Émile Jamil Lahoud is a Lebanese politician, President of Lebanon from 1998 to 2007. Emile Lahoud was born in Baabdat on 12 January 1936. However, his birthplace is given as Beirut by the Armed Forces, he is the youngest son of General Jamil Lahoud. His mother, Andrenee Bajakian, is of Armenian descent from the Armenian-populated village of Kesab in Syria. Lahoud's older brother, Nasri Lahoud, was a judge. Emile Lahoud is the nephew of Salim Lahoud who served as Lebanese foreign minister from 1955 to 1957. Emile Lahoud is the great-grandson of Takouhi Kalebjian and Minas Sagerian on his maternal side who were from Adabazar, Ottoman Empire. Adabazar is located about 50 miles outside Istanbul on the Black Sea. Both Minas and Takouhi were massacred during the Armenian Genocide which occurred under the rule of the Ottoman Empire during World War I.in 2001, Lahoud visited Armenia. In his short working visit, he found time to walk around Yerevan and visit Tsitsernakaberd, the Armenia Genocide memorial complex and laid a wreath at the eternal flame in the memory of the victims.
Lahoud received his elementary education at the Collège de La Sagesse in Beirut and his secondary education at Brummana High School in north Metn. He studied there for one year, he attended Dartmouth Naval College in the United Kingdom. He returned to the Lebanese military academy and graduated as an ensign. In 1986, he took a navy engineering course at the Naval Engineering Academy in the United Kingdom; as a captain, he attended the U. S. Naval War College, in Newport, Rhode Island, graduating in 1973. Lahoud became lieutenant junior grade on 18 September 1962 and lieutenant on 1 April 1969, he was promoted to lieutenant commander on 1 January 1974 and to commander on 1 January 1976. He began to serve as a Navy Engineer Staff Captain from 1 January 1980 and as a Navy Engineer Staff Rear Admiral from 1 January 1985. On 28 November 1989, he was promoted to Major Lieutenant General. Although he was trained as a naval officer, Lahoud benefited from the appointment of his maternal cousin, General Jean Njeim, as army commander and was appointed to head the transportation section of the army's fourth division in 1970.
Although Njeim died in a helicopter crash in 1971, Lahoud rose through the ranks of its officer corps. In 1980, he was appointed Director of Personnel in the Army Command. In 1983, he was given an administrative position at the Defense Ministry, where he was responsible for coordination between ministry officials and the Commander of the Lebanese Army, a position, held by General Michel Aoun in 1984. Lahoud allowed Lebanese's security-military apparatus to be controlled by Syria. Lahoud ran for the presidency in 1998 after having the constitution amended to allow the army commander-in-chief to run for office; this amendment is believed to have been backed by Syria. His presidency was secured following the receipt of 118 votes from the 128-member Lebanese Parliament; when he became Lebanon's president in 1998, he aligned himself with Hezbollah, picked his own man as prime minister, Selim al-Hoss. This led to heightened tensions between Rafiq Lahoud; the other significant move Lahoud made shortly after his presidency was a request that Syria remove Ghazi Kanaan, serving as Syria's intelligence chief in Lebanon.
Lahoud's request was not entertained. During his term, he exerted more control over government decision-making than Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri or Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri. In August 2001, he modified the limits on the executive authority of the presidency stipulated in the 1989 Ta'if Accord and ordered security forces to launch a massive arrest sweep against nationalist dissidents without informing Hariri and other cabinet ministers. In 2004, his six-year presidential term would have finished. Syria, although hesitant about Lahoud's candidacy, encouraged the extension of his term for three more years, regarding him as key to their control over Lebanon; the extension would be possible. The Syrian leadership was reported to have threatened Hariri and others into endorsing the amendment; the intention to extend Lahoud's term prompted significant domestic turmoil. Hariri and the parliamentary majority voted for the extension of Lahoud's presidential term until November 2007, with 96 deputies voting in favor of the amendment against 29 who were opposed.
However, four cabinet members resigned from office on 7 September 2004 in protest of the amendment: economy minister Marwan Hamadeh, culture minister Ghazi Aridi, environment minister Farès Boueiz and refugee affairs minister Abdullah Farhat. On the other hand, both the Iranian government and Hezbollah viewed the extension of his term as a desirable development: Iranian President Mohammad Khatami telephoned his congratulations to Lahoud, a delegation of top Hezbollah officials visited Lahoud to convey Nasrallah's congratulations; the extension of Lahoud's term is seen as a clear example of Syria's control of Lebanese politics. In a 2006 Der Spiegel interview, Lahoud argued that Hezbollah enjoys prestige in Lebanon, because it "freed our country", he further stated that although Hezbollah is a small-scale organization, it stands up to Israel and voiced his respect for Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah. In 2007, his presidential term ended. However, a new president was not elected. Following a political deadlock which lasted for six months, the Lebanese parliament elected former army chief Michel Suleiman as president.
It was claimed that Lahoud spent much of his presidency term swimming and sunbathing at the Yarz
Bachir Gemayel Bashir Gemayel was a senior member of the right-wing Christian Phalange party and the founder and supreme commander of the Lebanese Forces militia during the early years of the Lebanese Civil War. He was one of the most controversial figures in Lebanese history, he was elected president on 23 August 1982 while the country was torn by civil war and occupied by both Israel and Syria. He was assassinated on 14 September 1982, along with 26 others, when a bomb exploded in Beirut Phalange headquarters. While some have accused Habib Tanious Shartouni, the US Federal Bureau of Investigation blamed the Syrian Social Nationalist Party. Bachir was born in the Achrafieh neighborhood of Beirut on 10 November 1947, the youngest of six children; the Gemayel family originated from Bikfaya village in the Matn District of Lebanon and is one of the most influential Christian families in the country. His father was Pierre Gemayel. Bachir Gemayel attended the Jesuit Collège Notre Dame de Jamhour and the Institution Moderne du Liban - Fanar.
He completed his university education at St. Joseph University in Beirut. After teaching for three years at the Lebanese Modern Institute, he graduated in 1971 with a bachelor's degree in law and another in political sciences in 1973. In 1971, Gemayel studied at The Center for American and International Law near Dallas, Texas in the United States. Qualifying in 1972, he opened an office in Hamra Street, West Beirut. Bashir's father Pierre Gemayel studied pharmacology in Europe and founded the Phalange Party in 1936 upon his return to Lebanon, modelling the party after the Spanish and Italian Fascist parties he had observed there, it swelled to 40,000 members. Although he became a Lebanese minister, was targeted in at least two assassination attempts, Pierre Gemayel never rose to the prominence of his sons but remained a powerful figure until his death in 1984. A month after Bashir's death, his brother Amine Gemayel was elected president in 1982, remaining in office until the end of his constitutional second term in 1988.
Many of Bashir's other family members would go on to be elected into the Lebanese parliament: His widow Solange Gemayel, his son Nadim Gemayel, his nephews Sami Gemayel and Pierre Amine Gemayel who served as the Minister of Industry in 2005 until his assassination on 21 November 2006. Bachir became a member of the Kataeb Party's youth section. Bachir realized the dangers that surrounded Lebanon in 1958, so he spent a lot of time with the organized political wing of the Kataeb Party, he attended the meetings organized by the Kataeb Student Section, he was the president of the Kataeb Circle in St. Joseph University between 1965 and 1971. In the late 1960s, he underwent paramilitary training in Bikfaya, he was appointed squad leader of a militia unit of the Kataeb Regulatory Forces - KRF. In the early 1970s, he formed the "Bikfaya Squad" within the RKF, where he became acquainted with the basics of military combat. In 1968, he participated in a student colloquium organized by the newspaper Orient, following events which occurred across Lebanese universities between the Muslim and leftist Pan-Arabist students supporting the Palestinians in Lebanon on one side, Lebanese Christian nationalist students on the other.
After the 1968-69 clashes between the Lebanese Army and the PLO, Bachir gathered a group of Christian students, started training them in the Kataeb-run Tabrieh training camp, located near Bsharri in the Keserwan District mountains. This was the start of what would become the Lebanese Forces. At this stage, he was a junior militia commander under the orders of William Hawi, the founder and head of the KRF. In 1970, Bachir was kidnapped by Palestinian militants in Lebanon and taken to the Tel al-Zaatar refugee camp, he was released 8 hours later. Bachir became a member of the "BG Squad" formed by William Hawi, he was a revolutionary in the party. He became close with Jean Nader, the leader of Achrafieh at that time, became the vice president of that Lebanese Capital district, a position that he held from 1971 until 1975. Bachir became the head of the "BG Squad" after its members found him as a leader more close to their views; this group was formed of 12 specially trained members such as Fouad Abou Nader, Fadi Frem, Elie Hobeika and others.
They were fierce fighters, they were known for their violent performance in the field. This group was out of the direct control of the party, he had his own views and principles, he wanted to run for the Vice Presidency of the party, but his men said to him that they wanted him as the leader of the "Lebanese Forces" and not the VP of a party. In addition, many members of the party did not want him as the VP because he was the son of Pierre Gemayel, the founder and president of the party; the elections did not take place until after his assassination. Bachir submitted his resignation from the party in 1976; this was because the Kataeb Party was forced to approve the entrance of the Syrian Army to Lebanon to put an end to the war, but Bachir refused to accept this, being against the Syrian intervention because he believed that Syria wanted to annex Lebanon. He came to this conclusion because the Syrian officials stated that Lebanon is part of Syria and
Hezbollah —also transliterated Hizbullah, etc.—is a Shi'a Islamist political party and militant group based in Lebanon. Hezbollah's paramilitary wing is the Jihad Council, its political wing is Loyalty to the Resistance Bloc party in the Lebanese parliament. Since the death of Abbas al-Musawi in 1992, the group has been headed by Hassan Nasrallah, its Secretary-General; the group, along with its military wing is considered a terrorist organization by the United States, Canada, the Arab League, the Gulf Cooperation Council, the United Kingdom and the European Union. After the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982 in support of the Free Lebanon State, Israel occupied a strip of south Lebanon, controlled by the South Lebanon Army, a Lebanese Christian militia supported by Israel. Hezbollah was founded in the early 1980s as part of an Iranian effort to aggregate a variety of militant Lebanese Shi'a groups into a unified organization. Hezbollah acts as a proxy for Iran in the ongoing Iran–Israel proxy conflict.
Hezbollah was conceived by Muslim clerics and funded by Iran to harass the Israeli occupation. Its leaders were followers of Ayatollah Khomeini, its forces were trained and organized by a contingent of 1,500 Revolutionary Guards that arrived from Iran with permission from the Syrian government, in occupation of Lebanon at the time. Hezbollah's 1985 manifesto listed its objectives as the expulsion of "the Americans, the French and their allies from Lebanon, putting an end to any colonialist entity on our land", submission of the Phalangists to "just power" and bringing them to justice "for the crimes they have perpetrated against Muslims and Christians", permitting "all the sons of our people" to choose the form of government they want, while calling on them to "pick the option of Islamic government". Hezbollah waged a guerilla campaign in South Lebanon and as a result, Israel withdrew from Lebanon on 24 May 2000, the SLA collapsed and surrendered. Hezbollah organised volunteers. Hezbollah's military strength has grown so that its paramilitary wing is considered more powerful than the Lebanese Army.
Hezbollah has been described as a "state within a state", has grown into an organization with seats in the Lebanese government, a radio and a satellite TV station, social services and large-scale military deployment of fighters beyond Lebanon's borders. Hezbollah is part of the March 8 Alliance within Lebanon, in opposition to the March 14 Alliance. Hezbollah maintains strong support among Lebanon's Shi'a population, while Sunnis have disagreed with the group's agenda. Hezbollah finds support from within some Christian areas of Lebanon that are Hezbollah strongholds. Hezbollah receives military training and financial support from Iran, political support from Syria. Hezbollah and Israel fought each other in the 2006 Lebanon War. After the 2006–08 Lebanese protests and clashes, a national unity government was formed in 2008, with Hezbollah and its opposition allies obtaining eleven of thirty cabinets seats, enough to give them veto power. In August 2008, Lebanon's new Cabinet unanimously approved a draft policy statement which recognized Hezbollah's existence as an armed organization and guarantees its right to "liberate or recover occupied lands".
Since 2012, Hezbollah has helped the Syrian government during the Syrian civil war in its fight against the Syrian opposition, which Hezbollah has described as a Zionist plot and a "Wahhabi-Zionist conspiracy" to destroy its alliance with Assad against Israel. It has deployed its militia in both Syria and Iraq to fight or train local forces to fight against ISIS. Once seen as a resistance movement throughout much of the Arab world, this image upon which the group's legitimacy rested has been damaged due to the sectarian nature of the Syrian Civil War in which it has become embroiled. After the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982, Israel occupied a strip of south Lebanon, controlled by the South Lebanon Army, a militia supported by Israel. Hezbollah was conceived by Muslim clerics and funded by Iran to harass the Israeli occupation, its leaders were followers of Ayatollah Khomeini, its forces were trained and organized by a contingent of 1,500 Revolutionary Guards that arrived from Iran with permission from the Syrian government, in occupation of Lebanon at the time.
Scholars differ as to. Various sources list the official formation of the group as early as 1982 whereas Diaz and Newman maintain that Hezbollah remained an amalgamation of various violent Shi'a extremists until as late as 1985. Another version states that it was formed by supporters of Sheikh Ragheb Harb, a leader of the southern Shia resistance killed by Israel in 1984. Regardless of when the name came into official use, a number of Shi'a groups were assimilated into the organization, such as Islamic Jihad, Organization of the Oppressed on Earth and the Revolutionary Justice Organization; these designations are considered to be synonymous with Hezbollah by Israel and Canada. Hezbollah emerged in South Lebanon during a consolidation of Shia militias as a rival to the older Amal Movement. Hezbollah played a significant role in the Lebanese civil war, opposing American forces in 1982–83 and opposing Amal and Syria during the 1985–88 War of the Camps. However, Hezbollah's early primary focus was ending Israel's occupation of southern Lebanon following Israel's 1982 invasion and siege of Beirut.
Amal, the main Lebanese Shia political group, initiated guerrilla warfare. In 2006, former Israe
Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party – Lebanon Region
The Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party – Lebanon Region the Lebanon Regional Branch, is a political party in Lebanon. It is the regional branch of the Damascus-based Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party. Fayez Shukr has been party leader since 2005 when he succeeded Sayf al-Din Ghazi who in turn succeeded Assem Qanso; the Lebanese branch of the undivided Ba'ath Party had been formed in 1949–1950. Assem Qanso is the longest-serving secretary of the Lebanese Ba'ath Party. During the Lebanese Civil War, the party had the Assad Battalion; the party joined forces with Kamal Jumblatt's Progressive Socialist Party in organizing the Lebanese National Movement, seeking to abolish the confessional state. The Lebanese National Movement was superseded by the Lebanese National Resistance Front, in which the party participated; the party organized resistance against Israeli forces in Lebanon. In July 1987 it took part in forming the Unification and Liberation Front. In the 2009 parliamentary election, the party won two seats as part of the March 8 Alliance.
The parliamentarians of the party are Qassem Hashem. The Lebanese Ba'ath Party is militarily involved in the Syrian Civil War, has sent militias under its control to aid Bashar al-Assad's government against the Syrian opposition. One of the party's militia commanders, Hussein Ali Rabiha from Nabatieh, was killed during the Daraa offensive. Mahmoud Baydoun Magali Nasrawin Assem Qanso Abdullah Al-Amin Abdallah Chahal Sayf al-Din Ghazi Assem Qanso Sayf al-Din Ghazi Fayez Shukr Socialist Arab Lebanon Vanguard Party Lebanese Civil War Lebanese National Movement Mountain War
Lebanese Civil War
The Lebanese Civil War was a multifaceted civil war in Lebanon, lasting from 1975 to 1990 and resulting in an estimated 120,000 fatalities. As of 2012 76,000 people remain displaced within Lebanon. There was an exodus of one million people from Lebanon as a result of the war. Before the war, Lebanon was multisectarian, with Sunni Muslims and Christians being the majorities in the coastal cities, Shia Muslims being based in the south and the Beqaa Valley to the east, with the mountain populations being Druze and Christian; the government of Lebanon had been run under a significant influence of the elites among the Maronite Christians. The link between politics and religion had been reinforced under the mandate of the French colonial powers from 1920 to 1943, the parliamentary structure favored a leading position for the Christians. However, the country had a large Muslim population and many pan-Arabist and left-wing groups opposed the pro-western government; the establishment of the state of Israel and the displacement of a hundred thousand Palestinian refugees to Lebanon during the 1948 and 1967 exoduses contributed to shifting the demographic balance in favor of the Muslim population.
The Cold War had a powerful disintegrative effect on Lebanon, linked to the polarization that preceded the 1958 political crisis, since Maronites sided with the West while leftist and pan-Arab groups sided with Soviet-aligned Arab countries. Fighting between Maronite and Palestinian forces began in 1975 Leftist, pan-Arabist and Muslim Lebanese groups formed an alliance with the Palestinians. During the course of the fighting, alliances shifted and unpredictably. Furthermore, foreign powers, such as Israel and Syria, became involved in the war and fought alongside different factions. Peace keeping forces, such as the Multinational Force in Lebanon and UNIFIL, were stationed in Lebanon; the 1989 Taif Agreement marked the beginning of the end of the fighting. In January 1989, a committee appointed by the Arab League began to formulate solutions to the conflict. In March 1991, parliament passed an amnesty law that pardoned all political crimes prior to its enactment. In May 1991, the militias were dissolved, with the exception of Hezbollah, while the Lebanese Armed Forces began to rebuild as Lebanon's only major non-sectarian institution.
Religious tensions between Sunnis and Shias remained after the war. In 1860 a civil war between Druze and Maronites erupted in the Ottoman Mutasarrifate of Mount Lebanon, divided between them in 1842; the war resulted in the massacre of at least 6,000 Druzes. The 1860 war was considered by the Druze as a political defeat. World War I was hard for the Lebanese. While the rest of the world was occupied with the World War, the people in Lebanon were suffering from a famine that would last nearly four years. With the defeat and dissolution of the Ottoman Empire, Turkish rule ended. France took control of the area under the French Mandate for Syria and the Lebanon under the League of Nations; the French created the state of Greater Lebanon as a safe haven for the Maronites, but included a large Muslim population within the borders. In 1926, Lebanon was declared a republic, a constitution was adopted. However, the constitution was suspended in 1932. Various factions sought independence from the French.
In 1934, the country's first census was conducted. In 1936, the Maronite Phalange party was founded by Pierre Gemayel. World War II and the 1940s brought great change to the Middle East. Lebanon was promised independence, achieved on 22 November 1943. Free French troops, who had invaded Lebanon in 1941 to rid Beirut of the Vichy French forces, left the country in 1946; the Maronites assumed power over the economy. A parliament was created in which Christians each had a set quota of seats. Accordingly, the President was to be a Maronite, the Prime Minister a Sunni Muslim and the Speaker of Parliament a Shia Muslim; the United Nations Partition Plan for Palestine in late 1947 led to civil war in Palestine, the end of Mandatory Palestine, the Israeli Declaration of Independence on 14 May 1948. With nationhood, the ongoing civil war was transformed into a state conflict between Israel and the Arab states, the 1948 Arab–Israeli War. All this led to Palestinian refugees crossing the border into Lebanon.
Palestinians would go on to play a important role in future Lebanese civil conflicts, while the establishment of Israel radically changed the region around Lebanon. In July 1958, Lebanon was threatened by a civil war between Maronite Christians and Muslims. President Camille Chamoun had attempted to break the stranglehold on Lebanese politics exercised by traditional political families in Lebanon; these families maintained their electoral appeal by cultivating strong client-patron relations with their local communities. Although he succeeded in sponsoring alternative political candidates to enter the elections in 1957, causing the traditional families to lose their positions, these families embarked upon a war with Chamoun, referred to as the War of the Pashas. In previous years, tensions with Egypt had escalated in 1956 when the non-aligned President, Camille Chamoun, did not break off diplomatic relations with the Western powers that attacked Egypt during the Suez Crisis, angering Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser.
This was during the Cold War and Chamoun has been called pro-Western, though he had signed several trade deals with the Soviet Union. However, Nasser had a
Muhammad Assem Qanso is a Lebanese politician. He is a former leader of the Lebanese Ba'ath Party. Qanso joined the Lebanese Ba'ath in 1953. During the Lebanese war, the Lebanese Ba'ath was divided into two hostile groups: a pro-Iraqi group and a pro-Syrian group. Qanso is staunchly pro-Syrian. Relations between the Kataeb Party and the Ba'ath Party improved, when on the orders of Karim Pakradouni and Qanso agreed to establish a committee between the two parties to discuss Lebanese and Arab politics. Relations improved further when the Syrian Ba'athist government increased its contacts with the Kataeb Party. During the Lebanese civil war, the Lebanese parliament formed the National Dialogue Committee in 1975. Qanso opposed the notion that the resignation of Suleiman Frangieh, the President of Lebanon, would end the conflict. Following the death of Hafez al-Assad in 2000, notable figures such as Abdul Halim Khaddam and Ghazi Kanaan, supported Rafic Hariri against Émile Lahoud, the sitting President of Lebanon, during the 2000 general election.
Qanso supported Khaddam and Kanaan's position, declared during a parliamentary session "there is no zaim but Rafik Hariri." On a occasion, he stated "It was a message to Lahoud that, if he tried to break Hariri, Kanaan would break Lahoud." He changed his position, supported to extend Lahoud's mandate, Qanso began criticising the opposition. Qanso warned Walid Jumblat that "you are not out of reach of our militants". Jumblat replied by stating it was the Ba'ath Party which had ordered the assassination of his father, Kamal Jumblatt. There were discussions within the Ba'ath Party if Qanso was to give up his candidacy in the Baalbek-Hermel electoral district to Fayez Shukr, the leader of the Ba'ath Party. Qanso announced his candidacy for a seat in the Baalbek-Hermel electoral district in April 2009. In the 2009 parliamentary election, the Ba'ath Party won two seats as part of the March 8 Alliance. Qanso was elected to parliament in the Baalbek-Hermel district; the United States Government led by Barack Obama announced an extension of its travel ban and asset freeze against those seeking “to undermine Lebanon’s legitimate and democratically elected government.”
Qanso was amongst those effected by the extension of sanctions. The Ba'ath Party which supports Najib Mikati, the Prime Minister of Lebanon, through Qanso, that it "should have been represented in the government, just like the Syrian Social Nationalist Party”. Qanso supports the position of the United Nations Security Council which condemned the use of violence by the Ba'athist government, but which called for ending the violence and holding those of fomenting the violence accountable; the decision to expel Syria from the Arab League was, according to Qanso, an American plot against Syria. Qanso condemned the Arab League sanctions towards Syria, compared them to "complementary to the US plot against Syria, which targets its oil wealth." In an interview with MTV Lebanon Qanso accused a conspiracy centered around Lebanon First bloc MP Okab Sakr, Hani Hammoud, Saad Hariri, former Prime Minister of Lebanon, of fomenting the uprising in Syria. He further claimed. Qanso tried to persuade Mikati to expel Maura Connelly, the United States Ambassador to Lebanon, from the country in late 2011 because of the United States position towards Syria during the ongoing war.
In the beginning of January 2012 Qanso claimed that al-Qaida had infiltrated more than 20 political organisations in Lebanon, this was in deep contrast to what Mikati stated when he claimed that Lebanon was "al-Qaida free". Qanso further claimed that "If Syria falls, the last resistance bastion will turn into a state similar to that of Egypt or Libya and will become a breeding ground for Salafis and. On 30 January Qanso stated his believes that "The vast majority of people are with the Ba'ath Party, tasked with protecting Syrian President Bashar Assad.” At the same time he announced that the Lebanese Ba'ath Party would hold a conference on 7–8 February 2012 in Syria to discuss and approve the reform package, planned to be introduced by Bashar al-Assad's government
Arabic is a Central Semitic language that first emerged in Iron Age northwestern Arabia and is now the lingua franca of the Arab world. It is named after the Arabs, a term used to describe peoples living in the area bounded by Mesopotamia in the east and the Anti-Lebanon mountains in the west, in northwestern Arabia, in the Sinai Peninsula. Arabic is classified as a macrolanguage comprising 30 modern varieties, including its standard form, Modern Standard Arabic, derived from Classical Arabic; as the modern written language, Modern Standard Arabic is taught in schools and universities, is used to varying degrees in workplaces and the media. The two formal varieties are grouped together as Literary Arabic, the official language of 26 states, the liturgical language of the religion of Islam, since the Quran and Hadith were written in Arabic. Modern Standard Arabic follows the grammatical standards of Classical Arabic, uses much of the same vocabulary. However, it has discarded some grammatical constructions and vocabulary that no longer have any counterpart in the spoken varieties, has adopted certain new constructions and vocabulary from the spoken varieties.
Much of the new vocabulary is used to denote concepts that have arisen in the post-classical era in modern times. Due to its grounding in Classical Arabic, Modern Standard Arabic is removed over a millennium from everyday speech, construed as a multitude of dialects of this language; these dialects and Modern Standard Arabic are described by some scholars as not mutually comprehensible. The former are acquired in families, while the latter is taught in formal education settings. However, there have been studies reporting some degree of comprehension of stories told in the standard variety among preschool-aged children; the relation between Modern Standard Arabic and these dialects is sometimes compared to that of Latin and vernaculars in medieval and early modern Europe. This view though does not take into account the widespread use of Modern Standard Arabic as a medium of audiovisual communication in today's mass media—a function Latin has never performed. During the Middle Ages, Literary Arabic was a major vehicle of culture in Europe in science and philosophy.
As a result, many European languages have borrowed many words from it. Arabic influence in vocabulary, is seen in European languages Spanish and to a lesser extent Portuguese, Catalan, owing to both the proximity of Christian European and Muslim Arab civilizations and 800 years of Arabic culture and language in the Iberian Peninsula, referred to in Arabic as al-Andalus. Sicilian has about 500 Arabic words as result of Sicily being progressively conquered by Arabs from North Africa, from the mid-9th to mid-10th centuries. Many of these words relate to related activities; the Balkan languages, including Greek and Bulgarian, have acquired a significant number of Arabic words through contact with Ottoman Turkish. Arabic has influenced many languages around the globe throughout its history; some of the most influenced languages are Persian, Spanish, Kashmiri, Bosnian, Bengali, Malay, Indonesian, Punjabi, Assamese, Sindhi and Hausa, some languages in parts of Africa. Conversely, Arabic has borrowed words from other languages, including Greek and Persian in medieval times, contemporary European languages such as English and French in modern times.
Classical Arabic is the liturgical language of 1.8 billion Muslims, Modern Standard Arabic is one of six official languages of the United Nations. All varieties of Arabic combined are spoken by as many as 422 million speakers in the Arab world, making it the fifth most spoken language in the world. Arabic is written with the Arabic alphabet, an abjad script and is written from right to left, although the spoken varieties are sometimes written in ASCII Latin from left to right with no standardized orthography. Arabic is a Central Semitic language related to the Northwest Semitic languages, the Ancient South Arabian languages, various other Semitic languages of Arabia such as Dadanitic; the Semitic languages changed a great deal between Proto-Semitic and the establishment of the Central Semitic languages in grammar. Innovations of the Central Semitic languages—all maintained in Arabic—include: The conversion of the suffix-conjugated stative formation into a past tense; the conversion of the prefix-conjugated preterite-tense formation into a present tense.
The elimination of other prefix-conjugated mood/aspect forms in favor of new moods formed by endings attached to the prefix-conjugation forms. The development of an internal passive. There are several features which Classical Arabic, the modern Arabic varieties, as well as the Safaitic and Hismaic inscriptions share which are unattested in any other Central Semitic language variety, including the Dadanitic and Taymanitic languages of the northern Hejaz; these features are evidence of common descent from Proto-Arabic. The following features can be reconstructed with confidence for Proto-Arabic: negative particles m *mā.