Mohd. Amri bin Yahyah is a Malaysian professional footballer, he represents the Malaysia national team. Amri plays as a forward but can play as an attacking midfielder or as a winger. Regards by many as one of the greatest player of his generation and in asia. Amri spend most of his career at Selangor starting 2001 until 2013, he signed with Johor Darul Ta'zim in 2014 until 2016 before moved to Melaka United in December 2016. Amri has returned to Selangor during mid-season transfer in May 2017 for a second stint. Amri Yahyah scored his 100th career goal in Selangor vs Perak on 19 June 2018. Born in Tanjung Karang, Amri signed a contract with Selangor FC in 2001 and helped the outfit to the treble in 2005. Amri became a cult hero, he was made the Selangor FA team captain in the 2009 Malaysia Super League campaign. Amri is a versatile player, having played in a number of different positions including as a defender, winger and attacking midfielder, striker. Amri completed his transfer to Johor Darul Ta'zim for 2014 season of Malaysia Super League, with a monthly salary reported to be around RM 85,000.
Johor Darul Ta'zim became the Malaysian Super League champions, narrowly overtaking Amri's former club Selangor by a mere 3 points on the last day of the league. Amri remained popular with the Selangor fans following his move, until he celebrated a goal against them by dancing in full view of the supporters, it is rumoured. Selangor went on to win the game 4–1, he issued an apology, which Selangor fans seem to have rejected, as he was booed upon his return to Shah Alam Stadium to face Selangor, with some supporters throwing bottles at him when he came over to the Selangor supporters to applaud them. Amri was reported to be in tears after the incident. However, he remains hugely popular with Malaysian fans in general. On 16 December 2016, Amri signed a one-year contract with newly promoted club Melaka United for an undisclosed fee after his contract with Johor Darul Ta'zim expired. On 21 February 2017, Amri made his debut for Melaka United in a 2–0 win over Kelantan playing for 90 minutes. On 14 February 2017, Amri scored a winning goal for his side in Malaysia FA Cup campaign over PKNS.
In May 2017, Melaka United have announced that their pre-season signing, Amri Yahyah is making a return to his former club Selangor in the mid-season transfer window. Amri made his league debut in 0–2 defeat against Pahang on 24 May 2017. Amri scored his league goal on 22 July 2017 in a 1–0 win over Kelantan, his second league goal came from 2–1 win over Johor Darul Ta'zim on 5 August 2017. Amri Yahyah departed Selangor at the end of the 2019 season; the right-footed player represented Malaysia in the 2003 Sea Games in Hanoi, the Afro-Asian Games in Hyderabad, India in October 2003, in the 2004 Tiger Cup helping Malaysia finish third. His following grew after scoring a brace for Malaysia Selection in a pre-season exhibition match on 18 July 2009, against English champions Manchester United; the latter ran out 3–2 winners. In November 2010, Amri was called up to the Malaysia national squad by coach K. Rajagopal for the 2010 AFF Suzuki Cup. Amri scored twice against Laos to secure a 5–1 win. Malaysia went on to win the 2010 AFF Suzuki Cup title for the first time in their history.
In July 2011, Amri was called up to represent Malaysia Selection against Chelsea. On 10 August 2013, Amri once again lived up to his reputation of scoring against top foreign clubs by scoring the only Malaysian goal in a 3–1 loss to FC Barcelona during their 2013 Asia Tour; as of 1 May 2019. Only included FIFA'A' international matches. Scores and results list Malaysia's goal tally first. Selangor FAMalaysian Charity Shield: 2002, 2009, 2010 Malaysian Super League: 2009, 2010 Malaysian Premier League: 2005 Malaysia Cup: 2002, 2005 Malaysian FA Cup: 2001, 2005, 2009Johor Darul TakzimMalaysian Charity Shield: 2015, 2016 Malaysian Super League: 2014, 2015, 2016 Malaysia FA Cup: 2016 AFC Cup: 2015 AFF Championship: 2010, Runner-up 2014 Mohd Amri Yahyah at FootballDatabase.eu
Lesbian, gay and transgender people in Russia face legal and social challenges not experienced by non-LGBT persons. Although same-sex sexual activity between consenting adults in private was decriminalized in 1993, homosexuality is disapproved of by most Russians, same-sex couples and households headed by same-sex couples are ineligible for the legal protections available to opposite-sex couples. There are no separate laws prohibiting discrimination based on sexual orientation in Russia, Constitution disallows any discrimination at all in Chapter 2 in Article 19 and others. Transgender people are allowed to change their legal gender following sex reassignment surgery, there are no laws prohibiting discrimination based on gender identity or expression and recent laws could discriminate against transgender residents. Homosexuality has been declassified as a mental illness since 1999 and although gays and lesbians are allowed to serve in the military, there is a de facto "Don't ask, don't tell" policy.
Russia has long held conservative views regarding homosexuality, with recent polls indicating that a majority of Russians are against the acceptance of homosexuality and have shown support for laws discriminating against homosexuals. Despite receiving international criticism for the recent increase in social discrimination and violence against homosexuals, larger cities such as Moscow and Saint Petersburg have been said to have a thriving LGBT community. However, there has been a historic resistance to gay pride parades by local governments. Since 2006, numerous regions in Russia have enacted varying laws restricting the distribution of materials promoting LGBT relationships to minors; the law has resulted in the numerous arrests of Russian LGBT citizens publicly opposing the law and there has been a surge of anti-gay protests and hate crimes, many of whom use the law as justification. It has received international criticism from human rights lit observers, LGBT activists, media outlets and has been viewed as de facto means of criminalizing LGBT culture.
Russian historian and human rights activist Lyudmila Alexeyeva has called it "a step toward the Middle Ages." In January 2016, the State Duma rejected a proposal by the Communist Party to punish people who publicly express their homosexuality with fines and arrests. In a report issued on April 13, 2017, a panel of five expert advisors to the United Nations Human Rights Council—Vitit Muntarbhorn, Sètondji Roland Adjovi; the age of consent stands at 16 since 2003, regardless of sexual orientation. Transsexual and transgender people can change their legal gender after corresponding medical procedures since 1997. Homosexuality was removed from the Russian list of mental illnesses in 1999; as far as adoptions of children: Single persons living within Russia, regardless of their sexual orientation, can adopt children. Russian children can be adopted by a single homosexual who lives in a foreign country provided that country does not recognize same-sex marriage. A couple can adopt children together, as a couple.
For more information about the daily reality of same-sex couples with children in Russia, read this article. Russian Constitution guarantees the right of peaceful association. Organs of authority in Russia refuse to register LGBT organizations. Anti-gay sentiment in Russia: Public opinion in Russia tends to be hostile toward homosexuality and the level of intolerance has been rising. A 2013 survey found that 74% of Russians said homosexuality should not be accepted by society, compared to 16% who said that homosexuality should be accepted by society. A 2015 survey found. In a 2007 survey, 68% of Russians said homosexuality is always wrong or always wrong. In a 2005 poll, 44% of Russians were in favor of making homosexual acts between consenting adults a criminal act. In 2013, 16% of Russians surveyed said that gay people should be isolated from society, 22% said they should be forced to undergo treatment, 5% said homosexuals should be "liquidated". In Russian psychiatry, Soviet mentality about homosexuality has endured into the present day.
For instance, in spite of the removal of homosexuality from the nomenclature of mental disorders, 62.5% of 450 surveyed psychiatrists in the Rostov Region view it as an illness, up to three quarters view it as immoral behavior. The psychiatrists sustain the objections to pride parades and the use of veiled schemes to lay off lesbian and gay persons from schools, child care centers, other public institutions. A Russian motorcycle club called the Night Wolves, associated with Russian President Vladimir Putin and which suggests "Death to faggots" as an alternate name for itself, organized a large Anti-Maidan rally in February 2015 at which a popular slogan was "We don't need Western ideology and gay parades!"Restrictive legislation in Russia: In 2013
The Hadley Flour and Feed Mill is located at 3633 Hadley Road in rural Hadley Township in southwestern Lapeer County, Michigan. It was designated as a Michigan State Historic Site and added to the National Register of Historic Places on September 25, 1986; the site includes several structures, but the main building is a 2 1⁄2-story wooden gristmill with a full basement. The structure is painted white and red, characteristic of such structures at the time, it was a typical site constructed during the course of Lapeer County's booming agricultural growth, but today, it remains one of fewer than 60 remaining examples in the state. It was built in 1874 by Peter Slimmer along the small Mill Creek and has undergone numerous repairs over its history, it was the third such mill constructed on the site—the first being built in 1845 and the second in the early 1860s. The building once stood on stilts to allow water to pass beneath; these ponds were removed, along with the creek's dam when the structure was converted from a gristmill to produce electric power in 1924 to reflect growing changes in the twentieth century.
After the site ceased operation in 1964, it was turned into an office and apartment building but was converted into a park and museum known as the Hadley Mill Museum. The property was donated to the township in 2002; the covered bridge was added in recent years as part of the park's ambiance. Hadley Township Historical Society
The ahenk is a fretless stringed instrument from Turkey, invented by Süleyman Suat Sezgin in 1929. It was designed to be played like the oud; the instrument is similar to a banjo. On the ahenk, the bowl is made of wood; the front resembles a banjo, with a bridge between the strings and a skin head, similar to that used on a kanun. The skin head does not cover the whole front of the instrument, instead the instrument has a wooden front with a hole for the skin, two or more sound holes, it is similar to the Cumbus by having an adjustable neck, adjusted by turning a wing-nut. Unlike the Cumbus, another Turkish banjo invented in the early 20th century, the instrument has nearly disappeared. There is a renewed interest in the instrument, being built in Istanbul and in Eskişehir. Photo of an ahenk. Stringed Instrument Database Pictures of the Ahenk The Stringed Instrument Database ATLAS of Plucked Instruments. Site in Turkish about the creation of the instrument Website about the Ahenk with pictures
A common contractual fund is a new collective investment scheme structure in Ireland introduced by the European Communities UCITS Regulations, 2003. The CCF is an unincorporated body established by a management company under which the participants by contractual arrangements participate and share in the property of the fund as co-owners, it is modelled on FCP structure. Although the CCF could only be established as a UCITS when it was introduced in 2003, a non UCITS CCF can now be established pursuant to the Investment Funds and Miscellaneous Provisions Act 2005, enacted in June 2005; the majority of pension funds are entitled to favourable withholding tax treatment on investments. For instance, in the Netherlands, exempt Dutch pension funds qualify for a 0% withholding tax in the US in respect of dividends paid on their holdings in US equities. However, where a pension fund acquires US equities through a separate investment entity, dividend income will attract withholding tax. For example, an exempt Dutch pension fund that invests in US equities through an Irish investment company will suffer a withholding tax of 30% on the dividends paid on US equities held by the Irish investment company.
Assuming an average annual dividend return of 2% per annum on US equities, these withholdings represent an annual tax leakage of 60 basis points from the Irish collective scheme. In turn, this tax leakage represents an equivalent underperformance by the underlying exempt Dutch pension fund. In order to address this issue, the Irish funds industry sought an intermediary structure for pension funds that would deliver optimal tax status so that the underlying pension fund’s investment would be treated in the same way from a tax perspective as if it had made the investment directly; the result has been the common contractual fund. The CCF not only presents advantages for pension funds but it is important for the investment managers of pension schemes who can consolidate their pension fund clients into one CCF; the primary advantage for the investment manager is the tax savings on investment returns. In addition, in managing only one fund structure rather than a number of fund structures, there should be economies of scale and operational efficiencies for the investment manager which should result in a lower cost base for the investment manager in providing its services to clients.
This cost saving can either be retained by the investment manager or or passed on to clients to ensure that the investment manager retains a competitive advantage on pricing with its clients. As a CCF can be established as a UCITS fund or a non UCITS fund, the promoter of a CCF can elect to be subject to the investment objectives and policies of a UCITS fund or the broader investment objectives and policies that apply to certain non UCITS funds; the CCF is constituted under contract law by a deed. The parties to the deed of constitution are the management company and the custodian, the deed is executed under seal; the assets of the CCF will be entrusted to a custodian for safekeeping in the same manner as applies in the case of other funds authorised by the Central Bank of Ireland. As an unincorporated body, the CCF will not have separate legal personality; as a co-owner, each investor will hold an undivided co-ownership interest as a tenant in common with the other investors. The CCF may be established as an umbrella structure.
The relevant legislation includes an express provision to the effect that a CCF established in an umbrella structure will not be subject to cross liability between funds in the umbrella. The CCF may issue different classes of units; the CCF is a tax transparent vehicle under Irish law. Pursuant to the Finance Acts, 2003 and 2005, no Irish taxes will be payable in respect of income and gains arising to a CCF on the basis that the income and gains will be regarded as accruing directly to the participants in the CCF in proportion to the value of their interests in the CCF; the CCF is intended to preserve direct access to tax treaty relief enjoyed by certain types of investors such as pension funds. Although the Finance Act, 2003 provided that only pension schemes could invest in the CCF, the Finance Act, 2005 has now broadened the category of investor that may invest in the CCF to any investors who are not individuals. Accordingly, only non individuals may invest in the CCF. While the CCF is treated as tax transparent under Irish law, it will be a matter for the jurisdiction in which the investor is resident for tax purposes to determine whether similar tax treatment will be granted in that jurisdiction to the CCF.
The tax authority of the jurisdiction in which the income arises must recognise the tax transparency of the CCF. In order to facilitate the tax transparency, it is considered that the CCF should have the following characteristics which would distinguish it from a typical unit trust or investment company structure: no meetings of investors should be permitted, it is necessary that income derived from the CCF be distributed annually, in proportion to each investor’s holding in the CCF. This will ensure that the income is both taxed on a current basis. Investors will be provided with an annual breakdown of income by source. Although tax advice should be obtained regarding the tax transparency status of any CCF in the jurisdictions in which the CCF’s investors and underlying investments are located, indicatio
The satire boom was the output of a generation of British satirical writers and performers at the end of the 1950s. The satire boom is regarded as having begun with the first performance of Beyond the Fringe on 22 August 1960 and ending around December 1963 with the cancellation of the BBC TV show That Was The Week That Was; the figures most identified with the satire boom are Peter Cook, John Bird, John Fortune, David Frost, Dudley Moore, Bernard Levin and Richard Ingrams. Many figures who found celebrity through the satire boom went on to establish subsequently more serious careers as writers including Alan Bennett, Jonathan Miller, Paul Foot. In his book The Neophiliacs, Christopher Booker, who as a founding editor of Private Eye was a central figure of the satire boom, charts the years 1959 to 1964, he begins with the Cambridge Footlights student revue The Last Laugh written by Cook. Booker ends the period with the cancellation of the television series That Was The Week That Was, the closing of the Establishment Club.
The boom was driven by well-connected graduates from first the University of Cambridge, the University of Oxford. BT states, "The ground-breaking revue Beyond the Fringe, starring Oxbridge graduates Alan Bennett, Peter Cook, Jonathan Miller and Dudley Moore, opened at the Fortune Theatre, London in 1961 – and started something of a revolution in humour." Booker argues that, with the response to the Suez Crisis which marked the end of the British Empire as a great power, an upper middle class generation with public school and Oxbridge educations who had grown up with certain expectations—of following a career in colonial administration or the civil service—suddenly found themselves surplus. Peter Cook had entered for a Foreign Office entrance exam, before his stage career took off. At the same time the emergence of the "angry young men" and "kitchen sink realism" in drama were signs that British culture was dominated by the concerns of the "common man"; the Labour Party was proving to be an ineffective opposition to a patrician Conservative government.