Districts of Japan
The district is today a geographical and statistical unit comprising one or several rural municipalities in Japan. It was used as an administrative unit in Japan in antiquity and between 1878 and 1921 and was equivalent to the county of the United States, ranking at the level below prefecture and above town or village, same as city; the district was called kōri and has ancient roots in Japan. Although the Nihon Shoki says they were established during the Taika Reforms, kōri was written 評, it was not until the Taihō Code that kōri came to be written as 郡. Under the Taihō Code, the administrative unit of province was above district, the village was below; as the power of the central government decayed over the centuries, the provinces and districts, although never formally abolished and still connected to administrative positions handed out by the Imperial court lost their relevance as administrative units and were superseded by a hierarchy of feudal holdings. In the Edo period, the primary subdivisions were the shogunate cities, governed by urban administrators, the shogunate domain, major holdings, there was a number of minor territories such as spiritual holdings.
For this reason alone, they were impractical as geographical units, in addition, Edo period feudalism was tied to the nominal income of a territory, not the territory itself, so the shogunate could and did redistribute territories between domains, their borders were subject to change if in some places holdings remained unchanged for centuries. Provinces and districts remained the most important geographical frame of reference throughout the middle and early modern ages up to the restoration and beyond – the prefectures were created in direct succession to the shogunate era feudal divisions and their borders kept shifting through mergers and territorial transfers until they reached their present state in the 1890s. Cities, since their introduction in 1889, have always belonged directly to prefectures and are independent from districts. Before 1878, districts had subdivided the whole country with only few exceptions. In 1878, the districts were reactivated as administrative units, but the major cities were separated from the districts.
All prefectures were – except for some remote islands – contiguously subdivided into districts/counties and urban districts/cites, the precursors to the 1889 shi. Geographically, the rural districts were based on the ancient districts, but in many places they were merged, split up or renamed, in some areas, prefectural borders went through ancient districts and the districts were reorganized to match. District administrations were set up in 1878, but district assemblies were only created in 1890 with the introduction of the district code as part of the Prussian-influenced local government reforms of 1888-90. From the 1890s, district governments were run by a collective executive council, headed by the appointed district chief and consisting of 3 additional members elected by the district assembly and one appointed by the prefectural governor – similar to cities and prefectures. In 1921, Hara Takashi, the first non-oligarchic prime minister, managed to get his long-sought abolition of the districts passed – unlike the municipal and prefectural assemblies, an early platform for the Freedom and People's Rights Movement before the Imperial Diet was established and became bases of party power, the district governments were considered to be a stronghold of anti-liberal Yamagata Aritomo's followers and the centralist-bureaucratic Home Ministry tradition.
The district assemblies and governments were abolished a few years later. As of today and villages belong directly to prefectures. However, for geographical and statistical purposes, districts continue to be used and are updated for municipal mergers or status changes: i
Politics of Japan
The politics of Japan are conducted in a framework of a multi-party bicameral parliamentary representative democratic constitutional monarchy whereby the Emperor is the ceremonial head of state and the Prime Minister is the head of government and the head of the Cabinet, which directs the executive branch. Legislative power is vested in the National Diet, which consists of the House of Representatives and the House of Councillors. Judicial power is vested in the Supreme Court and lower courts, sovereignty is vested in the Japanese people by the Constitution. Japan is considered a constitutional monarchy with a system of civil law; the Economist Intelligence Unit rated Japan as a "flawed democracy" in 2016. The Constitution of Japan defines the Emperor to be "the symbol of the State and of the unity of the people", he holds no real power. Political power is held by the Prime Minister and other elected members of the Diet; the Imperial Throne is succeeded by a member of the Imperial House as designated by the Imperial Household Law.
The chief of the executive branch, the Prime Minister, is appointed by the Emperor as directed by the Diet. He must be a civilian; the Cabinet members are nominated by the Prime Minister, are required to be civilian. With the Liberal Democratic Party in power, it has been convention that the President of the party serves as the Prime Minister. Several political parties exist in Japan, the politics of Japan have been dominated by the LDP since 1955, with the DPJ playing an important role as opposition several times. LDP was a ruling party during decades since 1955. Despite the existence of multiple parties, other parties were ignored. Most of the prime ministers were elected from inner factions of the LDP. Despite an unpredictable domestic and international environment, policy making conforms to well established postwar patterns; the close collaboration of the ruling party, the elite bureaucracy and important interest groups make it difficult to tell, responsible for specific policy decisions. After a informal process within elite circles in which ideas were discussed and developed, steps might be taken to institute more formal policy development.
This process took place in deliberation councils. There were about 200 shingikai, each attached to a ministry; the shingikai played a large role in facilitating communication among those who ordinarily might not meet. Given the tendency for real negotiations in Japan to be conducted the shingikai represented a advanced stage in policy formulation in which minor differences could be thrashed out and the resulting decisions couched in language acceptable to all; these bodies were established but had no authority to oblige governments to adopt their recommendations. The most important deliberation council during the 1980s was the Provisional Commission for Administrative Reform, established in March 1981 by Prime Minister Suzuki Zenko; the commission had nine members, assisted in their deliberations by six advisers, twenty-one "expert members," and around fifty "councillors" representing a wide range of groups. Its head, Keidanren president Doko Toshio, insisted that government agree to take its recommendations and commit itself to reforming the administrative structure and the tax system.
In 1982, the commission had arrived at several recommendations that by the end of the decade had been actualized. These implementations included tax reform, a policy to limit government growth, the establishment in 1984 of the Management and Coordination Agency to replace the Administrative Management Agency in the Office of the Prime Minister, privatization of the state-owned railroad and telephone systems. In April 1990, another deliberation council, the Election Systems Research Council, submitted proposals that included the establishment of single-seat constituencies in place of the multiple-seat system. Another significant policy-making institution in the early 1990s were the Liberal Democratic Party's Policy Research Council, it consisted of a number of committees, composed of LDP Diet members, with the committees corresponding to the different executive agencies. Committee members worked with their official counterparts, advancing the requests of their constituents, in one of the most effective means through which interest groups could state their case to the bureaucracy through the channel of the ruling party.
See also: Industrial policy of Japan. Left-wing organizations, such as the Japan Socialist Party and the Japanese Communist Party reestablished themselves, as did various conservative parties; the old Rikken Seiyūkai and Rikken Minseitō came back as the Liberal Party and the Japan Progressive Party. The first postwar elections were held in 1948, the Liberal Party's vice president, Yoshida Shigeru, became prime minister. For the 1947 elections, anti-Yoshida forces left the Liberal Party and joined forces with the Progressive Party to establish the new Democratic Party; this divisiveness in conservative ranks gave a plurality to the Japan Socialist Party, allowed to form a cabinet, which lasted less than a year. Thereafter, the socialist party declined in its electoral successes. After a
2016 Japanese House of Councillors election
The 24th regular election of members of the House of Councillors was held on Sunday 10 July 2016 to elect 121 of the 242 members of the House of Councillors, the upper house of the 717-member bicameral National Diet of Japan, for a term of six years. As a result of the election, the LDP/Komeito coalition gained ten seats for a total of 146, the largest coalition achieved since the size of the house was set at 242 seats.76 members were elected by single non-transferable vote and first-past-the-post voting in 45 multi- and single-member prefectural electoral districts. This change and several other reapportionments were part of an electoral reform law passed by the Diet in July 2015 designed to reduce the maximum ratio of malapportionment in the House of Councillors below 3; the nationwide district which elects 48 members by D'Hondt proportional representation with most open lists remained unchanged. This election was the first national election since the 2015 change to the Public Offices Election Act allowed minors from 18 years of age to vote in national and municipal elections and in referendums.
The term of members elected in the 2010 regular election ends on July 25, 2016. Under the "Public Offices Election Act", the regular election must be held within 30 days before that date, or under certain conditions if the Diet is in session or scheduled to open at that time, between 24 and 30 days after the closure of the session and thus somewhat after the actual end of term; the election date was July 10 with the deadline for nominations and the start of legal campaigning 18 days before the election. Prior to the election, the Liberal Democratic Party and its coalition partner Komeito controlled a two-thirds super-majority of seats in the House of Representatives but did not control a similar super-majority of seats in the House of Councillors, necessary to initiate amendments of the Constitution of Japan. In order to deny a super-majority to the LDP and other pro-amendment parties, the parties opposed to amending the constitution agreed to field a single candidate in each single-seat district, leading to a number of one-on-one races between the LDP and an opposition candidate.
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe a vocal proponent of constitutional revision avoided discussing the constitution during the campaign, instead focusing on his "Abenomics" economic policies. On the eve of the election, Gerald Curtis described the race as "one of the dullest in recent memory," pointing out that "never in Japan's postwar history has the political opposition been as enfeebled as it is now... That's why widespread public disappointment with the government's economic policies hasn't hurt Mr. Abe politically; the prevailing sentiment is that he has done better than his predecessors, replacing him with another LDP leader, let alone an opposition coalition government, would only make matters worse—especially now that the global economy is in turmoil." As of the official announcement on 22 June: In the class of members facing re-election, the ruling coalition of the Liberal Democratic Party and Kōmeitō had a combined 60 of 121 seats short of a majority. The main opposition Democratic Party held 47 seats.
As the coalition held 77 seats not being contested at this election, they only needed to retain 44 seats in the election to maintain their majority in the House. The LDP, which held 117 seats alone, had to gain five seats to reach a majority of its own and make the coalition with Kōmeitō unnecessary. In the other direction, the governing coalition would have to lose 16 seats or more to forfeit its overall majority in the House of Councillors and face a technically divided Diet. However, as independents and minor opposition groups might be willing to support the government on a regular basis without inclusion in the cabinet, the losses required to face an actual divided Diet may have been much higher. If the Diet were divided after the election, the coalition's two-thirds majority in the House of Representatives could still override the House of Councillors and pass legislation, but certain Diet decisions, notably the approval of certain nominations by the cabinet such as public safety commission members or Bank of Japan governor, would require the cooperation of at least part of the opposition or an expansion of the ruling coalition.
Among the members facing re-election were House of Councillors President Masaaki Yamazaki, Vice President Azuma Koshiishi, Justice Minister Mitsuhide Iwaki and Okinawa and Science Minister Aiko Shimajiri. The election gave a two-thirds super-majority in the upper house to the four parties in favor of constitutional revision. After the election, Abe publicly acknowledged that constitutional revision would be "not so easy" and said "I expect the discussion will be deepened." The Chinese government voiced concern about the result, while South Korean newspaper Munhwa Ilbo opined that the election results "opened the door for a Japan that can go to war."Abe announced a major economic stimulus package following the election, leading to a spike in the Japanese stock markets. The following districts saw a change in their representation within the House at this election
Judicial system of Japan
In the judicial system of Japan, the Constitution of Japan guarantees that "all judges shall be independent in the exercise of their conscience and shall be bound only by this constitution and the Laws". They cannot be removed from the bench "unless judicially declared mentally or physically incompetent to perform official duties," and they cannot be disciplined by executive agencies. Supreme Court judges, may be removed by a majority of voters in a referendum that occurs at the first general election following the judge's appointment and every ten years thereafter; the judiciary was far more constrained under the Meiji Constitution than it is under the present Constitution and had no authority over administrative or constitutional law cases. Moreover, the Ministry of Justice had complete and direct control over the courts' administrative affairs. Nonetheless, Professor John Haley argues that the courts maintained complete independence in the adjudication of particular cases. "Judicial independence from the political branches was emphatically established as a fundamental principle of governance in Article 57 of the Meiji Constitution.
Of all branches of government only the courts exercised authority "in the name of the Emperor." Haley argues that this was and remains a matter of great pride for Japanese judges and notes that "placed prominently in all courtrooms was the inscription "in the name of the Emperor" as a meaningful reminder to imperial officials and subjects alike that the Emperor's judges were not subject to political control or direction."A key feature of Japanese courts is the emphasis on wakai settlements by mutual agreement of the parties, with no loser or winner. These settlements have the same effect as a court judgement. For example, in 2016, the District Courts issued 63,801 judgments and orders, 52,957 claims were solved by wakai settlement. In the Summary Courts, the numbers were 40,509 respectively. Courts in Japan were following the inquisitorial procedure, for example in a shirasu court in the Edo era, where the Chief Magistrate was the prosecutor. After 1890, Japan was influenced by the European inquisitorial style of French and German law, where judges and the prosecutor had the responsibility to find the fact and apply the law.
After 1948, the courts in Japan were influenced by the American adversarial system. Japan's court system is divided into four basic tiers. At the first of the four tiers of courts are the 438 summary courts, staffed by 806 summary court judges. Summary court judges are not career judges. Qualification as a regular judge is not required. Instead, summary court judges are formally nominated for pro forma cabinet appointment by a special selection committee formally comprising all Supreme Court justices, the President of the Tokyo High Court, the deputy procurator general, representatives of the bar, others "with special knowledge and experience, they handle small claims civil cases, as well as minor criminal offenses. They are only able to imprison defendants in a few special cases. Summary Courts are presided over by one judge. Civil cases in the Summary Court are appealed to the District Court, while criminal cases are appealed to the High Court. At the second tier are the district courts, the principal courts of first instance.
There are 50 district courts with additional 203 branches. Except for minor cases, which account for 80 to 90 percent of all adjudicated cases, trials require a three-judge panel; these are the principal court of first instance. District Courts have original jurisdiction in felony cases and in civil cases where the disputed amount is over ¥1,400,000, they handle bankruptcy hearings. Each District Court trial is presided over by at least one judge: two associate judges are called in for appellate cases from Summary or Family Courts, or for criminal cases where the maximum penalty would be in excess of 1 year in prison. Attorneys sit on either side of the courtroom. In a criminal case, the accused faces the judges from the rear of the courtroom; the witness box is in the center facing the judges. There are eight High Courts, they serve defined circuits of several prefectures each. There exists the Intellectual Property High Court in Tokyo, a special branch of Tokyo High Court. A High Court sits in the same manner as a three-judge District Court.
Each court is led by a President, appointed by the Cabinet. An appeal to a High Court is called kōso; the high courts are appellate courts for either kōso appeals from district court judgments, criminal judgments from summary courts, or, in civil cases tried in summary courts, second appeals limited to issues of law. At the apex of the judicial hierarchy is the Supreme Court, located adjacent to the National Diet Building; the "Grand Bench" of the Supreme Court has associate justices, who are appointed by the Cabinet with the Emperor's attestation. The Chief Justice is appointed to office by the Emperor; the Grand Bench is subdivided into three "Petty Benches" of five justices each, who hear incoming appeals and recommend them for an audience before the Grand Bench. An appeal to the Supreme Court is called jōkoku, requires either an error in the interpretation of the C
Fumihito, Prince Akishino
Fumihito, Prince Akishino is a member of the Japanese imperial family. He is the younger son of Emperor Akihito and Empress Michiko and second in line to the Chrysanthemum Throne after his elder brother Crown Prince Naruhito. Since his marriage in June 1990, he has held the title of Akishino-no-miya and headed his own branch of the imperial family; the prince was born on 30 November 1965 at the Imperial Household Agency Hospital, Tokyo Imperial Palace in Tokyo. His given name is Fumihito, his mother, Empress Michiko, is a convert to Shinto from Roman Catholicism. His childhood appellation was Prince Aya, he attended the secondary schools of the Gakushuin. He played tennis in secondary schools of the Gakushuin. In April 1984, he entered the Law Department of Gakushuin University, where he studied law and biological science. After graduating from the university with a Bachelor's degree in Political Science, he studied the taxonomy of fish at St John's College, Oxford in the United Kingdom from October 1988 to June 1990.
Upon the death of his grandfather, Emperor Shōwa, in 7 January 1989, he became second-in-line to the throne after his elder brother, Crown Prince Naruhito. Prince Fumihito received a PhD degree in ornithology from the Graduate University for Advanced Studies in October 1996, his doctoral dissertation was titled, "Molecular Phylogeny of Jungle Fowls, genus Gallus and Monophyletic Origin of Domestic Fowls". He conducted field research in Indonesia in 1993 and 1994, in Yunnan Province in the People's Republic of China; when the current Emperor was still Crown Prince, he introduced tilapia to Thailand as an important source of protein. Tilapia can be cultured and Prince Fumihito, known as "catfish specialist," has managed to maintain and expand the aquacultural studies with the people of Thailand. Prior to Fumihito's birth, the announcement about the then-Crown Prince Akihito's engagement and marriage to the then-Ms. Michiko Shōda had drawn opposition from traditionalist groups, because Shōda came from a Roman Catholic family.
Although Shōda was never baptized, she was educated in Catholic schools and seemed to share the faith of her parents. Rumors speculated that Empress Kōjun had opposed the engagement. After the death of Fumihito's paternal grandmother Empress Kōjun in 2000, Reuters reported that she was one of the strongest opponents of her son's marriage, that in the 1960s, she had driven her daughter-in-law and grandchildren to depression by persistently accusing her of not being suitable for her son. On 29 June 1990, Prince Fumihito married Kiko Kawashima, the daughter of Tatsuhiko Kawashima and his wife, Kazuyo; the couple met. Like his father, the present Emperor, the Prince married outside the former aristocracy and former collateral branches of the imperial family. Upon marriage, he received the title Prince Akishino and authorization from the Imperial Household Economy Council to form a new branch of the Imperial Family; the marriage was bitterly resented by officials at the Imperial Household Agency, as well as Prince Akishino's paternal-grandmother Empress Dowager Nagako.
Prince and Princess Akishino have two daughters and one son: Princess Mako Princess Kako Prince Hisahito Prince Akishino serves as the president of the Yamashina Institute for Ornithology and the Japanese Association of Zoological Gardens and Aquariums. He is the honorary president of the World Wide Fund for Nature Japan, the Japan Tennis Association, the Japan-Netherlands Association, he is a visiting professor of Tokyo University of Agriculture. Prince and Princess Akishino foster friendly relations with foreign countries by representing Japan at select international events. For example, they traveled to the Netherlands in August 2009 to commemorate 400 years of trade between the Netherlands and Japan, they were hosted by Queen Beatrix in The Hague. Their public activities included meeting Japanese language students, visiting the Siebold House, a university hospital, two other museums. At the Dutch National Archives, they attended the opening of a major exhibition of Japan-related material, "From Here to Tokyo, 400 Years of Trade with Japan".
In addition, this official visit included talks with the Dutch prime minister. On other occasion, they traveled to Hungary in March 2007. In addition, Prince Akishino carried out public duties on behalf of the Emperor when he was hospitalized, he and other members of the imperial family visited the affected areas after the Great East Japan earthquake in March 2011. As legislation has been passed allowing his father's abdication, he is expected to become heir-presumptive to the throne on 30 April 2019. Prince Akishino is a big fan of an avid tennis player; as a student, Fumihito ranked among the top ten doubles tennis players in the Kantō Region. He is known as a successor to Arisugawa school of calligraphy. 30 November 1965 – 29 June 1990: His Imperial Highness The Prince Aya 29 June 1990 – present: His Imperial Highness The Prince Akishino Japan: Grand Cordon of the Supreme Order of the Chrysanthemum Belgium: Grand Cros
2014 Japanese general election
The 47th general election of members of the House of Representatives of Japan was held on 14 December 2014. Voting took place in all Representatives constituencies of Japan including proportional blocks, in order to appoint Members of Diet to seats in the House of Representatives, the lower house of the National Diet of Japan; as the cabinet resigns in the first post-election Diet session after a general House of Representatives election, the lower house election led to a new designation election of the prime minister in the Diet, the appointment of a new cabinet. The turnout in this election is the lowest in Japanese history. In 2012, the Democratic Party government under Yoshihiko Noda decided to implement a raise of the Japanese consumption tax. Following this move, the Liberal Democratic Party under Shinzo Abe regained control of the Japanese government in the December 2012 general election. Abe proceeded to implement a series of economic programs known as "Abenomics" in a bid to stimulate the economy.
Despite these programs, Japan entered a technical recession in mid-2014, which Abe blamed on the consumption tax hike though many members of the LDP supported the hike. Abe called a snap election on November 18, in part for the purpose of winning LDP backing to postpone the hike and pursue the Abenomics package; the LDP government was expected to win the election in a landslide, many observers viewed the snap election as a mechanism for Abe to entrench his government at a time of relative popularity. The LDP lost a small number of seats but enlarged its majority coalition with Komeito. Turnout was a record low, many voters viewed the election as a waste of time and money. DPJ president Banri Kaieda lost his seat in Tokyo while the Japanese Communist Party doubled in strength; the right-leaning Japan Innovation Party and Party for Future Generations lost seats. The most high-profile LDP candidate to lose re-election is Agriculture Minister Koya Nishikawa, who lost by 199 votes to former Governor of Tochigi Akio Fukuda.
He was questioned in October after receiving financial support from a fraudulent company. Amongst the DPJ members to lose their seats were party leader Banri Kaieda. Party for Future Generations leader Shintaro Ishihara was unsuccessful in his attempt to win a seat after receiving a low position on his party's representative ballot. Former leader of the now-dissolved Your Party and six-term representative for Tochigi-3rd district, Yoshimi Watanabe was defeated; the JCP gained its first single-seat constituency seat since the 1996 election. Amidst a growing anti-base movement in Okinawa, JCP candidate Seiken Akamine unseated LDP incumbent Kōnosuke Kokuba in a night marked with a nationwide JCP surge; the retention referendum to confirm judges of the Supreme Court who have been appointed or not confirmed for 10 years is held together with a lower house election. Subnational elections scheduled for December 14 include the prefectural assembly election in Ibaraki. Another prefectural election in December 2014 is the gubernatorial election in Miyazaki, scheduled for December 21.
Under 2013 changes to the electoral law designed to reduce malapportionment, district boundaries in 17 prefectures have been redrawn and five districts are eliminated without replacement. The number of first-past-the-post seats is reduced to 295, the total number of seats decreases to 475. In November 2015, the Grand Bench of the Supreme Court ruled that the inequality in vote weight due to malapportionment was still in an unconstitutional state. Parties' approval ratings from 2013–14 Cabinet approval/disapproval ratings Media related to Japanese general election, 2014 at Wikimedia Commons
Yukio Edano is a Japanese politician and a member of the House of Representatives in the Diet. He served as Chief Cabinet Secretary and Minister of Economy and Industry in the Democratic Party of Japan cabinet between 2010 and 2012, he has served as the head of the Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan since its formation in October 2017. Edano was born in Utsunomiya on 31 May 1964, he is named after Japanese liberal political figure Yukio Ozaki. Edano graduated from Tohoku University with a degree in law, passed the Japanese bar examination at the age of 24. In the 1993 general election, at the age of 29, Edano joined Morihiro Hosokawa's Japan New Party and won a seat in the Saitama 5th district, he participated in the formation of the "Old" DPJ in 1996. As a legislator, Edano played a role in the government response to the HIV-tainted blood scandal of 1995 and the financial industry reorganization of 1998. Edano was appointed as the secretary general of the DPJ in March 2010 when it was the country's ruling party.
Katsuya Okada, the former Foreign Minister, subsequently replaced him in September 2010. In January 2011, Edano became Chief Cabinet Secretary. In March 2011, he was temporarily appointed head of the Foreign Ministry. In the wake of the 2011 earthquake and tsunami in northeastern Japan, he was the face of the government efforts to combat the aftermath appearing on television to talk about the problems at the two reactor facilities in Fukushima; because of the frequency of his appearances, Twitter users concerned with his health were prompted to post messages asking him to get some sleep. The Twitter hashtag "#edano_nero" became popular, from the imperative word for sleep! in Japanese. As economy minister, Edano approved the introduction of feed-in tariffs on 18 June 2012, whereby a percentage of energy use fees are used to subsidize renewable energy. Edano left the Cabinet following the DPJ's defeat in the December 2012 general election, but retained his seat representing the Saitama 5th district.
Edano was named secretary general of the DPJ in September 2014. He retained this position in the Democratic Party following the merger of the DPJ with the Japan Innovation Party in March 2016. DP leader Renho resigned in July 2017 after the party suffered a poor result in the 2017 Tokyo assembly election. Edano ran in the subsequent leadership election, facing an opponent from the conservative wing of the party in Seiji Maehara. With the liberal wing of the party losing clout due to the influx of conservative Japan Innovation Party members after the merger, Edano only managed to garner 40% of the points up for grabs in the election. In an attempt to unify the party, the freshly-elected leader Maehara appointed Edano as the deputy president. Prime Minister Shinzo Abe made a surprise announcement for a snap election on 25 September 2017, only three weeks after the DP leadership election. With the party unprepared and in disarray, Maehara was scrambling to find a way to shore up support for the party.
At the same day as Abe's election announcement, Tokyo Governor Yuriko Koike launched a new conservative party called Kibō no Tō. Seeing Koike's high popularity at that time as a potential asset, Maehara coordinated with Koike on DP candidates' nominations for the election. Koike agreed to endorse DP candidates and Maehara disbanded the party in order to allow the candidates run under the Kibō banner. However, despite Maehara's request, Koike imposed an ideological filter that barred liberal-leaning members of the DP, such as Edano, from joining Kibō. Edano decided to form a separate party to house liberal DP members rejected by Koike. On 2 October 2017, Edano launched the Constitutional Democratic Party as a split from the Democratic Party, becoming the party's leader. Despite being formed only less than three weeks before the election, the CDP ran a efficient campaign with a principled platform and used social media in a level unprecedented in Japanese politics. Edano led the party to become the second largest party in the Diet in the general election.
He serves as Leader of the Opposition. Edano has twin sons. Media related to Yukio Edano at Wikimedia Commons Official website