Irish Republican Army (1922–1969)
The original Irish Republican Army fought a guerrilla war against British rule in Ireland in the Irish War of Independence between 1919 and 1921. Following the signing of the Anglo-Irish Treaty on 6 December 1921, the IRA in the 26 counties that were to become the Irish Free State split between supporters and opponents of the Treaty; the anti-Treatyites, sometimes referred to by Free State forces as Irregulars, continued to use the name Irish Republican Army or in Irish Óglaigh na hÉireann, as did the organisation in Northern Ireland which supported the pro-Treaty side. Óglaigh na hÉireann was adopted as the name of the pro-Treaty National Army, remains the official legal title of the Irish Defence Forces. This article deals with the anti-Treaty IRA that fought against the Irish Free State in the Irish Civil War, with its successors up to 1969, when the IRA split again; the signing of the Anglo-Irish Treaty by the Irish delegation in London caused an angry reaction among the less compromising elements in Sinn Féin and among a majority of the IRA.
Dáil Éireann ratified the Treaty by 64 votes to 57 after a lengthy and acrimonious debate, following which President Éamon de Valera resigned. Sinn Féin split between pro-Treaty and anti-Treaty factions, the Army did likewise; the majority of headquarters staff, many of whom were close to Michael Collins, supported the Treaty, but opinion among IRA volunteers was divided. By and large, IRA units in Munster and most of Connacht were opposed to the Treaty, while those in favour predominated in the Midlands and Ulster; the pro-Treaty volunteers formed the nucleus of the new National Army. Anti-Treaty officers called an army convention in March 1922, attended by their supporters, which reaffirmed their opposition to the Treaty, they repudiated the authority of the Dáil, claiming that its members had broken their oath to defend the Irish Republic, declared their own Army Executive to be the real government of the country until the Republic was formally established. The reasons why volunteers chose pro- and anti-Treaty positions are complex.
One factor was an evaluation of the military situation. Whereas Collins, Richard Mulcahy and Eoin O'Duffy felt that the IRA could not continue to fight the British anti-Treaty officers such as Ernie O'Malley and Tom Barry felt that the IRA's position was stronger than it had been. Another factor was the role of powerful personalities; the same was true for anti-Treaty leaders such as Liam Lynch in Cork. On the outbreak of civil war in June 1922, the government of the Irish Free State issued directives to newspapers that its Army was to be called "The National Army", that its opponents were to be called "Irregulars" and were not to be associated with the IRA of 1919–1921; this attitude hardened as the Civil War went on, after the killing of Michael Collins in an ambush in August 1922. Collins wrote to W. T. Cosgrave on 25 July 1922 that those on the anti-Treaty side were "misguided, but all of them are sincere". However, the subsequent government attitude under Cosgrave was that the anti-Treaty side were rebels against the lawful government, were not entitled to recognition as legitimate combatants.
Some of the officers of the new Irish Army, led by Liam Tobin, formed an association called the "Old IRA" to distinguish themselves from the anti-Treaty fighters. Some pro-Treaty IRA officers, such as Eoin O'Duffy, alleged that the "Irregulars" had not fought the British in the War of Independence. O'Duffy claimed that the Kerry IRA's sole contribution in 1919–21 was "the shooting of an unfortunate soldier on the day of the truce". In Kerry's case, this was far from true. Other IRA men such as Florence O'Donoghue formed a group called the "neutral IRA", which tried to reconcile the two factions. Meanwhile, the IRA in Northern Ireland maintained its links with Michael Collins; the Northern IRA launched a renewed military offensive in May 1922, in which it was aided covertly by both the National Army and the anti-Treaty IRA. This was interrupted by the outbreak of civil war in the new Irish Free State. Many Northern IRA men had to flee the North in order to escape internment or worse at the hands of the Northern authorities.
Over 500 of them ended up in the National Army during the civil war. The IRA had been expanded hugely in 1922, from 15,000 men before the truce with the British in July 1921, to over 72,000 by November 1922. Veterans of the War of Independence derisively termed the new recruits "truceileers"; these were to divide in broadly the same ratio as the veterans. At the beginning of the Civil War, the Free State had about 8,000 fighters pro-Treaty IRA volunteers; the anti-Treaty side could muster about 15,000 men but it could not arm them all. At the start of the war, they had just under 7,000 rifles, a few machine guns and a handful of armoured cars taken from British garrisons as they evacuated the country; the remainder of anti-Treaty IRA arms were other civilian weapons. Public support for the Treaty settlement and the new Irish Free State was reflected in the victory of the pro-Treaty sid
Time is an American weekly news magazine and news website published in New York City. It was founded in 1923 and run by Henry Luce. A European edition is published in London and covers the Middle East, and, since 2003, Latin America. An Asian edition is based in Hong Kong; the South Pacific edition, which covers Australia, New Zealand, the Pacific Islands, is based in Sydney. In December 2008, Time discontinued publishing a Canadian advertiser edition. Time has the world's largest circulation for a weekly news magazine; the print edition has a readership of 26 million. In mid-2012, its circulation was over three million, which had lowered to two million by late 2017. Richard Stengel was the managing editor from May 2006 to October 2013, when he joined the U. S. State Department. Nancy Gibbs was the managing editor from September 2013 until September 2017, she was succeeded by Edward Felsenthal, Time's digital editor. Time magazine was created in 1923 by Briton Hadden and Henry Luce, making it the first weekly news magazine in the United States.
The two had worked together as chairman and managing editor of the Yale Daily News. They first called the proposed magazine Facts, they wanted to emphasize brevity. They changed the name to Time and used the slogan "Take Time–It's Brief". Hadden was liked to tease Luce, he saw Time as important, but fun, which accounted for its heavy coverage of celebrities, the entertainment industry, pop culture—criticized as too light for serious news. It set out to tell the news through people, for many decades, the magazine's cover depicted a single person. More Time has incorporated "People of the Year" issues which grew in popularity over the years. Notable mentions of them were Steve Jobs, etc.. The first issue of Time was published on March 3, 1923, featuring Joseph G. Cannon, the retired Speaker of the House of Representatives, on its cover. 1, including all of the articles and advertisements contained in the original, was included with copies of the February 28, 1938 issue as a commemoration of the magazine's 15th anniversary.
The cover price was 15¢ On Hadden's death in 1929, Luce became the dominant man at Time and a major figure in the history of 20th-century media. According to Time Inc.: The Intimate History of a Publishing Enterprise 1972–2004 by Robert Elson, "Roy Edward Larsen was to play a role second only to Luce's in the development of Time Inc". In his book, The March of Time, 1935–1951, Raymond Fielding noted that Larsen was "originally circulation manager and general manager of Time publisher of Life, for many years president of Time Inc. and in the long history of the corporation the most influential and important figure after Luce". Around the time they were raising $100,000 from wealthy Yale alumni such as Henry P. Davison, partner of J. P. Morgan & Co. publicity man Martin Egan and J. P. Morgan & Co. banker Dwight Morrow, Henry Luce, Briton Hadden hired Larsen in 1922 – although Larsen was a Harvard graduate and Luce and Hadden were Yale graduates. After Hadden died in 1929, Larsen purchased 550 shares of Time Inc. using money he obtained from selling RKO stock which he had inherited from his father, the head of the Benjamin Franklin Keith theatre chain in New England.
However, after Briton Hadden's death, the largest Time, Inc. stockholder was Henry Luce, who ruled the media conglomerate in an autocratic fashion, "at his right hand was Larsen", Time's second-largest stockholder, according to Time Inc.: The Intimate History of a Publishing Enterprise 1923–1941. In 1929, Roy Larsen was named a Time Inc. director and vice president. J. P. Morgan retained a certain control through two directorates and a share of stocks, both over Time and Fortune. Other shareholders were the New York Trust Company; the Time Inc. stock owned by Luce at the time of his death was worth about $109 million, it had been yielding him a yearly dividend of more than $2.4 million, according to Curtis Prendergast's The World of Time Inc.: The Intimate History of a Changing Enterprise 1957–1983. The Larsen family's Time stock was worth around $80 million during the 1960s, Roy Larsen was both a Time Inc. director and the chairman of its executive committee serving as Time's vice chairman of the board until the middle of 1979.
According to the September 10, 1979, issue of The New York Times, "Mr. Larsen was the only employee in the company's history given an exemption from its policy of mandatory retirement at age 65." After Time magazine began publishing its weekly issues in March 1923, Roy Larsen was able to increase its circulation by using U. S. radio and movie theaters around the world. It promoted both Time magazine and U. S. political and corporate interests. According to The March of Time, as early as 1924, Larsen had brought Time into the infant radio business with the broadcast of a 15-minute sustaining quiz show entitled Pop Question which survived until 1925". In 1928, Larsen "undertook the weekly broadcast of a 10-minute programme series of brief news summaries, drawn from current issues of Time magazine, broadcast over 33 stations throughout the United States". Larsen next arranged for a 30-minute radio program, The March of Time, to be broadcast over CBS, beginning on March 6, 1931; each week, the program presented a dramatisation of the week's news for its listeners, thus Time magazine itself was brought "to the attention of millions unaware
An Phoblacht was a weekly, monthly, newspaper published by Sinn Féin in Ireland. From early 2018 An Phoblacht will move to a magazine format. Editorially the paper took a left-wing, Irish republican position and was supportive of the Northern Ireland peace process. Along with covering Irish political and trade union issues the newspaper featured interviews with celebrities, artists and international activists; the paper sold an average of up to 15,000 copies every week. During the 1981 Irish hunger strike its sales soared to over 70,000 per week, it was the first Irish paper to provide an edition online and has in excess of 100,000 website hits per week. The original An Phoblacht was founded as the official organ of the Dungannon Clubs in Belfast in 1906 and its first edition was printed on 13 December 1906 under the English-language version of the title The Republic. In the first edition, Bulmer Hobson, one of the founders of the Dungannon Clubs, set out their aims: "Ireland today claims her place among the free peoples of the Earth.
She has never surrendered that claim, nor will she surrender it, today forces are working in Ireland that will not be still until her claim is acknowledged and her voice heard in the councils of the nations." A year the paper merged with a Dublin title called The Peasant. However, the title An Phoblacht was again used from 1925 with Patrick Little as editor and continued until 1937 with a tumultuous history of internal splits and constant state oppression. From 1925 into 1926 Seán Lemass wrote a number of articles advocating the engagement into politics prior to the establishment of Fianna Fáil. Peadar O'Donnell took over as editor in April 1926 following a split in the republican movement. Frank Ryan edited the paper for some time other contributors were Maurice Twomey, Seán MacBride, Frank Gallagher, Hanna Sheehy-Skeffington and Fr Michael O'Flanagan, were just some of the prominent contributors during this time; the title appeared again in 1966 as the paper of a small IRA splinter group based in Cork.
Its modern version was again refounded following the Sinn Féin split by Jimmy Steele in January 1970, An Phoblacht supporting the group led by Ruaírí O'Bradaigh that became the Provisional IRA when the split with the Official Irish Republican Army occurred. In 1970, An Phoblacht was at first circulated only in the South with another republican paper established in Northern Ireland in 1970, Republican News, under the editorship of veteran republican Jimmy Steele, it supported the campaign of the Provisional Irish Republican Army and published a weekly column titled "War News", which outlined IRA actions and conflict with the British Army, provided in depth analysis of the policies being formulated by the Republican Movement. An Phoblacht began with a circulation of 20,000 per month. Located at 2a Lower Kevin Street in Dublin’s south inner city, it moved to the northside of the capital, to Kevin Barry House, 44 Parnell Square, in August 1972, and in that October it became a fortnightly publication under the editorship of Éamonn MacThomáis, a writer and historian who instituted changes in layout and general improvements so that it became a weekly publication.
After 1976, the Minister for Post and Telecommunications, Conor Cruise O'Brien, a Labour Party minister in the Fine Gael/Labour coalition, strengthened Jack Lynch’s original 1971 Section 31 censorship directive banning members of the IRA or its political wing Sinn Féin from the airwaves. However this ban did not extend to the print media. Section 31 produced a climate where many career journalists engaged in self-censorship to avoid official opprobrium. An Phoblacht became more important in disseminating the republican message and highlighting what it saw as the naked state oppression by the Unionist Party and the Royal Ulster Constabulary in Northern Ireland. However, it was the southern Irish government which harassed An Phoblacht most stridently, with regular Garda Special Branch investigations into the publication's links to the IRA. Mac Thomáis was arrested and charged with IRA membership and sentenced to 15 months’ imprisonment having been found guilty of the offence; the paper continued under the stewardship of Dublin journalist Deasún Breathnach until Mac Thomáis resumed duties on his release in July 1974.
Within two months, Mac Thomáis was again sentenced to another 15 months. Another editor, Coleman Moynihan, who had succeeded Seán Ó Brádaigh in 1972, suffered a similar fate; the paper continued on with the succeeding editors being Gerry Danaher, Gerry O’Hare, Deasún Breathnach. The Republican Movement felt that a single paper for the whole of Ireland was required to provide a clear and coherent line from the leadership and to counter what they regarded as any partitionist thinking which might flow from the British division of Ireland. Accordingly, on 27 January 1979, the first 12-page issue of the merged publications, under the banner of An Phoblacht/Republican News, appeared under the editorship of Danny Morrison. In the final editorial of Republican News on 20 January 1979, the essential thinking behind the merger was outlined: "To improve on both our reporting and analysis of the war in the North and of popular economic and social struggles in the South... the absolute necessity of one single united paper providing a clear line of republican leadership... the need to overcome any partitionist thinking which results from the British-enforced division of this
Fáilte Ireland is the National Tourism Development Authority of Ireland. This authority was established under the National Tourism Development Authority Act of 2003 and replaces and builds upon the functions of Bord Fáilte, its predecessor organization; as of 2019, Fáilte Ireland's current CEO is Paul Kelly. The legal name of the body is the National Tourism Development Authority, according to the National Tourism Development Authority Act 2003 which established it; the 2003 act empowers the body to use the trading name of Fáilte Ireland. The word fáilte is Irish for "welcome". In official Irish-language texts the form Fáilte Éireann has been used. After the foundation of the Irish Free State in 1922, hoteliers and others created local tourism boards in various regions, which combined in 1924 into the Irish Tourism Association, a private organisation "promoting tourism to the benefit of the nation". ITA lobbying led to the Irish Tourist Board being established by the Tourist Traffic Act 1939; this was renamed An Bord Fáilte by the Tourist Traffic Act 1952, which created a separate body, Fógra Fáilte, to handle publicity.
The Tourist Traffic Act 1955 remerged the two as Bord Fáilte Éireann. An Tóstal, a summer cultural festival held from 1953 to 1959, took up the bulk of the authority's work in this period. In 1963 the Council of Education and Training was created to take over training of workers in the hospitality industry. In 1964, eight regional tourist organisations were established which were intended to supersede the ITA; the RTOs reduced in number to six in the 1980s, were renamed regional tourist associations in 1996. In 1989 the Dublin RTO lost a High Court action to prevent BFÉ dissolving it. In 2003 CERT and BFÉ merged to form Fáilte Ireland, to better co-ordinate with Tourism Ireland, the all-island body established under the Good Friday Agreement; the advent of travel websites reduced the usefulness of the RTAs and a 2005 PricewaterhouseCoopers report recommended substantial reorganisation. Dublin Tourism's separate status ended in 2012 in line with a 2011 report by Grant Thornton. Fáilte Ireland played a leading role in The Gathering Ireland 2013, a year-long programme of events encouraging members of the Irish diaspora to visit their region of origin.
The goal of Fáilte Ireland is to provide strategic and practical support in developing and sustaining Ireland as a high-quality and competitive tourist destination. Fáilte Ireland works in partnership with tourism interests to support the industry in its efforts to be more profitable and to help individual tourist enterprises enhance their performance, its activities fall into four areas: Tourism Marketing: provides marketing support and a range of cost-efficient promotional opportunities for Irish product providers, marketing groups, tour operators, handling agents, other tourism interests as well as visitor services to consumers. Fáilte Ireland's "Festivals and Cultural Events Initiative" and "Sports Tourism Initiative" fall under this heading. Training Services: provides education and advice for people working in the tourism industry including training unemployed adults and assisting them back into the workforce. Fáilte Ireland have launched a new campaign which aims to encourage and support young people into choosing a career in the tourism sector.
The campaign is called'Pick Tourism' and it ulitises social networking sites such as Bebo in an effort to reach out to young people. Product Development: provides support for selective capital investment in tourism product through grant-aid and tax incentive schemes and encourages new and innovative products and areas of service. Research and Statistics: provides overviews of tourism performance and profiles all aspects of tourism development to provides a knowledge base to guide industry development and services. Fáilte Ireland has identified and markets several tourism regions, including: The Wild Atlantic Way Ireland's Ancient East Ireland's Hidden Heartlands Dublin The Gathering Ireland 2013 Tourism Ireland Casey, J. Jerome. "Appendix 1: National Tourism Organisations and Irish Tourism". Rejuvenating Dublin’s Tourism Product. Dublin City Business Association. Pp. 97–101. Retrieved 30 November 2015. Grant Thornton. "Dublin Tourism Final Report: A review of Dublin Tourism on behalf of Fáilte Ireland".
Archived from the original on 8 December 2015. Retrieved 30 November 2015. Strategy Advisory Services. "Review of Regional Tourism Structures in Ireland". PricewaterhouseCoopers. Archived from the original on 8 December 2015. Retrieved 30 November 2015. Zuelow, Eric G. E.. "Bord Fáilte Eireann". In Byrne, James Patrick. Ireland and the Americas: Culture and History: a Multidisciplinary Encyclopedia. Vol.2. ABC-CLIO. Pp. 103–104. ISBN 9781851096145. Retrieved 30 November 2015. Zuelow, Eric. Making Ireland Irish: Tourism and National Identity Since the Irish Civil War. Syracuse University Press. ISBN 9780815632252. Retrieved 30 November 2015. "National Tourism Development Authority Act 2003". Irish Statute Book. Retrieved 2 December 2015. Official website Media related to Fáilte Ireland at Wikimedia Commons
Unionism in Ireland
Unionism in Ireland is a political ideology that favours the continuation of some form of political union between the islands of Ireland and Great Britain. Since the partition of Ireland, unionism in Ireland has focused on maintaining and preserving the place of Northern Ireland within the United Kingdom. In this context, a distinction may be made between the unionism in the province of Ulster and unionism elsewhere in Ireland. Today in Northern Ireland, unionist ideology is expressed in a number of ways: voting for political candidates who espouse unionism, participation in unionist culture, preferences for particular newspapers or sports teams. Irish nationalism is opposed to the ideology of unionism. Most unionists come from Protestant backgrounds. Exceptions to these generalisations exist: there are Protestant nationalists and there are Catholic unionists; the political relationship between England and Ireland dates from the 12th century with the establishment of the Lordship of Ireland. After four centuries of the Lordship, the declaration of the independence of the Church of England from papal supremacy and the rejection of the authority of the Holy See required the creation of a new basis to legitimise the continued rule of the English monarch in Ireland.
In 1542, the Crown of Ireland Act was passed by both the Irish Parliaments. The Act established a sovereign Kingdom of Ireland with Henry VIII as King of Ireland. Both parliaments passed the Acts of Union 1800 by which a new state was created - the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. In 1922, twenty-six counties of Ireland gained autonomy from the U. K. as the Irish Free State. The Republic of Ireland left the Commonwealth of Nations; the remaining six counties of the island of Ireland constituted the territory of Northern Ireland. In 1927, the realm, consisting of combined territories of Northern Ireland and Great Britain, was renamed the "United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland". Today, unionism is exclusively an issue for Northern Ireland, it is concerned with relationship between Northern Ireland and Great Britain. Irish unionism is centred on an identification with Protestantism in the sense of Britishness, although not to the exclusion of a sense of Irishness or of an affinity to Northern Ireland specifically.
Unionism emerged as a unified force in opposition to William Ewart Gladstone's Home Rule Bill of 1886. Irish nationalists believed in separation from Great Britain, whether through repeal of the 1800 Act of Union, "home rule", or complete independence. Unionists believed in maintaining and deepening the relationship between the various nations of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, they expressed pride in symbols of Britishness. A key symbol for unionists is the Union Flag. Unionist areas of Northern Ireland display this and other symbols to show the loyalty and sense of identity of the community. Unionism is known for its allegiance to the person of the British monarch and today. Most unionists in Ireland have been Protestants and most nationalists have been Catholics, this remains the case. However, a significant number of Protestants have adhered to the nationalist cause, with Catholics and unionism; these phenomena continue to exist in Northern Ireland. Both unionism and nationalism have had anti-sectarian elements.
While nationalism has had a number of Protestant leaders, unionism was invariably always led by Protestant leaders and politicians. Prior to a decades-long ban, Catholics had been allowed to be members of the UUP as as the 1920s, including Denis Henry, a member of the UUP from its foundation in 1905 and a UUP MP for South Londonderry. Catholics were once more permitted to join the UUP in the 1960s but their continued dearth among the leadership, meant the UUP were still vulnerable to accusations of sectarianism. Only one Catholic, G. B. Newe, served in the Government of Northern Ireland. In his Nobel Peace Prize acceptance lecture in 1998, UUP leader David Trimble suggested that Northern Ireland had been a "cold house" for Catholics in the past. People espousing unionist beliefs are sometimes referred to as loyalists; the two words are sometimes used interchangeably, but the latter is more associated with hardline forms of unionism. In some cases it has been associated with individual or groups who support or engage in political violence.
Most unionists do not describe themselves as loyalists. In Irish, the terms aontachtóir and dílseoir are used. A similar distinction exists in relation to Irish nationalists. Mainstream nationalists, such as the supporters of the Social Democratic and Labour Party and the main parties in the Republic of Ireland, are referred to by that term; the more militant strand of nationalism, which includes groups such as Sinn Féin and 32 County Sovereignty Movement, is known as republicanism. In the Republic of Ireland, the republican tradition has moved into the mainstream. Today the republican party, Fianna Fáil, has little in common with militant republicans other than certain ideological and historical perspectives. In Irish, the terms poblachtánach and náisiúnach are used. Unionism has tra
Northern Ireland peace process
The Northern Ireland peace process is considered to cover the events leading up to the 1994 Provisional Irish Republican Army ceasefire, the end of most of the violence of the Troubles, the Good Friday Agreement of 1998, subsequent political developments. In 1994, talks between the leaders of the two main Irish nationalist parties in Northern Ireland, John Hume of the Social Democratic and Labour Party, Gerry Adams of Sinn Féin, continued; these talks led to a series of joint statements on. The talks had been going on since the late 1980s and had secured the backing of the Irish Government through an intermediary, Father Alec Reid. In November it was revealed that the British government had been in talks with the Provisional IRA, although they had long denied it. On Wednesday 15 December 1993, the Joint Declaration on Peace was issued by John Major Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, Albert Reynolds Taoiseach, on behalf of the British and Irish governments; this included statements that: The British government had no "selfish strategic or economic" interest in Northern Ireland.
This statement would lead to the repeal of the Government of Ireland Act 1920. The British government would uphold the right of the people of Northern Ireland to decide between the Union with Great Britain or a united Ireland; the people of the island of Ireland and South, had the exclusive right to solve the issues between North and South by mutual consent. The Irish government would try to address unionist fears of a united Ireland by amending the Irish Constitution according to the principle of consent; this would lead to the modification of the Articles 2 and 3. A united Ireland could only be brought about by peaceful means. Peace must involve a permanent end to the use of, or support for, paramilitary violence. Ian Paisley of the Democratic Unionist Party opposed the Declaration, James Molyneaux of the Ulster Unionist Party argued that it was not a "sell-out" of unionists, Gerry Adams of Sinn Féin requested dialogue with the governments and clarification of the Declaration. On 6 April 1994 the Provisional IRA announced a three-day "temporary cessation of hostilities" to run from Wednesday 6 April – Friday 8 April 1994.
Five months on Wednesday 31 August 1994, the Provisional IRA announced a "cessation of military operations" from midnight. Albert Reynolds, the Irish Taoiseach, said that he accepted the IRA statement as implying a permanent ceasefire. Many unionists were sceptical. UUP leader James Molyneaux, in a rare slip, declared "This is the worst thing that has happened to us."In the following period there were disputes about the permanence of the ceasefire, whether parties linked to paramilitaries should be included in talks, the rate of "normalisation" in Northern Ireland. Loyalist bombings and shootings, punishment beatings from both sides, continued; this is an abbreviated list of events of significance in the lead-up to all-party negotiations: 13 October 1994 The Combined Loyalist Military Command, representing the Ulster Volunteer Force, Ulster Defence Association and Red Hand Commandos announce a loyalist paramilitary ceasefire. Friday 15 December 1994: Albert Reynolds resigned as Taoiseach of the Republic of Ireland following the collapse of his Fianna Fáil/Labour coalition.
He was succeeded by John Bruton, heading a "Rainbow Coalition" of Fine Gael and Democratic Left. Wednesday 22 February 1995: Framework Documents published: A New Framework For Agreement, which dealt with North/South institutions, A Framework for Accountable Government in Northern Ireland, which proposed a single-chamber 90-member Assembly, to be elected by proportional representation and, put directly to the electorate in 1997 by Conservative Party candidates standing in Northern Ireland at the general election; the proposals were not welcomed by unionists and the DUP described it as a "one-way street to Dublin" and a "joint government programme for Irish unity". Sunday 13 August 1995: Gerry Adams, Sinn Féin President, addressed a demonstration at Belfast City Hall. A member of the crowd called out to Adams to, "bring back the IRA". In reply Adams said: "They haven't gone away, you know". Friday 8 September 1995: David Trimble was elected leader of the UUP, replacing James Molyneaux. Friday 24 November 1995: a referendum in the Republic of Ireland to change the constitution to allow divorce was narrowly approved, with 50.2% in favour.
Divorce had long been available north of the border. The ban in the Republic was sometimes cited by unionists as evidence of excessive influence by the Catholic Church in the Republic which would represent a threat to the religious liberty of non-Catholics. Tuesday 28 November 1995: a joint communiqué by the British and Irish Governments outlined a "'twin-track' process to make progress in parallel on the decommissioning issue and on all-party negotiations". Preparatory talks were to lead to all-party negotiations beginning by the end of February 1996. US Senator George Mitchell was to lead an international body to provide an independent assessment of the decommissioning issue. Thursday 30 November 1995: Bill Clinton President of the United States, visited Northern Ireland, spoke in favour of the "peace process" to a huge rally at Belfast's City Hall, he called terrorists "yesterday's men". Wednesday 20 December 1995: blaming the Provisional IRA for recent killings of drug dealers, the Irish government decided not to give permanent release to a further ten republican prisoners.
Wednesday 24 January 1996: Dated 22 Januar
The Arms Crisis was a political scandal in the Republic of Ireland in 1970 in which Charles Haughey and Neil Blaney were dismissed as cabinet ministers for alleged involvement in a conspiracy to smuggle arms to the Irish Republican Army in Northern Ireland. At the ensuing Arms Trial, charges against Blaney were dropped, Haughey and the other alleged conspirators were found not guilty. Blaney claimed that the government knew about the plan, while Haughey denied any involvement; the events occurred during the Fianna Fáil government of Jack Lynch. Amid the 1969 Northern Ireland riots, which would lead to the Troubles, nationalist families were being forced from their homes, refugees "streamed over the border" into the Republic; the Dublin government established a cabinet subcommittee to organise emergency assistance and relief. Haughey Minister for Finance and the hardline Blaney, Minister for Agriculture and Fisheries, from the Donegal North-East constituency bordering Northern Ireland were members of the subcommittee, along with Pádraig Faulkner and Joseph Brennan.
Jack Lynch took little interest in the work of the subcommittee, after an initial meeting and Brennan seem to have left their senior colleagues Haughey and Blaney to their own devices. A government fund of £100,000 was set up to provide relief to civilians forced out of their homes by the Troubles, Haughey was given sole authority over this money. Ministers Haughey and Blaney disapproved of the cautious policies of Taoiseach Lynch on Northern Ireland and favoured a more robust approach. In August 1969 Lynch had asked Irish Army Intelligence to draft proposals for limited military intervention in Northern Ireland to protect nationalist areas from Ulster loyalist mobs, known as Exercise Armageddon, but it was seen to be unworkable and was not adopted by the cabinet; the nationalist areas were given a form of protection in August by British forces in Operation Banner, Lynch saw this as an effective short-term measure. On 30 October 1968, Lynch had met with British Prime Minister Harold Wilson in London and had called on Britain to take steps to end the partition of Ireland.
Blaney was an outspoken critic of government policy on Northern Ireland, but Haughey had not publicly opposed Lynch's policy. In October 1969, a meeting of the Northern Citizen Defence Committees, set up to defend nationalist areas from unionist attack and which included IRA officers, was held in Bailieboro, County Cavan, with Irish Army intelligence officer Captain James Kelly in attendance; the meeting was told that £50,000 would be made available to buy weapons for defence of nationalist areas against loyalist attack. Haughey met with the IRA Chief of Staff Cathal Goulding. Garda Special Branch informed the Minister for Justice Mícheál Ó Móráin of this meeting and he reported it to the Cabinet, but Haughey dismissed it as a chance encounter. Neil Blaney made plans with Captain James Kelly to import weapons from continental Europe. Haughey provided the money for the purchase from his civilian relief fund, tried to arrange customs clearance for the shipment. By late April 1970, the Garda Síochána Special Branch had informed Lynch.
However, Lynch took no action until the leader of the opposition, Liam Cosgrave was informed by the Special Branch of the smuggling scheme and pressed the Taoiseach to take action. Haughey and Blaney were sacked by Lynch on 6 May. Kevin Boland, the Minister for Social Welfare resigned from the government in protest at the sackings as he was adamant that Jack Lynch and most of the Cabinet—in particular Jim Gibbons Minister for Defence—knew about the plan to import arms all along; the Minister for Justice, Mícheál Ó Móráin, in hospital at the time was asked to resign on 4 May. He claimed that he had in fact informed Lynch of the individuals involved. On 28 May 1970, Haughey and Blaney went on trial in Dublin, together with an Irish Army intelligence officer, Captain James Kelly, a Belfast republican leader named John Kelly and Belgian businessman and accused Nazi Albert Luykx, who had agreed to use his contacts to acquire the weapons. All charges against Blaney were dropped in the District Court on 2 July 1970 and as a result he was not tried, before the main trial got underway under Justice Aindrias Ó Caoimh.
The trial collapsed a week after allegations of bias. Following a second trial the other four defendants were cleared on 23 October. At the trial there was a direct contradiction of evidence regarding the sanctioning of the imports between Haughey and the chief prosecutorial witness, Jim Gibbons, Minister for Defence at the time of the attempted imports. Haughey admitted arranging customs clearance for the shipment, but claimed in his defence that he did not know it consisted of weapons; this directly contradicted the evidence of Gibbons and Peter Berry that Haughey was aware of all the details of the conspiracy. It contradicted the testimony of his co-defendants, who admitted that they had tried to import weapons, but maintained that the shipment had been authorised by the government. During the trial the judge remarked that either Gibbons had to be committing perjury; the resignations and sackings left four vacancies in cabinet. As a result, there was a major cabinet reshuffle and some senior politicians of the future, such as Desmond O'Malley and Gerry Collins, got their first step on the ministerial ladder.
The scandal led to bitter divisions in Fianna Fáil between supporters of the sacked ministers Haughey and Blaney and supporters of Lynch. The same divisions affected government policy on Northern Ireland. Although the events led to Haughey being demoted to the back-benches, he remain