In October and November 1940, German–Soviet Axis talks occurred concerning the Soviet Union's potential entry as a fourth Axis Power in World War II. The negotiations, which occurred during the era of the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact, included a two-day Berlin conference between Soviet Foreign Minister Vyacheslav Molotov, Adolf Hitler and German Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop, followed by both countries trading written proposed agreements. After two days of negotiations from 12 to 14 November 1940, Germany presented the Soviets with a draft written Axis pact agreement defining the world spheres of influence of the four proposed Axis powers. Hitler and Molotov tried to set German and Soviet spheres of influence. Molotov remained firm, seeking to remove German troops from Finland and gain a warm water port in the Balkans. Soviet foreign policy calculations were predicated by the idea that the war would be a long-term struggle and therefore German claims that Britain would be defeated swiftly were treated with skepticism.
In addition, Stalin sought to remain influential in Yugoslavia. These factors resulted in Molotov taking a firm line. According to a study by Alexander Nekrich, on 25 November 1940, the Soviets presented a Stalin-drafted written counterproposal where they would accept the four power pact, but it included Soviet rights to Bulgaria and a world sphere of influence centered on the area around Iraq and Iran. Germany did not respond. Regarding the counterproposal, Hitler remarked to his top military chiefs that Stalin "demands more and more", "he's a cold-blooded blackmailer" and that "a German victory has become unbearable for Russia" so that "she must be brought to her knees as soon as possible." Germany broke the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact in June 1941 by invading the Soviet Union. During the summer of 1939, after conducting negotiations with both a British-French group and Germany regarding potential military and political agreements, the Soviet Union chose Germany, resulting in an August 19 German–Soviet Commercial Agreement providing for the trade of certain German military and civilian equipment in exchange for Soviet raw materials.
Four days the countries signed the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact, which contained secret protocols dividing the states of Northern and Eastern Europe into German and Soviet "spheres of influence."Just before the signing of the agreements, the parties had addressed past hostilities, with German Foreign Minister Joachim Ribbentrop telling Soviet diplomats that "there was no problem between the Baltic and the Black Sea that could not be solved between the two of us." Diplomats from the two countries addressed the common ground of anti-capitalism and anti-democracy, stating "there is one common element in the ideology of Germany and the Soviet Union: opposition to the capitalist democracies," "neither we nor Italy have anything in common with the capitalist west" and "it seems to us rather unnatural that a socialist state would stand on the side of the western democracies."A German official explained that their prior hostility toward Soviet Bolshevism had subsided with the changes in the Comintern and the Soviet renunciation of a world revolution.
A Soviet official characterized the conversation as "extremely important". At the signing and Stalin enjoyed warm conversations, exchanging toasts and further discussing the prior hostilities between the countries in the 1930s. Ribbentrop stated that Britain had always attempted to disrupt Soviet-German relations, was "weak", "wants to let others fight for her presumptuous claim to world dominion". Stalin concurred, adding, "If England dominated the world, due to the stupidity of the other countries that always let themselves be bluffed." Ribbentrop stated that the Anti-Comintern Pact was directed not against the Soviet Union, but against Western democracies, "frightened principally the City of London and the English shopkeepers". He added. Stalin proposed a toast to Hitler, Stalin and Soviet Foreign Minister Vyacheslav Molotov toasted the German nation, the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact, Soviet-German relations. Ribbentrop countered with a toast to a toast to the countries' relations; as Ribbentrop left, Stalin took him aside and stated that the Soviet Government took the new pact seriously, he would "guarantee his word of honor that the Soviet Union would not betray its partner."
One week after the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact's signing, the partition of Poland commenced with the German invasion of western Poland. The Soviet Comintern suspended all anti-Nazi and anti-fascist propaganda, explaining that the war in Europe was a matter of capitalist states attacking each other for imperialist purposes; when anti-German demonstrations erupted in Prague, the Comintern ordered the Czech Communist Party to employ all of its strength to paralyze "chauvinist elements." Moscow soon forced the French Communist Party and the Communist Party of Great Britain to adopt an anti-war position. Two weeks after the German invasion, the Soviet Union invaded eastern Poland, coordinating with German forces. On September 21, the Soviets and Germans signed a formal agreement coordinating military movements in Poland, including the "purging" of saboteurs. A joint German-Soviet parade was held in Brest. Stalin had decided in August that he was going to liquidate the Polish state, a German-Soviet meeting in Se
AirAsia Japan Co. Ltd is the name of two incarnations of Japanese low-cost airline, operating as a joint venture between AirAsia of Malaysia and Japanese partners; the director of AirAsia Tony Fernandes dubbed the two incarnations of AirAsia Japan as "Part 1" and "Part 2". Malaysian low-cost airline AirAsia and Japanese network airline All Nippon Airways announced their joint venture at a press conference in Tokyo on 21 July 2011. Following its formal establishment in August 2011, the first flight for the airline was on 1 August 2012, from Tokyo Narita to Fukuoka; the airline was headquartered alongside ANA in Tokyo, with its main operating base at Narita International Airport, served domestic destinations utilising the brand and service model of AirAsia. Future planned international destinations included South Korea and Taiwan. AirAsia CEO Tony Fernandes indicated that the joint venture hub at Narita may serve as a connecting point between Southeast Asia and the United States within the AirAsia group network.
AirAsia Japan was the first low-cost airline to be based at Narita. Its formation was announced only months after ANA had announced the formation of Peach, a low-cost airline based at Kansai International Airport in Osaka, alongside a concurrent effort by Japan Airlines to set up a low-cost affiliate. ANA elected to partner with an existing low-cost airline for efficiency and strategic advantage. In June 2013, AirAsia decided to exit its investment in AirAsia Japan, making the company a wholly owned subsidiary of ANA; the Nihon Keizai Shimbun reported that AirAsia Japan had the lowest load factors of the three new entrant low-cost carriers in Japan and noted several reasons for the failure of the joint venture, including an online booking system, not translated into Japanese and was therefore frustrating to many domestic customers, failure to utilise travel agent distribution, the inconvenience of its main hub at Narita Airport, the airport's severe restrictions on early morning and late night flights.
AirAsia Japan announced in August 2013 that it would continue operation under its current branding through 26 October 2013 and would be rebranded as Vanilla Air effective 1 November 2013. Vanilla Air would start operations with two aircraft and expand to ten aircraft by fiscal year 2015, with both domestic and international routes. All of AirAsia Japan's staff were to be inherited by Vanilla Air, the airline would focus on serving resort destinations expanding to longer routes after an initial focus on short-haul routes. AirAsia Japan aircraft were to be returned to AirAsia, with Vanilla Air to start with a fleet of only two aircraft. AirAsia announced that it would start a new joint venture operation in Japan at a date with a different partner, but the Nikkei reported that this seemed unlikely given foreign ownership restrictions and the fact that the only seasoned Japanese airline operators outside of the ANA group are Japan Airlines, which had invested in the Jetstar Japan joint venture, Skymark Airlines, unlikely to get involved.
On 1 July 2014, it was announced that AirAsia has partnered with the online mall and travel agency Rakuten, a Japanese cosmetics, energy drinks and aircraft leasing firm Noevir Holdings, the sportswear firm Alpen, private equity firm Octave Japan, to relaunch AirAsia Japan. AirAsia will hold 49% of the stake, its initial is JPY7 billion, with Yoshinori Odagiri, CEO from the previous incarnation of AirAsia Japan, returns to chair. The airline is expected to commerce operation in summer 2015, from a hub at Chūbu Centrair International Airport with 2 Airbus A320 planes, expanding to 4 by the end of 2015. On 6 October 2015, it was announced that AirAsia Japan has received their air operating license to start operating flights, as well as announcing Sendai and Taipei, Taiwan as their first three destinations from Chubu Centrair International Airport. After several delays, AirAsia Japan relaunched on 29 October 2017 with first flight from its base at Nagoya to Sapporo; the AirAsia Japan fleet consists of the following aircraft as of August 2019: The airline operated a further 3 Airbus A320 aircraft.
The A120 is an important trunk road in the East of England. It follows the course of Stane Street, a Roman road from Puckeridge, Hertfordshire at its western terminus to Colchester. From Colchester the A120 leads east to the Essex port of Harwich; the road forms part of the unsigned Euroroute E32. The old A120 has been bypassed in several places, such that the old Roman road can be traced on a map, with the current designated A120 being less straight. From west to east, the A120's bypasses are: Bishop's Stortford - the old A120 passes through the centre of town as the A1250, while the A120 now forms a semicircular bypass to the north of the town before rejoining its old course just before crossing the M11 motorway. M11 to Braintree - the old A120 was bypassed in 2004 as part of a scheme organised by the Highways Agency to provide a better link to Stansted Airport from East Essex, avoiding several settlements including Takeley and Great Dunmow; the ultimate strategic aim is provide a high quality direct link between Stansted and the A12, a major road connecting London with the ports of Felixstowe and Harwich.
A few miles east of Braintree at the small town of Coggeshall, the A120 takes a large semicircular detour to the north of the town. This is a large deviation, as the original route passed through the south of the town, but the land to the south is marshy and thus the northern bypass was constructed. To the east of Colchester the A120 intersects the A12, joins the route of the A12; this passes to the northwest of Colchester, before the A12 splits off and heads north-northeast, whereupon the A120 re-emerges, heading east. The £22.7m eight-mile Colchester Eastern Bypass opened in June 1982. The section East of Colchester was numbered the A604 At Harwich the A120 passes to the north of the town, heading straight for the cargo ports, whereas the old route can be seen on a map passing through the centre of the town; as part of the application to add a second runway at Stansted, it was proposed that a new junction on the A120, replacing two existing ones, would be built to improve access to Stansted Airport.
The proposal lapsed when the application for a second runway was withdrawn by BAA in 2010. There were proposals to turn the A120 into a dual carriageway between Braintree and the junction with the A12. In July 2009 the proposed improvements were'scrapped'. Sabre Roads' page on the A120 Opening of the improved A120 between the M11 and Stansted Highways Agency - proposals to improve the A120 between Braintree and the A12 South East England Road Photos: A120 changes
Albert Castiglia is an American blues singer and guitarist. Castiglia has variously worked alongside Junior Wells, Sandra Hall, Aron Burton, Pinetop Perkins, Melvin Taylor, Sugar Blue, Phil Guy, Ronnie Earl, Billy Boy Arnold, Ronnie Baker Brooks, John Primer, Lurrie Bell, Jerry Portnoy, Larry McCray, Eddy Clearwater and Otis Clay. AllMusic noted that "Castiglia combines hardcore blues with soul and country flavors for a sound that will appeal to rockers and blues purists alike." His vocal style has been compared to that of Van Morrison. Castiglia was born in New York, United States, to a Cuban mother and Italian father, he moved with his family to Miami, when he was five years old and commenced learning the guitar seven years later. Castiglia joined the Miami Blues Authority in 1990 and was named the'best blues guitarist in Miami' by the Miami New Times in 1997. Following a college education, Castiglia worked for four years for the state of Florida as a social services investigator. Discovered singing by Junior Wells in 1996, he joined his touring band and worked as Wells' lead guitarist until the latter's death in 1998.
By now living in Chicago, Castiglia found work with Sandra Hall and toured with himself until the end of the century. In 2002, Castiglia joined David Shelley in the Alligator Alley Allstars, a "blues and roots super group" at Alligator Alley, a "Native Florida" restaurant and live music venue, his first solo work, was self-released in 2004, followed in 2006 with The Bittersweet Sessions, where he collaborated with Graham Wood Drout. The New Jersey-based Blues Leaf Records issued Castiglia's 2006 album, A Stone's Throw, it contained his versions of the Junior Wells song, "Hoodoo Man Blues" and The Shadows' "The Rise and Fall of Flingle Bunt". In April 2008, These Are the Days was released, which included Castiglia's tribute to his former employer Junior Wells called "Godfather of the Blues", as well as cover versions of Bob Dylan's "Catfish", Nappy Brown's "Night Time Is the Right Time", Fenton Robinson's "Somebody Loan Me a Dime", Little Willie John's track "Need Your Love So Bad"; these Are the Days saw Castiglia get a nomination for a Blues Music Award for his self-penned song, "Bad Year Blues."
He supported both ZZ Top and Elvin Bishop. Keepin On, recorded in Dover, New Jersey, featured five tracks written by Castiglia, plus covers of songs by John Lee Hooker, Mack Rice, T-Bone Walker, Peter Green, Robert Nighthawk and Bob Dylan. Living the Dream, included contributions on Hammond B3 organ and piano from John Ginty. Roots Music Report bestowed him with the Top Blues Album Award for 2011 and 2012. In December 2013, Castiglia performed at the Bradenton Blues Festival. In March 2014, Castiglia signed a recording contract with Ruf Records, his seventh album in all and his first on Ruf Records was Solid Ground, recorded in Glen Ridge, New Jersey. It contained the Lefty Dizz-penned track "Bad Avenue", Castiglia's version of the blues standard, "Goin' Down Slow", a cover of the Rolling Stones, "Sway". Solid Ground peaked at number 10 in the US Billboard Top Blues Albums chart. In 2015, Castiglia made a guest appearance on John Ginty's albums, Bad News Travels and the subsequent Bad News Travels.
List of electric blues musicians Official website These Are the Days review
The Western Independence Party was a Canadian political party that advocated the separation of Western Canada from Canada to form a new country from the provinces of British Columbia, Alberta and Manitoba, the Yukon and Northwest Territories. The WIP ran eleven candidates in the 1988 federal election - one candidate in British Columbia, seven in Alberta, three in Manitoba. All the candidates were soundly defeated with none garnering 1% of the popular vote in any riding; the party had provincial branches in each of the four provinces. The federal wing of the Western Independence Party fell dormant and did not run any candidates in any federal elections after 1988; the party was resurrected in April 2005 at a founding convention in Strathmore, Alberta under the new name "Western Canada Party". The WIP should not be confused with the Confederation of Regions Party, which sought greater autonomy for western Canada, but not full independence; the party was founded by a group of 150 people from across the western provinces.
The WIP was formed because the group had grown dissatisfied with the direction of another western separatist party, the federal Western Canada Concept, led by a lawyer Douglas Christie of Victoria, B. C. At the party's founding convention in October 1987 in Edmonton, Fred Marshall was elected interim leader. Marshall had run for the leadership of the provincial WCC in 1984, losing to future Reform Party Member of Parliament Jack Ramsay of Camrose, Alberta. At the founding convention, the party adopted the "West Canada Flag", designed by Dexter Dombro and was chosen from a field of eight other entries. Bob Lefurgey attempted to collect enough signatures to form official party status of the WIP as a provincially registered party in Alberta, but failed to obtain enough signatures. Lefurgey described his mission as separation. "It's to remove Alberta from confederation," said Lefurgey. "There's been an accumulation of things over time and we're in a perfect storm for separatists right now, with all the things going on – everything from immigration, gun control, equalization."The Alberta Independence Party never achieved party status when it ran candidates in 2001 election.
The AIP is experiencing a revival and strives to run candidates in the 2019 provincial election and form party status. The Separation Party of Alberta, which nominated candidates in the 2004 provincial election, promoted the cause of separation in the province but renamed itself the Alberta First Party in 2013. In July 2018, MLA Derek Fildebrandt became leader of the party, which rebranded itself as the Freedom Conservative Party of Alberta; as a result, separatism has been removed from the platform, instead adopting Albertan autonomism as part of the party's transformation. Lefurgey remains listed as President of the party by Elections Alberta; the SPA issued a statement of support when the WIP of Saskatchewan was formed in 2003. The Saskatchewan branch of the party nominated candidates in the 2003 provincial election, the 2007 provincial election, but none were elected, it continues to be an active party under the leadership of Dana Arnason, but does not intend to nominate candidates in federal elections.
Party policy was adopted at the founding convention and was expanded at a policy convention in Saskatoon in April 1988. The party's basic policy statements were the following: independence as the only way Westerners could get political and economic justice. A prosperous low tax economy. Direct democracy. Separation of executive powers to end Prime Ministerial dictatorship. An elected accountable judiciary. Equality of treatment and opportunity for all people. An elected senate balancing popular representation with regional representation. English as the official language. A world-class medical system. A justice system that stresses accountability. No gun registry. No Kyoto Accord. Property rights guaranteed in the constitution. List of Canadian political parties Secessionist movements of Canada Western Independence Party of Manitoba Western Independence Party of Saskatchewan The Western Canada Party website Western Independence Party of Saskatchewan website