad Kashmir, administered by Pakistan and the state of Jammu and Kashmir, administered by India.. Poonch was an internal jagir, governed by an alternative family line of Maharaja Hari Singh; the Muslims of Poonch suffered from small landholdings and high taxation and nursed their grievances since 1905.
They had campaigned for the principality to be absorbed into the Punjab province of British India. In 1938, a notable disturbance occurred for religious reasons. From on, a garrison of State troops was established in Poonch to keep order. After the death of Raja Jagatdev Singh of Poonch in 1940, Maharaja Hari Singh appointed a chosen guardian for his minor son, Shiv Ratandev Singh, used the opportunity to integrate the Poonch jagir into the state of Jammu and Kashmir. Poonch came to be administered by the officers of Jammu and Kashmir as a district of the Jammu province; this resulted in loss of autonomy for Poonch and subjected its people to the increased taxation of the Kashmir state, both of which were resented by the people. The Poonchis had a tradition of military service. During the Second World War, over 60,000 Muslims from the Poonch and Mirpur districts enrolled in the British Indian Army. After the war, many of them retained their arms while returning; the Maharaja did not absorb them into the State forces.
The absence of employment prospects coupled with high taxation caused displeasure among the Poonchis in 1947. At the beginning of 1947, the British Indian provinces of Punjab, to the south and southwest of Kashmir, North-West Frontier Province to the northwest of Kashmir, were two of the most important provinces of the would-be Pakistan. However, the Muslim League was not in power in either of them. Punjab was held by the Unionists, the NWFP by Indian National Congress Undeterred, the Muslim League decided to bring down both the governments, with the help of its private militia Muslim League National Guard in Punjab, its leaders Pir of Manki Sharif and Khan Abdul Qayyum Khan in the NWFP; these efforts exacerbated Hindu-Sikh-Muslim communal tensions in the two provinces. The trauma was acute in the Hazara district, a Muslim League stronghold, which directly bordered the Poonch and Muzaffarabad districts. Between November 1946 and January 1947, Hindu and Sikh refugees poured into Kashmir, with some 2,500 of them under the State care.
The plight of these refugees did much to influence the Maharaja's future actions. On 2 March 1947, the Unionist government in Punjab fell. Communal fires were set ablaze in Multan, Rawalpindi and Lahore, spreading to Campbellpur, Murree and Attock in Punjab. In the NWFP, the Hazara and Peshawar districts were affected; the Pir of Manki Sharif was reported to have sent agents provocateurs to the frontier districts of Kashmir to prepare their Muslims for a'holy crusade'. Kashmir responded by sealing the border with the provinces, sending more troops to the border areas; the stream of Hindu and Sikh refugees coming from the Rawalpindi and Hazara districts spread unease in the State. Drivers refused to use the Srinagar -- Rawalpindi road because of reports of raids; as a result of the defensive measures, the Poonch district came to be militarised. A. H. Suharwardy, former Azad Kashmir civil servant, states that a'Poonch Brigade' was established by the State Army and distributed at various locations in the Poonch district, such as Dothan, Tain, Chirala, Kohala, Azad Pattan and Trar Khel, in addition to its headquarters in the Poonch city.
The militarisation generated resentment. The rigorous restriction on the movement of goods and men between Pakistan and Poonch generated shortages, causing prices to sky rocket; the Muslims of Jammu and Kashmir were organised under two political parties: the National Conference led by Sheikh Abdullah, allied to the Indian National Congress, the Muslim Conference led by Chaudhry Ghulam Abbas, allied to the Muslim League. The National Conference had total control in the Kashmir Valley whereas the Muslim Conference was dominant in the Jammu province in the western districts of Mirpur and Muzaffarabad. Despite their alliances to the all-India parties, both the parties had ambiguous positions on the accession of the state; the National Conference demanded that the power should be devolved to the people and the people should decide on accession. The Muslim Conference was inclined to support accession to Pakistan, but in September 1946, they had passed a resolution in favour of an Azad Kashmir, though the move came in for criticism within the party.
The Hindus, who were confined to the Jammu province, were organised under Rajya Hindu Sabha led by Prem Nath Dogra, were allied to the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. The Jammu Hindus regarded the Maharaja as their natural lead
All-India Muslim League
The All-India Muslim League was a political party established in 1906 in the British Indian Empire. Its strong advocacy for the establishment of a separate Muslim-majority nation-state, Pakistan led to the partition of British India in 1947 by the British Empire; the party arose out of a literary movement begun at The Aligarh Muslim University in which Syed Ahmad Khan was a central figure. It remained an elitist organisation until 1937 when the leadership began mobilising the Muslim masses and the league became a popular organisation. In the 1930s, the idea of a separate nation-state and influential philosopher Sir Muhammad Iqbal's vision of uniting the four provinces in North-West British India further supported the rationale of the two-nation theory. With global events leading up to World War II and the Congress party's effective protest against the United Kingdom unilaterally involving India in the war without consulting the Indian people, the Muslim League went on to support the British war efforts.
The Muslim League played a decisive role in the 1940s, becoming a driving force behind the division of India along religious lines and the creation of Pakistan as a Muslim state in 1947. After the partition and subsequent establishment of Pakistan, the Muslim League continued as a minor party in India where it was part of the government. In Bangladesh, the Muslim League was revived in 1976 but it was reduced in size, rendering it insignificant in the political arena. In India, the Indian Union Muslim League and in Pakistan the Pakistan Muslim League became the original successors of the All-India Muslim League. Despite efforts by the pioneers of the Congress to attract Muslims to their sessions the majority of the Muslim leadership, such as Sir Syed Ahmed Khan and Syed Ameer Ali, rejected the notion that India's "two distinct communities" could be represented by the Congress. In 1886, Sir Syed founded the Muhammadan Educational Conference, but a self-imposed ban prevented it from discussing politics.
Its original goal was to advocate for British education science and literature, among India's Muslims. The conference, in addition to generating funds for Sir Syed's Aligarh Muslim University, motivated the Muslim upper class to propose an expansion of educational uplift elsewhere, known as the Aligarh Movement. In turn, this new awareness of Muslim needs helped stimulate a political consciousness among Muslim elites, who went on to form the All-India Muslim League; the formation of a Muslim political party on the national level was seen as essential by 1901. The first stage of its formation was the meeting held at Lucknow in September 1906, with the participation of representatives from all over India; the decision for re-consideration to form the all-Indian Muslim political party was taken and further proceedings were adjourned until the next meeting of the All India Muhammadan Educational Conference. The Simla Deputation reconsidered the issue in October 1906 and decided to frame the objectives of the party on the occasion of the annual meeting of the Educational Conference, scheduled to be held in Dhaka.
Meanwhile, Nawab Salimullah Khan published a detailed scheme through which he suggested the party to be named All-India Muslim Confederacy. Pursuant upon the decisions taken earlier at the Lucknow meeting and in Simla, the annual meeting of the All-India Muhammadan Educational Conference was held in Dhaka from 27 December until 30 December 1906. Three thousand delegates attended, headed by both Nawab Waqar-ul-Mulk and Nawab Muhasan-ul-Mulk, in which they explained its objectives and stressed the unity of Muslims under the banner of an association, it was formally proposed by Nawab Salimullah Khan and supported by Hakim Ajmal Khan, Maulana Muhammad Ali Jauhar, Zafar Ali Khan, Syed Nabiullah, a barrister from Lucknow, Syed Zahur Ahmad, an eminent lawyer, as well as several others. The Muslim League's insistence on separate electorates and reserved seats in the Imperial Council were granted in the Indian Councils Act after the League held protests in India and lobbied London; the draft proposals for the reforms communicated on 1 October 1908 provided Muslims with reserved seats in all councils, with nomination only being maintained in Punjab.
The communication displayed how much the Government had accommodated Muslim demands and showed an increase in Muslim representation in the Imperial and provincial legislatures. But the Muslim League's demands were only met in UP and Madras. However, the Government did accept the idea of separate electorates; the idea had not been accepted by the Secretary of State, who proposed mixed electoral colleges, causing the Muslim League to agitate and the Muslim press to protest what they perceived to be a betrayal of the Viceroy's assurance to the Simla deputation. On 23 February Morley told the House of Lords that Muslims demanded separate representation and accepted them; this was the League's first victory. But the Indian Councils Bill did not satisfy the demands of the Muslim League, it was based on the October 1908 communique. The Muslim League's London branch opposed the bill and in a debate obtained the support of several parliamentarians. In 1909 the members of the Muslim League organised a Muslim protest.
The Reforms Committee of Minto's council believed that Muslims had a point and advised Minto to discuss with some Muslim leaders. The Government offered a few more seats to Muslims in compromise but would not agree to satisfy the League's demand. Minto believed that the Muslims had been given enough while Morley was still not certain because of the pressure Muslims could apply on the government; the Muslim League's central committee once ag
Secularism, as defined in the Merriam-Webster dictionary, is the "indifference to, or rejection or exclusion of, religion and religious considerations." As a philosophy, secularism seeks to interpret life on principles taken from the material world, without recourse to religion. In political terms, secularism is the principle of the separation of government institutions and persons mandated to represent the state from religious institution and religious dignitaries. Under a brief definition, secularism means that governments should remain neutral on the matter of religion and should not enforce nor prohibit the free exercise of religion, leaving religious choice to the liberty of the people. One manifestation of secularism is asserting the right to be free from religious rule and teachings, or, in a state declared to be neutral on matters of belief, from the imposition by government of religion or religious practices upon its people. Another manifestation of secularism is the view that public activities and decisions political ones, should be uninfluenced by religious beliefs or practices.
Secularism draws its intellectual roots from Greek and Roman philosophers such as Zeno of Citium and Marcus Aurelius. It shifts the focus from religion to other ‘temporal’ and ‘this-worldly’ things with emphasis on nature, reason and development; the purposes and arguments in support of secularism vary widely. In European laicism, it has been argued that secularism is a movement toward modernization, away from traditional religious values; this type of secularism, on a social or philosophical level, has occurred while maintaining an official state church or other state support of religion. In the United States, some argue that state secularism has served to a greater extent to protect religion and the religious from governmental interference, while secularism on a social level is less prevalent. On the other hand, Meiji era Japan maintained that it was secular and allowed freedom of religion despite enforcing State Shinto and continuing to prohibit certain "superstitions; the term "secularism" was first used by the British writer George Jacob Holyoake in 1851.
Holyoake invented the term secularism to describe his views of promoting a social order separate from religion, without dismissing or criticizing religious belief. An agnostic himself, Holyoake argued that "Secularism is not an argument against Christianity, it is one independent of it, it does not question the pretensions of Christianity. Secularism does not say there is no light or guidance elsewhere, but maintains that there is light and guidance in secular truth, whose conditions and sanctions exist independently, act forever. Secular knowledge is manifestly that kind of knowledge, founded in this life, which relates to the conduct of this life, conduces to the welfare of this life, is capable of being tested by the experience of this life."Barry Kosmin of the Institute for the Study of Secularism in Society and Culture breaks modern secularism into two types: hard and soft secularism. According to Kosmin, "the hard secularist considers religious propositions to be epistemologically illegitimate, warranted by neither reason nor experience."
However, in the view of soft secularism, "the attainment of absolute truth was impossible and therefore skepticism and tolerance should be the principle and overriding values in the discussion of science and religion." The departure from reliance on religious faith to reason and science marks the beginning of the secularization of education and society in history. Among the earliest documentations of a secular form of thought is seen in the Charvaka system of philosophy, which held direct perception and conditional inference as proper sources of knowledge, sought to reject the prevailing religious practices of that time. According to Domenic Marbaniang, Secularism emerged in the West with the establishment of reason over religious faith as human reason was liberated from unquestioned subjection to the dominion of religion and superstition. Secularism first appeared in the West in the classical philosophy and politics of ancient Greece, disappeared for a time after the fall of Greece, but resurfaced after a millennium and half in the Renaissance and the Reformation.
He writes: An increasing confidence in human capabilities and progress, that emerged during the Italian Renaissance, together with an increasing distrust in organized and state supported religion during the Reformation, was responsible for the ushering of modernity during the Enlightenment, which brought all facets of human life including religion under the purview of reason and thus became responsible for the freeing of education and state from the domination of religion. Harvey Cox explains that the Enlightenment hailed Nature as the "deep reality" that transcended the corrupted man-made institutions of men; the rights of man were not considered as God-given but as the de facto benefits of Nature as revealed by Reason. In political terms, secularism is a movement towards the separation of government; this can refer to reducing ties between a government and a sta
Presidencies and provinces of British India
The Provinces of India, earlier Presidencies of British India and still earlier, Presidency towns, were the administrative divisions of British governance in India. Collectively, they were called British India. In one form or another, they existed between 1612 and 1947, conventionally divided into three historical periods: Between 1612 and 1757 the East India Company set up "factories" in several locations in coastal India, with the consent of the Mughal emperors or local rulers, its rivals were the merchant trading companies of Portugal, the Netherlands and France. By the mid-18th century three "Presidency towns": Madras and Calcutta, had grown in size. During the period of Company rule in India, 1757–1858, the Company acquired sovereignty over large parts of India, now called "Presidencies". However, it increasingly came under British government oversight, in effect sharing sovereignty with the Crown. At the same time it lost its mercantile privileges. Following the Indian Rebellion of 1857 the Company's remaining powers were transferred to the Crown.
In the new British Raj, sovereignty extended such as Upper Burma. However, unwieldy presidencies were broken up into "Provinces". In 1608, Mughal authorities allowed the English East India Company to establish a small trading settlement at Surat, this became the company's first headquarters town, it was followed in 1611 by a permanent factory at Machilipatnam on the Coromandel Coast, in 1612 the company joined other established European trading companies in Bengal in trade. However, the power of the Mughal Empire declined from 1707, first at the hands of the Marathas and due to invasion from Persia and Afghanistan. By the mid-19th century, after the three Anglo-Maratha Wars the East India Company had become the paramount political and military power in south Asia, its territory held in trust for the British Crown. Company rule in Bengal from 1793, ended with the Government of India Act 1858 following the events of the Bengal Rebellion of 1857. From known as British India, it was thereafter directly ruled by the British Crown as a colonial possession of the United Kingdom, India was known after 1876 as the Indian Empire.
India was divided into British India, regions that were directly administered by the British, with Acts established and passed in British Parliament, the Princely States, ruled by local rulers of different ethnic backgrounds. These rulers were allowed a measure of internal autonomy in exchange for British suzerainty. British India constituted a significant portion of India both in population. In addition, there were French exclaves in India. Independence from British rule was achieved in 1947 with the formation of two nations, the Dominions of India and Pakistan, the latter including East Bengal, present-day Bangladesh; the term British India applied to Burma for a shorter time period: starting in 1824, a small part of Burma, by 1886 two-thirds of Burma had come under British India. This arrangement lasted until 1937, when Burma commenced being administered as a separate British colony. British India did not apply to other countries in the region, such as Sri Lanka, a British Crown colony, or the Maldive Islands, which were a British protectorate.
At its greatest extent, in the early 20th century, the territory of British India extended as far as the frontiers of Persia in the west. It included the Aden in the Arabian Peninsula; the East India Company, incorporated on 31 December 1600, established trade relations with Indian rulers in Masulipatam on the east coast in 1611 and Surat on the west coast in 1612. The company rented a small trading outpost in Madras in 1639. Bombay, ceded to the British Crown by Portugal as part of the wedding dowry of Catherine of Braganza in 1661, was in turn granted to the East India Company to be held in trust for the Crown. Meanwhile, in eastern India, after obtaining permission from the Mughal Emperor Shah Jahan to trade with Bengal, the Company established its first factory at Hoogly in 1640. A half-century after Mughal Emperor Aurengzeb forced the Company out of Hooghly due to tax evasion, Job Charnock purchased three small villages renamed Calcutta, in 1686, making it the Company's new headquarters.
By the mid-18th century, the three principal trading settlements including factories and forts, were called the Madras Presidency, the Bombay Presidency, the Bengal Presidency — each administered by a Governor. Madras Presidency: established 1640. Bombay Presidency: East India Company's headquarters moved from Surat to Bombay in 1687. Bengal Presidency: established 1690. After Robert Clive's victory in the Battle of Plassey in 1757, the puppet government of a new Nawab of Bengal, was maintained by the East India Company. However, after the invasion of Bengal by the Nawab of Oudh in 1764 and his subsequent defeat in the Battle of Buxar, the Company obtained the Diwani of Bengal, which included the right to administer and collect land-revenue in Bengal
Social justice is a concept of fair and just relations between the individual and society. This is measured by the explicit and tacit terms for the distribution of wealth, opportunities for personal activity, social privileges. In Western as well as in older Asian cultures, the concept of social justice has referred to the process of ensuring that individuals fulfill their societal roles and receive what was their due from society. In the current global grassroots movements for social justice, the emphasis has been on the breaking of barriers for social mobility, the creation of safety nets and economic justice. Social justice assigns rights and duties in the institutions of society, which enables people to receive the basic benefits and burdens of cooperation; the relevant institutions include taxation, social insurance, public health, public school, public services, labor law and regulation of markets, to ensure fair distribution of wealth, equal opportunity. Interpretations that relate justice to a reciprocal relationship to society are mediated by differences in cultural traditions, some of which emphasize the individual responsibility toward society and others the equilibrium between access to power and its responsible use.
Hence, social justice is invoked today while reinterpreting historical figures such as Bartolomé de las Casas, in philosophical debates about differences among human beings, in efforts for gender and social equality, for advocating justice for migrants, the environment, the physically and developmentally disabled. While the concept of social justice can be traced through the theology of Augustine of Hippo and the philosophy of Thomas Paine, the term "social justice" became used explicitly in the 1780s. A Jesuit priest named Luigi Taparelli is credited with coining the term, it spread during the revolutions of 1848 with the work of Antonio Rosmini-Serbati. However, recent research has proved; the term appears in The Federalist Papers, No. 7: "We have observed the disposition to retaliation excited in Connecticut in consequence of the enormities perpetrated by the Legislature of Rhode Island. In the late industrial revolution, progressive American legal scholars began to use the term more Louis Brandeis and Roscoe Pound.
From the early 20th century it was embedded in international law and institutions. In the 20th century, social justice was made central to the philosophy of the social contract by John Rawls in A Theory of Justice. In 1993, the Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action treats social justice as a purpose of human rights education; some authors such as Friedrich Hayek criticize the concept of social justice, arguing the lack of objective, accepted moral standard. The different concepts of justice, as discussed in ancient Western philosophy, were centered upon the community. Plato wrote in The Republic that it would be an ideal state that "every member of the community must be assigned to the class for which he finds himself best fitted." In an article for J. N. V University, author D. R. Bhandari says, "Justice is, for Plato, at once a part of human virtue and the bond, which joins man together in society, it is the identical quality that makes social. Justice is an order and duty of the parts of the soul, it is to the soul.
Plato says that justice is not mere strength. Justice is not the right of the stronger but the effective harmony of the whole. All moral conceptions revolve about the good of the whole-individual as well as social". Plato believed rights existed only between free people, the law should take "account in the first instance of relations of inequality in which individuals are treated in proportion to their worth and only secondarily of relations of equality." Reflecting this time when slavery and subjugation of women was typical, ancient views of justice tended to reflect the rigid class systems that still prevailed. On the other hand, for the privileged groups, strong concepts of fairness and the community existed. Distributive justice was said by Aristotle to require that people were distributed goods and assets according to their merit. Socrates is attributed with developing the idea of a social contract, whereby people ought to follow the rules of a society, accept its burdens because they have accepted its benefits.
During the Middle Ages, religious scholars such as Thomas Aquinas continued discussion of justice in various ways, but connected being a good citizen to the purpose of serving God. After the Renaissance and Reformation, the modern concept of social justice, as developing human potential, began to emerge through the work of a series of authors. Baruch Spinoza in On the Improvement of the Understanding contended that the one true aim of life should be to acquire "a human character much more stable than own", to achieve this "pitch of perfection... The chief good is that he should arrive, together with other individuals if possible, at the possessio
Muhammad Ali Jinnah
Muhammad Ali Jinnah was a lawyer and the founder of Pakistan. Jinnah served as the leader of the All-India Muslim League from 1913 until Pakistan's independence on 14 August 1947, as Pakistan's first Governor-General until his death, he is revered in Pakistan as Quaid-i-Azam and Baba-i-Qaum, "Father of the Nation"). His birthday is considered a national holiday in Pakistan. Born at Wazir Mansion in Karachi, Jinnah was trained as a barrister at Lincoln's Inn in London. Upon his return to British India, he enrolled at the Bombay High Court, took an interest in national politics, which replaced his legal practice. Jinnah rose to prominence in the Indian National Congress in the first two decades of the 20th century. In these early years of his political career, Jinnah advocated Hindu–Muslim unity, helping to shape the 1916 Lucknow Pact between the Congress and the All-India Muslim League, in which Jinnah had become prominent. Jinnah became a key leader in the All India Home Rule League, proposed a fourteen-point constitutional reform plan to safeguard the political rights of Muslims.
In 1920, Jinnah resigned from the Congress when it agreed to follow a campaign of satyagraha, which he regarded as political anarchy. By 1940, Jinnah had come to believe that Muslims of the Indian subcontinent should have their own state. In that year, the Muslim League, led by Jinnah, passed the Lahore Resolution, demanding a separate nation. During the Second World War, the League gained strength while leaders of the Congress were imprisoned, in the elections held shortly after the war, it won most of the seats reserved for Muslims; the Congress and the Muslim League could not reach a power-sharing formula for the subcontinent to be united as a single state, leading all parties to agree to the independence of a predominantly Hindu India, for a Muslim-majority state of Pakistan. As the first Governor-General of Pakistan, Jinnah worked to establish the new nation's government and policies, to aid the millions of Muslim migrants who had emigrated from the new nation of India to Pakistan after independence supervising the establishment of refugee camps.
Jinnah died at age 71 in September 1948, just over a year after Pakistan gained independence from the United Kingdom. He left a respected legacy in Pakistan. Innumerable streets and localities in the world are named after Jinnah. Several universities and public buildings in Pakistan bear Jinnah's name. According to his biographer, Stanley Wolpert, he remains Pakistan's greatest leader. Jinnah's given name at birth was Mahomedali, he was born most in 1876, to Jinnahbhai Poonja and his wife Mithibai, in a rented apartment on the second floor of Wazir Mansion near Karachi, now in Sindh, Pakistan but within the Bombay Presidency of British India. Jinnah's family was from a Gujarati Ismaili background, though Jinnah followed the Twelver Shi'a teachings. After his death, his relatives and other witnesses claimed that he had converted in life to the Sunni sect, his religion at the time of his death was disputed in multiple court cases. Jinnah was from a wealthy merchant background, his father was a merchant and was born to a family of textile weavers in the village of Paneli in the princely state of Gondal.
They had moved to Karachi in 1875. Karachi was enjoying an economic boom: the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869 meant it was 200 nautical miles closer to Europe for shipping than Bombay. Jinnah was the second child; the parents were native Gujarati speakers, the children came to speak Kutchi and English. Jinnah was not fluent in Gujarati, his mother-tongue or in Urdu, he was more fluent in English. Except for Fatima, little is known of his siblings, where they settled or if they met with their brother as he advanced in his legal and political careers; as a boy, Jinnah lived for a time in Bombay with an aunt and may have attended the Gokal Das Tej Primary School there on studying at the Cathedral and John Connon School. In Karachi, he attended the Sindh-Madrasa-tul-Islam and the Christian Missionary Society High School, he gained his matriculation from Bombay University at the high school. In his years and after his death, a large number of stories about the boyhood of Pakistan's founder were circulated: that he spent all his spare time at the police court, listening to the proceedings, that he studied his books by the glow of street lights for lack of other illumination.
His official biographer, Hector Bolitho, writing in 1954, interviewed surviving boyhood associates, obtained a tale that the young Jinnah discouraged other children from playing marbles in the dust, urging them to rise up, keep their hands and clothes clean, play cricket instead. In 1892, Sir Frederick Leigh Croft, a business associate of Jinnahbhai Poonja, offered young Jinnah a London apprenticeship with his firm, Graham's Shipping and Trading Company, he accepted the position despite the opposition of his mother, who before he left, had him enter an arranged marriage with his cousin, two years his junior from the ancestral village of Paneli, Emibai Jinnah. Jinnah's mother and first wife both died during his absence in England. Although the apprenticeship in London was considered a great opportunity for Jinnah, one reason for sending him overseas was a legal proceeding against his father, which placed the family's property at risk of being sequestered by the court. In 1893, the Jinnahbhai family moved to Bombay.
Soon after his arrival in Londo