Mission Robinson is one of the Bolivarian Missions implemented by Hugo Chávez in 2003. The name "Robinson" was given to the Mission in remembrance of the pseudonym adopted during his exile from Spanish America by Venezuelan philosopher and educator Simón Rodríguez; the program uses volunteers to teach reading and arithmetic to Venezuelan adults who are illiterate. The program is military-civilian in nature, sends soldiers to, among other places and dangerous locales in order to reach the most undereducated and marginalized adult citizens to give them regular schooling and lessons. On the first anniversary of Mission Robinson's establishment, to an audience of 50,000 illiterate Venezuelans, Hugo Chávez Frías stated in the Teresa Carreño theater in Caracas that “it was a world record, in a year we have graduated 1,250,000 Venezuelans". On 28 October 2005, Venezuela declared itself a "Territory Free of Illiteracy", having raised the literacy rate to 99% according to initial government statements that changed to around 96%.
1,482,000 adults learned to write, as was announced in the context of the declaration. According to Francisco Rodríguez of Wesleyan University in Connecticut and Daniel Ortega of IESA, there has been “little evidence” of “statistically distinguishable effect on Venezuelan illiteracy”; the Venezuelan government claimed that it had taught 1.5 million Venezuelans to read, but the study found that "only 1.1m were illiterate to begin with" and that the illiteracy reduction of less than 100,000 can be attributed to adults that were elderly and died. Previous reports had claimed. In October 2006, Venezuelan Education Minister Aristóbulo Istúriz clarified that Venezuela had not received a UNESCO certification because the organisation does not certify literacy programs. "Venezuela is a sovereign nation, Venezuela declares itself Illiteracy-Free Territory," affirmed the minister. According to UNESCO, of Venezuelans aged 15 and older, 95.2% can read and write, one of the highest literacy rates in the region.
The literacy rate in 2007 was estimated to be 94.9 % for females. In 2007 primary education enrollment was around 93%; the Robinson Mission Venezuela Misión Robinson – Official government website
History of Venezuela (1999–present)
Since 2 February 1999, Venezuela saw sweeping and radical shifts in social policy, moving away from the government embracing a free market economy and neoliberal reform principles and towards socialist income redistribution and social welfare programs. Then-President Hugo Chávez just as radically up-ended Venezuela's traditional foreign policy. Instead of continuing Venezuela's past support for American and European strategic interests, Chávez promoted alternative development and integration paradigms for the Global South. Chávez died in office on 5 March 2013 and was succeeded by his Vice President Nicolás Maduro, who gained a slim majority in the 14 April 2013 special election and has ruled by decree for the majority of the period between 19 November 2013 through 2018. Hugo Chávez's political activity began in the 1980s and 1990s, a period of economic downturn and social upheaval in Venezuela. Venezuela's economic well-being fluctuated with the unstable demand for its primary export commodity, oil.
Oil accounts for three-quarters of Venezuela's exports, half of its government's fiscal income, a quarter of the nation's GDP. The 1970s were boom years for oil, during which the material standard of living for all classes in Venezuela improved; this was due to the ruling AD and COPEI parties' investing in social welfare projects which, because of the government's oil income, they could do without taxing private wealth. "Venezuelan workers enjoyed the highest wages in Latin America and subsidies in food, health and transport." However, "toward the end of the 1970s, these tendencies began to reverse themselves." Per capita oil income and per capita income both declined, leading to a foreign debt crisis and forced devaluation of the bolivar in 1983. The negative trend continued through the 1990s. "Per capita income in 1997 was 8 percent less than in 1970. "Between 1984 and 1995 the percentage of people living below the poverty line jumped from 36 percent to 66 percent, while the number of people suffering from extreme poverty tripled, from 11 percent to 36 percent."Along with these economic changes came various changes in Venezuelan society.
Class division intensified, as summarised by Edgardo Lander: A sensation of insecurity became generalized throughout the population, constituting "an emerging culture of violence... distinct from the culture of tolerance and peace that dominated Venezuelan society in the past.". Along with unemployment, personal safety topped the problems perceived as most serious by the population. Between 1986 and 1996 the number of homicides per 10,000 inhabitants jumped from 13.4 to 56, an increase of 418 percent, with most of the victims being young males. Countless streets in the middle - and upper-class neighborhoods were privatized; the threat represented by the "dangerous class" came to occupy a central place in the media – along with demands that drastic measures be taken, including the death penalty or direct execution by the police. During this period, the prospect of a reasonably comfortable life for most Venezuelans, which had appeared attainable in the 1970s, became remote. According to Lander: These crises-like conditions became permanent features of society.
We are dealing here not with the exclusion of a minority categorized as "marginal" in relation to society as a whole but with the living conditions and cultural reproduction of the great majority of the population. The result was the development of what Ivez Pedrazzini and Magalay Sánchez have called the "culture of urgency." They describe a practical culture of action in which the informal economy, illegitimacy and mistrust of official society are common. Alejandro Moreno characterizes this other cultural universe as the popular-life world, other, different from Western modernity – organized in terms of a matriarchal family structure, with different conceptions of time and community, a relational rationality distinct from the abstract rationality of the dominant society; this cultural context is scarcely compatible with the model of citizenship associated with liberal democracies of the West. On the political front, the AD's Carlos Andrés Pérez became president in 1989 on a platform of anti-neoliberalism, describing International Monetary Fund structural adjustment recipes as "la-bomba-sólo-mata-gente" – the bomb that only kills people.
However, shortly after attaining office, Pérez, "faced with a severe crisis of international reserves, fiscal as well as trade and balance-of-payment deficits, an external debt that under these conditions could not be paid," signed a letter of intent with the International Monetary Fund stipulating that he carry out a neoliberal adjustment program that entailed privatisation and the dismantling of social welfare programs and subsidies. The agreement was not submitted to parliamentary consultation and was made public only after having been signed. On 25 February 1989, the government announced an increase in gasoline prices, two days a public transit price rise precipitated the Caracazo, a series of mass demonstrations and riots in Caracas and Venezuela's other principal cities. Pérez imposed martial law; the military's suppression of the rebellion resulted in, by the government's own admission, 300 deaths. Chávez, involved since the early 1980s in a leftist group in the military called the Movimiento Bolivariano Rev
2006 Venezuelan presidential election
The Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela held presidential elections on 3 December 2006, to choose a president for the six-year term to begin on 10 January 2007. The contest was between incumbent President Hugo Chávez, Zulia Governor Manuel Rosales of the opposition party UNT. After handily winning a recall referendum in 2004, President Chávez positioned himself for re-election in 2006 for a second full term; the opposition did not hold a primary, the candidates reached a consensus into backing the governor of the largest state, Manuel Rosales. Chávez benefited from a high popularity, led most opinion polls throughout the campaign, he went to win re-election by the widest margin by percentage of the popular vote since the 1947 election. Chávez would win another term 6 years before dying only a month into that term. Hugo Chávez, incumbent president, representing the Fifth Republic Movement Manuel Rosales, governor of Zulia State, representing A New Era Four organisations were given permission to send official election observers to monitor the elections: Carter Center, European Union and Organization of American States.
A fifth organisation was refused permission: Cortes Generales. Civil society organization Súmate recommended procedures for a primary, to be held on 13 August 2006, to choose the opposition candidate for the December 2006 presidential elections. Teodoro Petkoff, a Chávez critic, said that Súmate's procedure was authoritarian, comparing it to the Carmona Decree. Nine other candidates agreed to the terms for holding a primary, confirming their desire to allow the citizens to choose the opposition candidate. Another candidate condemned Petkoff's remarks against Súmate, saying that Petkoff's statements did not help the country, explaining that the conditions for holding a primary had been discussed between all of the candidates, including Petkoff. On 9 August, Súmate announced that the 13 August primary election would not be held, since the candidates had decided to back Manuel Rosales as the single opposition candidate. Machado said that the primary "initiative accomplished its goal and that Súmate would continue working to ensure clean elections and respect for citizens' rights".
Chávez's campaign manager Rafael Lacava said that the campaign was to be based on defending Venezuela's national sovereignty and promoting world peace. According to Unión Radio, Lacava added that a campaign theme was to be the "country's freedom to no longer be a North American colony". According to the Associated Press, Chávez launched his campaign "with warnings that Washington is trying to undermine December's presidential vote and destabilize Venezuela", saying "I am the candidate of the revolution and without a doubt I am the candidate of the national majority", dismissing other candidates as "tools of the U. S. government". El Universal reports that Chávez said, "In this electoral process there are two candidates only, namely Hugo Chávez and George W. Bush". Chávez promised that if elected he would convoke a midterm recall referendum in the year 2010 without the need for petition signatures as was the case with the 2004 recall referendum; this consult would allow the voters of Venezuela to remove him from his post.
He has said that if he won that recall referendum, he would call for a referendum to ask the people for indefinite re-election to be put into the constitution. On 26 November Chávez made his final rally in Caracas. Reuters estimated. Chávez supporters packed several streets. Rosales said that the backbone of his government program was to be the social arena, saying it will be a "sound and well defined" program, including a "fair allocation of oil revenues by means of two axes– minimum wage for all unemployed and direct contribution to the underprivileged"; the latter being promoted as Mi Negra, a debit card handed out to the poor with monthly deposits from 20% of oil industry profits. A poll shows 59% of the Venezuelan people rejected the Mi Negra program, preferring stable jobs. According to the Los Angeles Times, Rosales stated that Chávez was vulnerable on his "massive foreign aid programs, government-approved takeovers of land and buildings, the perception that crime is increasing". Rosales said, "We will distribute land to the peasants, but we will buy it in such a way as to respect the principle of private property, just as we will respect those of human rights and social justice".
Rosales would halt oil giveaways, "including sales of discounted oil to Cuba, until Venezuela reduced its high poverty rate". The Associated Press reports that Rosales accuses Chávez of "overspending on a military buildup" and pledged "to use Venezuela's oil wealth to help the poor and improve education and health care", ridiculing Chávez's "claims of a possible war with the U. S." and saying, "Venezuela's real war should be against rampant street crime". Rosales held several large rallies around the country. Rallies were held in several states to try to get the Rosales campaign to be heard by as many people as possible. To close his election campaign, Manuel Rosales held a huge final rally in Caracas with an estimate by the Associated Press to be in the hundreds of thousands. Rosales demanded a public debate, saying Chávez should choose the TV channel where the debate would be broadcast, he said "I am waiting for him to have a debate with me broadcast by all the TV channels to allow Venezuelans to know what is the project and the vision of the country he has and the project and vision we have".
Chávez declared he would not debate Rosal
Hugo Rafael Chávez Frías was a Venezuelan politician, President of Venezuela from 1999 until his death in 2013. Chávez was leader of the Fifth Republic Movement political party from its foundation in 1997 until 2007, when it merged with several other parties to form the United Socialist Party of Venezuela, which he led until 2012. Born into a working-class family in Sabaneta, Barinas, Chávez became a career military officer, after becoming dissatisfied with the Venezuelan political system based on the Puntofijo Pact, he founded the clandestine Revolutionary Bolivarian Movement-200 in the early 1980s. Chávez led the MBR-200 in an unsuccessful coup d'état against the Democratic Action government of President Carlos Andrés Pérez in 1992, for which he was imprisoned. Pardoned from prison after two years, he founded a political party known as the Fifth Republic Movement and was elected President of Venezuela in 1998, he was re-elected again in 2006 with over 60 % of the votes. After winning his fourth term as president in the October 2012 presidential election, he was to be sworn in on 10 January 2013, but Venezuela's National Assembly postponed the inauguration to allow him time to recover from medical treatment in Cuba.
Suffering a return of the cancer diagnosed in June 2011, Chávez died in Caracas on 5 March 2013 at the age of 58. Following the adoption of a new constitution in 1999, Chávez focused on enacting social reforms as part of the Bolivarian Revolution. Using record-high oil revenues of the 2000s, his government nationalized key industries, created participatory democratic Communal Councils and implemented social programs known as the Bolivarian missions to expand access to food, housing and education. Venezuela received high oil profits in the mid-2000s, resulting in temporary improvements in areas such as poverty, income equality and quality of life occurring between 2003 and 2007, though these gains started to reverse after 2012 and it has been argued that government policies did not address structural inequalities. Chávez's populist policies led to a severe socioeconomic crisis in Venezuela. On 2 June 2010, Chávez declared an "economic war" due to shortages in Venezuela, beginning the crisis in Bolivarian Venezuela.
By the end of Chávez's presidency in the early 2010s, economic actions performed by his government during the preceding decade such as deficit spending and price controls proved to be unsustainable, with Venezuela's economy faltering while poverty and shortages increased. Chávez's presidency saw significant increases in the country's murder rate and continued corruption within the police force and government, his use of enabling acts and his government's use of Bolivarian propaganda were controversial. Internationally, Chávez aligned himself with the Marxist–Leninist governments of Fidel and Raúl Castro in Cuba, as well as the socialist governments of Evo Morales, Rafael Correa and Daniel Ortega, his presidency was seen as a part of the socialist "pink tide" sweeping Latin America. Chávez described his policies as anti-imperialist, being a prominent adversary of the United States's foreign policy as well as a vocal critic of U. S.-supported laissez-faire capitalism. He described himself as a Marxist.
He supported Latin American and Caribbean cooperation and was instrumental in setting up the pan-regional Union of South American Nations, the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States, the Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas, the Bank of the South and the regional television network TeleSUR. Chavez's ideas and style form the basis of "Chavismo", a political ideology associated with Bolivarianism and socialism of the 21st century, he was born on 28 July 1954 in his paternal grandmother Rosa Inéz Chávez's home, a modest three-room house located in the rural village Sabaneta, Barinas State. The Chávez family were of Afro-Venezuelan and Spanish descent, his parents, Hugo de los Reyes Chávez, described as a proud COPEI member, Elena Frías de Chávez, were schoolteachers who lived in the small village of Los Rastrojos. Hugo was born the second of seven children. Hugo described his childhood as "poor... happy", though his childhood of supposed poverty has been disputed as Chávez changed the story of his background for political reasons.
Attending the Julián Pino Elementary School, Chávez was interested in the 19th-century federalist general Ezequiel Zamora, in whose army his own great-great-grandfather had served. With no high school in their area, Hugo's parents sent Hugo and his older brother Adán to live with their grandmother Rosa, who lived in a lower middle class subsidized home provided by the government, where they attended Daniel O'Leary High School in the mid-1960s. Hugo described his grandmother as being "a pure human being... pure love, pure kindness". She was a devout Roman Catholic and Hugo was an altar boy at a local church, his father, despite having the salary of a teacher, helped pay for college for Chávez and his siblings. Aged 17, Chávez studied at the Venezuelan Academy of Military Sciences in Caracas, following a curriculum known as the Andrés Bello Plan, instituted by a group of progressive, nationalistic military officers; this new curriculum encouraged students to learn not only military routines and tactics but a wide variety of other topics, to do so civilian professors were brought in from other universities to give lectures to the military cadets.
Living in Caracas, he saw more of the endemic poverty faced by working class Venezuelans, said that this experience only made him further committed
José Félix Ribas
José Félix Ribas, was a Venezuelan independence leader and hero of the Venezuelan War of Independence. Ribas was the last of eleven sons, born to a prominent Caracas family. In his early years, he attended the city's seminary. After finishing his studies, he began working in the agrarian sector. At the age of 21 he married the aunt of Simón Bolívar, he soon became interested in Republican ideals and sympathetic to the revolutionary independence movement. Ribas was taken prisoner after its failure. In his defense, he stated that on the day of the action, he was just heading to a public square to spend time. Ribas was frequenting the square to meet with other republicans to plan an uprising, he was freed by the authorities. When the Revolution of 19 April 1810 was taking place, it was reported that Ribas was seen travelling throughout the entire city, encouraging people to join-in the demonstrations against Spanish rule. In the aftermath he joined the interim government on April 25, taking charge of the municipality of Caracas.
Apart from his political functions in the interim government, despite having no military background, Ribas was named Colonel of the Barlovento Battalion which he helped set up with his own funds. He maintained some contact with Francisco de Miranda, offered him all possible support when Miranda arrived in the country. Along with other fellow Republicans, he became a member of the Sociedad Patriótica organized by Francisco de Miranda, in contradistinction to the New Venezuelan Congress, ruled by the landed few; the Sociedad Patriótica was modeled after a French Jacobin Club, encouraging the practice of oratory on equality of rights to all citizens. During a brief period of Venezuelan independence, Ribas fought in numerous battles of the "Campaña Admirable". Ribas won this victory with inexperienced troops, composed of youths and seminary candidates that Ribas has succeeded in recruiting. Ribas told his young soldiers, his charges, before a crucial battle that "We have no choice between victory or death, we must achieve victory".
After many hours of fierce resistance, Republican reinforcements arrived under the command of Vicente Campo Elías. It is in honor of this episode of Venezuelan history that modern Venezuelan citizens now celebrate the "Día de la Juventud"; each 12 February. He fought vigorously in the Battle of Urica in which the republican forces lost but his royalist nemesis Boves was killed. After this battle, his forces assisted in offering a last desperate resistance to Morales at the Battle of Maturín. Ribas, together with a nephew and a faithful servant, was forced to flee from the victorious royalists. However, he was betrayed to the royalists by a slave, he was executed by beheading. Ribas's lopped off head, after having been fried in cooking oil, was sent to Caracas. There, it was placed in public display within a small cage with the intention of demoralizing the patriots. Two centuries Ribas' deeds were commemorated by the Hugo Chávez government when it named one of the Bolivarian Missions "Missión Ribas" in his honor.
There are two Venezuelan municipalities named after him, José Félix Ribas Municipality, Aragua state. History of Venezuela Venezuelan War of Independence Military career of Simón Bolívar Spanish American wars of independence José Félix Ribas
2012 Venezuelan presidential election
The Venezuelan presidential election of 2012 was held on 7 October 2012 to choose a president for the six-year term beginning February 2013. After the approval of the Amendment No. 1 of the Constitution of Venezuela in 2009, which abolished term limits. His main challenger was Governor Henrique Capriles Radonski of Miranda, representing Justice First; the candidates were backed by opposing electoral coalitions. There were four more candidates from different parties. Capriles ran an energetic campaign, visited each of the country's states. Throughout his campaign, Capriles remained confident that he could win the election and be the country's next President. However, Chávez led most established polls by large margins. In the end, his popularity remained high, went to win the election by a comfortable margin. Chávez was elected for a fourth term as President of Venezuela with 55.07% of the popular vote, ahead of the 44.31% of Capriles. The elections showed a high turnout, above 80% of the electorate, in a country where voting is not mandatory.
Although Chávez did not win the election with a huge landslide as he had done in 2006, his 11-point victory over his opponent was decisive. Capriles conceded defeat. Chávez died only two months into his fourth term. Since 1998 elections in Venezuela have been automated, administered by a non-partisan National Electoral Council, with poll workers drafted via a lottery of registered voters. Polling places are equipped with multiple high-tech touch-screen DRE voting machines, one to a "mesa electoral", or voting "table". After the vote is cast, each machine prints out a paper ballot, or VVPAT, inspected by the voter and deposited in a ballot box belonging to the machine's table; the voting machines perform in a stand-alone fashion, disconnected from any network until the polls close. Voting session closure at each of the voting stations in a given polling center is determined either by the lack of further voters after the lines have emptied, or by the hour, at the discretion of the president of the voting table.
On 10 June 2012, Capriles walked to the election commission to formally register his candidacy, at the head of a march estimated in the hundreds of thousands by international media, while local polling company Hernández Hercon estimated it to between 950,000 and 1,100,000. Capriles had stepped down as Governor of Miranda in early June in order to concentrate on his campaign. 17 September, opposition candidate Yoel Acosta Chirinos withdrew from presidential election and announced support to president Chavez. Incumbent president Hugo Chávez Frías announced he would seek re-election at a University Students' Day rally held in Caracas in November 2010. Chávez' first mandate began in 1999, if he had served the complete 2013–19 term, he would have served 20 years as president, having won four presidential elections. In July 2011, Chávez reaffirmed his intent to run in spite of his battle with cancer. Chávez was supported by the Great Patriotic Pole, an electoral coalition led by the United Socialist Party of Venezuela.
A member of a GPP collective said to Venezuelanalysis.com that the GPP was created in 2011 to support Chávez' re-election and "formally unites 35,000 Venezuelan movements and collectives" as well as Chávez-supporting political parties. The opposition parties were grouped in the Democratic Unity Roundtable whose candidate was selected through an open primary election held on 12 February 2012; the MUD electoral coalition consists of the parties Justice First, Fatherland for All, Project Venezuela, Popular Will as the main supporters of Henrique Capriles in the primary elections of February 2012. Other parties in the coalition include A New Era, Democratic Action, COPEI, Movement to Socialism. Capriles won; the other candidates on 12 February primary ballot were: Pablo Pérez Álvarez: governor of Zulia state, representing the A New Era party. María Corina Machado: former Súmate president and member of the National Assembly of Venezuela representing the Miranda state since 2011. Diego Arria: former Venezuelan representative to the United Nations and former governor of the defunct Federal District.
Pablo Medina: politician and former trade union leader. Leopoldo López was barred from running following corruption charges which he denied and for which he was never tried. On 24 January, placed "in the awkward position of being able to stand for elections but not hold office", he withdrew his candidacy to support Henrique Capriles Radonski. Candidates César Pérez Vivas, Antonio Ledezma and Eduardo Fernández withdrew from the race, saying they would support candidates with
Mission Mercal is a Bolivarian Mission established in Venezuela under the government of Hugo Chávez. The Mission involves a state-run company called Mercados de Alimentos, C. A. which provides subsidised food and basic goods through a nationwide chain of stores. In 2010 Mercal was reported as having 16,600 outlets, "ranging from street-corner shops to huge warehouse stores," in addition to 6000 soup kitchens. Mercal employs 85,000 workers. Mission Mercal stores and cooperatives are located in impoverished areas and sell generic-branded foods at discounts as great as 50%. While the company is funded by the government, the goal is to become self-sufficient by replacing food imports with products from local farmers, small businesses, cooperatives; this endogenous development is central to Chávez's stated goal of non-capitalistic development from the bottom up. Customers say that there are a lack of products in Mercal stores and that items available at these stores change constantly; some customers complained about rationing being enforced at Mercal stores due to the lack of products.
The antecedent operations to Mission Mercal began operations following the economic hardships following the strike/lockout of 2002. Up until that period, Venezuela's food production and distribution systems were managed by large national corporations, a situation homologous to the present reality in Western nations such as the United States or Europe; as most corporations supported the strike/lockout, aimed at politically damaging Chávez, most of the food-related corporations joined the protests and ceased their operations. On the 25 April 2003 broadcast of the television show Aló Presidente, Chávez expressed his outrage at Venezuela's lack of food sovereignty and the resultant vulnerability to the agenda of major food corporations, manifest in closed supermarkets, growing malnutrition, food shortages. “This offensive served us a lot because we learned from the imperialism’s attack, from the Venezuelan oligarchy, from those who were supporting the aggression against Venezuela and who would liked to have defeated us with hunger.
That we did not have a grain of anything, of food reserves. Before any natural, political or social disaster, Venezuela did not have food reserves," Chávez stated. Afterwards, in the depths of the oil shutdowns and general turmoil of 2002, Mission Mercal's reach expanded rapidly; the Armed Forces were integral in providing logistical support in moving, procuring and distributing food. Military bases and supply depots were used as food supply nodes, while military barracks became storage centers. Chávez acknowledged this by stating that "the army of Venezuela took to the street, gave of themselves and made the task easier with their technology, their human resources, their means of transportation and their installations for storing food.” With only three Mercals and two warehouses, Mission Mercal multiplied to the point where 12,500 Mercalitos, 13,392 Mercals, hundreds of cooperatives, 31 Supermercals, 102 vast warehouses comprised a sprawling distribution system serving millions of barrio dwellers.
In 2006 some 11.36 million Venezuelans benefited from Mercal food programs on a regular basis. At least 14,208 Mission Mercal food distribution sites were spread throughout Venezuela, 4,543 metric tons of food distributed each day. Victuals offered by Mission Mercal include everything from meat and dairy, to fresh produce, preserved foodstuffs and cereals, vegetable oils, mineral salts; these goods are offered in Mercal-affiliated establishments at discounts averaging between 25% to 50%. It has been reported. Customers who wait in long lines for discounted products say that there were a lack of products in Mercal stores and that items available at the stores change constantly; some customers complained about rationing being enforced at Mercal stores due to the lack of products. In some cases, protests have occurred due to the shortages in stores. PDVAL Economic policy of the Hugo Chávez government Misión Mercal — Official governmental portal for Mission Mercal. Mercal — Official Mission Mercal factsheet.
Mision Venezuela: Misión Mercal: Vía a la soberanía alimentaria — A governmental site detailing Mission Mercal. Wagner, Sarah.. "Mercal: Reducing Poverty and Creating National Food Sovereignty in Venezuela". Retrieved 22 Oct 2005. Anna Isaacs. "The Food Sovereignty Movement in Venezuela, Part 1". Venezuela Analysis