Traffic reporting is the near real-time distribution of information about road conditions such as traffic congestion and traffic collisions. The reports help drivers avoid traffic problems. Traffic reports in cities, may report on major delays to mass transit that does not involve roads. In addition to periodic broadcast reports, traffic information can be transmitted to GPS units and personal computers. There are several methods in use today to gather traffic speed and incident info, ranging from professional reporters, to GPS crowdsourcing to combinations of both methods. INRIX uses its network of over 175 million vehicles and devices to gather speed data from mobile phones, delivery vans, other fleet vehicles equipped with GPS locator devices including smart phones and Ford SYNC and Toyota Entune and much of Europe, South America, Africa. Google Traffic works by crowdsourcing the GPS information from phone users. By calculating the speed of users along a stretch of road, Google is able to generate a live traffic map.
Its subsidiary, Waze allows users to report directly via a smartphone app. TomTom Traffic uses crowd-sourced data from mobile phone users, along with data from traditional sources such as induction loops and traffic cameras. Monitoring police radio frequencies; some radio stations have agreements with states' highway patrol that permit a direct connection with a law enforcement computer. This enables real-time information gathering of the latest accident reports to highway patrol divisions. Many areas have other areas of high traffic volume. For example, by the company Global Traffic Network. Traffic cameras Giditraffic is an online social service which employs crowd sourcing as its primary means of providing real-time traffic updates to subscribers; the service is delivered free of charge. RoadPal uses crowd-sourced data from mobile users as well as the social media to provide users with traffic information of places of interest to them. Roadside speed sensors, either infra-red sensors for spot measurements or automatic number plate recognition for measuring speed between two sites.
GPS units Smartphones Radio via voice RDS, TA Electronic road signs 5-1-1 traffic information phone line or similar. Television and web INRIX develops and distributes INRIX Traffic, a free mobile application, provides reporting services to a variety of local television stations. NAVTEQ provides data used in a wide range of applications, including automotive navigation systems for many car makers. Most clients use Navteq to provide traffic reports in major metropolitan areas throughout North America. NAVTEQ partners with third-party agencies and companies to provide its services for portable GPS devices made by Garmin, Lowrance, NDrive and web-based applications such as Yahoo! Maps, Bing Maps, Nokia Maps. XM Satellite Radio and Sirius Satellite Radio use NAVTEQ data to show traffic information on navigation systems. NAVTEQ's media services was spun out to form Radiate Media in 2011, which subsequently merged with Global Traffic Network in 2016, forming US Traffic Network. Tele Atlas, a subsidiary of TomTom.
Delivers digital maps and other dynamic content for navigation and location-based services, including personal and in-car navigation systems, provides data used in a wide range of mobile and Internet map applications. Google Maps uses a variety of governmental and private traffic reporting organizations to provide information, along with its Waze subsidiary, which uses crowdsourcing to provide observed traffic conditions
The term Fourth Estate or fourth power refers to the press and news media both in explicit capacity of advocacy and implicit ability to frame political issues. Though it is not formally recognized as a part of a political system, it wields significant indirect social influence; the derivation of the term fourth estate arises from the traditional European concept of the three estates of the realm: the clergy, the nobility and the commoners. The equivalent term fourth power is somewhat uncommon in English, but it is used in many European languages referring to the separation of powers in government into a legislature, an executive and a judiciary. Thomas Carlyle attributed the origin of the term to Edmund Burke, who used it in a parliamentary debate in 1787 on the opening up of press reporting of the House of Commons of Great Britain. Earlier writers have applied the term to lawyers, to the British queens consort, to the proletariat. In modern use, the term is applied to the press, with the earliest use in this sense described by Thomas Carlyle in his book On Heroes and Hero Worship: "Burke said there were Three Estates in Parliament.
If, Burke did make the statement Carlyle attributes to him, the remark may have been in the back of Carlyle's mind when he wrote in his French Revolution that "A Fourth Estate, of Able Editors, springs up. In this context, the other three estates are those of the French States-General: the church, the nobility and the townsmen. Carlyle, may have mistaken his attribution: Thomas Macknight, writing in 1858, observes that Burke was a teller at the "illustrious nativity of the Fourth Estate". If Burke is excluded, other candidates for coining the term are Henry Brougham speaking in Parliament in 1823 or 1824 and Thomas Macaulay in an essay of 1828 reviewing Hallam's Constitutional History: "The gallery in which the reporters sit has become a fourth estate of the realm." In 1821, William Hazlitt had applied the term to an individual journalist, William Cobbett, the phrase soon became well established. Oscar Wilde wrote: In old days men had the rack. Now they have the Press; that is an improvement certainly.
But still it is bad, wrong, demoralizing. Somebody — was it Burke? — called journalism the fourth estate. That was true at the time no doubt, but at the present moment it is the only estate. It has eaten up the other three; the Lords Temporal say nothing, the Lords Spiritual have nothing to say, the House of Commons has nothing to say and says it. We are dominated by Journalism. In United States English, the phrase "fourth estate" is contrasted with the "fourth branch of government", a term that originated because no direct equivalents to the estates of the realm exist in the United States; the "fourth estate" is used to emphasize the independence of the press, while the "fourth branch" suggests that the press is not independent of the government. Yochai Benkler, author of the 2006 book The Wealth of Networks, described the "Networked Fourth Estate" in a May 2011 paper published in the Harvard Civil Liberties Review, he explains the growth of non-traditional journalistic media on the Internet and how it affects the traditional press using WikiLeaks as an example.
When Benkler was asked to testify in the United States vs. PFC Bradley E. Manning trial, in his statement to the morning 10 July 2013 session of the trial he described the Networked Fourth Estate as the set of practices, organizing models, technologies that are associated with the free press and provide a public check on the branches of government, it differs from the traditional press and the traditional fourth estate in that it has a diverse set of actors instead of a small number of major presses. These actors include small for-profit media organizations, non-profit media organizations, academic centers, distributed networks of individuals participating in the media process with the larger traditional organizations. In 1580 Montaigne proposed that governments should hold in check a fourth estate of lawyers selling justice to the rich and denying it to rightful litigants who do not bribe their way to a verdict: What is more barbarous than to see a nation where justice is lawfully denied him, that hath not wherewithall to pay for it.
An early citation for this is Henry Fielding in The Covent Garden Journal: None of our political writers... take notice of any more than three estates, Kings and Commons... passing by in silence that large and powerful body which form the fourth estate in this community... The Mob; this sense has prevailed in other countries: In Italy, for example, striking workers in 1890s Turin were depicted as Il quarto stato—The Fourth Estate—in a painting by Giuseppe Pellizza da Volpedo. A political journal of the left, Quarto Stato, published in Milan, Italy, in 1926 reflected this meaning. Far-right theorist Julius Evola saw the Fourth Estate as the final point of his historical cycle theory, the regression of the castes: h
The terms underground press or clandestine press refer to periodicals and publications that are produced without official approval, illegally or against the wishes of a dominant group. In specific recent Asian and Western European context, the term "underground press" has most been employed to refer to the independently published and distributed underground papers associated with the counterculture of the late 1960s and early 1970s in India and Bangladesh in Asia, in the United States and Canada in North America, the United Kingdom and other western nations, it can refer to the newspapers produced independently in repressive regimes. In German occupied Europe, for example, a thriving underground press operated in association with the Resistance. Other notable examples include the samizdat and bibuła, which operated in the Soviet Union and Poland during the Cold War. In Western Europe, a century after the invention of the printing press, a widespread underground press emerged in the mid-16th century with the clandestine circulation of Calvinist books and broadsides, many of them printed in Geneva, which were secretly smuggled into other nations where the carriers who distributed such literature might face imprisonment, torture or death.
Both Protestant and Catholic nations fought the introduction of Calvinism, which with its emphasis on intractable evil made its appeal to alienated, outsider subcultures willing to violently rebel against both church and state. In 18th century France, a large illegal underground press of the Enlightenment emerged, circulating anti-Royalist, anti-clerical and pornographic works in a context where all published works were required to be licensed. Starting in the mid-19th century an underground press sprang up in many countries around the world for the purpose of circulating the publications of banned Marxist political parties; the French resistance published a large and active underground press that printed over 2 million newspapers a month. Each paper was the organ of a separate resistance network, funds were provided from Allied headquarters in London and distributed to the different papers by resistance leader Jean Moulin. Allied prisoners of war published an underground newspaper called POW WOW.
In Eastern Europe since 1940, underground publications were known by the name samizdat. The countercultural underground press movement of the 1960s borrowed the name from previous "underground presses" such as the Dutch underground press during the Nazi occupations of the 1940s; those predecessors were "underground", meaning they were illegal, thus published and distributed covertly. While the countercultural "underground" papers battled with governmental authorities, for the most part they were distributed through a network of street vendors and head shops, thus reached a wide audience; the underground press in the 1960s and 1970s existed in most countries with high GDP per capita and freedom of the press. Published as weeklies, monthlies, or "occasionals", associated with left-wing politics, they evolved on the one hand into today's alternative weeklies and on the other into zines; the most prominent underground publication in Australia was a satirical magazine called OZ, which owed a debt to local university student newspapers such as Honi Soit and Tharunka, along with the UK magazine Private Eye.
The original edition appeared in Sydney on April Fools' Day, 1963 and continued sporadically until 1969. Editions published after February 1966 were edited by Richard Walsh, following the departure for the UK of his original co-editors Richard Neville and Martin Sharp, who went on to found a British edition in January 1967. In Melbourne Phillip Frazer and editor of pop music magazine Go-Set since January 1966, branched out into alternate, underground publications with Revolution in 1970, followed by High Times and The Digger; the Digger The Living Daylights High Times OZ Sydney New Dawn magazine Nexus magazine Revolution In London, Barry Miles, John Hopkins and others produced International Times from October 1966 which, following legal threats from The Times newspaper was renamed IT. Richard Neville arrived in London from Australia, he launched a British version, A4. The relaunched Oz shed its more austere satire magazine image and became a mouthpiece of the Underground, it was the most colourful and visually adventurous of the alternative press, with designers like Martin Sharp.
Other publications followed, such as Friends, based in the Ladbroke Grove area of London, more overtly political, Gandalf's Garden which espoused the mystic path. Neville published an account of the counterculture called Playpower, in which he described most of the world's underground publications, he listed many of the regular key topics from those publications including Vietnam, Black Power, pol
Collaborative journalism is a growing practice in the field of journalism. One definition is "a cooperative arrangement between two or more news and information organizations, which aims to supplement each organization’s resources and maximize the impact of the content produced." It is practiced by both amateur reporters. It is not to be confused with citizen journalism. Collaborative journalism can take many forms. One way to categorize collaborations is by duration, or by the level of integration among collaborators. Most collaborations can be placed within a matrix defined by these two variables, as here: Depending on the system of collaboration, individuals may provide feedback or vote on whether an article is newsworthy. A single collaborative news story, may encompass multiple authors, varying articles, ranged perspectives. Professional and amateur reporters may work together to develop collaborative news articles, or mainstream media sites may gather amateur blog posts to complement reporting.
Collaborative journalists either contribute directly to stories, sometimes through a wiki-style collaboration platform, or build upon the story externally through personal blogs. Through combined authorship, collaborative journalism is thought by some to offer an increased independence of thought and experience unavailable to traditional media. Successful collaborative journalism projects require a participatory ethos with respect for content. Collaboration among reporters or between newsrooms has been practiced in different forms for more than one hundred years. One of the earliest journalism collaborations was among the newsrooms that made up “the wires” in the mid-nineteenth century, yet through most of the twentieth century after the advent of the penny papers, competition between outlets was the norm. Yet during the height of profitability in the late twentieth century, when competition, not collaboration, was the most salient relationship between newsrooms, it was common practice for journalists on the same beat to collaborate by sharing notes, swapping tips, in general helping each other out.
Formal collaboration during that period was most common within an organization, rather than between. For example, Cable News Network was formed in 1980, codified intra-newsroom sharing – between the national headquarters and its television news affiliates – with CNN NewsSource, in 1988. However, there is a qualitative difference in the consciousness and intentionality with which collaborations are now being undertaken; the current excitement about collaborative journalism began in the mid-2000s, when publishers, journalism scholars, foundations began to look at the opportunities made possible by digital networking. The Panama Papers project may be the largest example of a journalistic consortium to date, it began sometime in 2015 when Bastian Obermayer, an investigative reporter with the south German newspaper Süddeutsche Zeitung, was contacted by an anonymous source and offered the trove of 11.5 million electronic documents from Mossack Fonseca, the world’s fourth biggest offshore law firm detailing a web of secret offshore deals and loans worth billions of dollars, details of tax avoidance designs in numerous countries.
The newspaper's editors decided they could not handle the massive volume of information alone and initiated a collaborative journalistic consortium including more than 140 journalists and the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists, a project of the nonprofit Center for Public Integrity. The European Investigative Collaborations working with "over 60 journalists in 14 countries" published a "series of articles called Football Leaks—the "largest leak in sports history". Football Leaks "led to the prosecution of football superstar Cristiano Ronaldo and coach Jose Mourinho." EIC was established in the fall of 2015 with founding members that include Der Spiegel, El Mundo, Médiapart, the Romanian Centre for Investigative Journalism, Le Soir. Collaborative journalism should not be confused with citizen journalism, practiced only by amateur reporters who develop stories by reporting, collecting and disseminating news and information through blogs on the internet, it is not community journalism or civic journalism, which are practiced only by professionals: In community journalism, professional reporters focus their coverage on smaller communities, such as neighborhoods, suburbs, or small towns Civic journalism is the philosophy and practice of professional journalists and newspapers acting as participants within a community, rather than detached spectators.
Collaborative journalism is similar, but not identical, to interactive journalism, in which consumers contribute to a professional news story through commenting and conversing with the reporter. Wiki journalism is a type of collaborative journalism. "Link journalism", a phrase coined by Scott Karp in 2008, is "a form of collaborative journalism in which a news story's writer provides external links within the story to reporting or other sources on the web." These links are meant to enhance, or add context to the original reporting. Jeff Jarvis, from the Graduate School of Journalism's new media program at the City University of New York, has said that link journalism creates a "new architecture of news." Collaborative journalism has been implemented in several different ways. Wikinews, the "free-content online news source," lets any user edit or create a news story, similar in style to Wikipedia. Several mainstream news sites have adopted a collaborative journalism approach toward news, through use
News is information about current events. This may be provided through many different media: word of mouth, postal systems, electronic communication, or through the testimony of observers and witnesses to events. Common topics for news reports include war, politics, health, the environment, business and entertainment, as well as athletic events, quirky or unusual events. Government proclamations, concerning royal ceremonies, taxes, public health, criminals, have been dubbed news since ancient times. Humans exhibit a nearly universal desire to learn and share news, which they satisfy by talking to each other and sharing information. Technological and social developments driven by government communication and espionage networks, have increased the speed with which news can spread, as well as influenced its content; the genre of news as we know it today is associated with the newspaper, which originated in China as a court bulletin and spread, with paper and printing press, to Europe. The English word "news" developed in the 14th century as a special use of the plural form of "new".
In Middle English, the equivalent word was newes, like the German Neues. Similar developments are found in the Slavic languages the Czech and Slovak noviny, the cognate Polish nowiny, the Bulgarian novini, Russian novosti – and in the Celtic languages: the Welsh newyddion and the Cornish nowodhow. Jessica Garretson Finch is credited with coining the phrase "current events" while teaching at Barnard College in the 1890s; as its name implies, "news" connotes the presentation of new information. The newness of news gives it an uncertain quality which distinguishes it from the more careful investigations of history or other scholarly disciplines. Whereas historians tend to view events as causally related manifestations of underlying processes, news stories tend to describe events in isolation, to exclude discussion of the relationships between them. News conspicuously describes the world in the present or immediate past when the most important aspects of a news story have occurred long in the past—or are expected to occur in the future.
To make the news, an ongoing process must have some "peg", an event in time which anchors it to the present moment. Relatedly, news addresses aspects of reality which seem unusual, deviant, or out of the ordinary. Hence the famous dictum that "Dog Bites Man" is not news. Another corollary of the newness of news is that, as new technology enables new media to disseminate news more quickly,'slower' forms of communication may move away from'news' towards'analysis'. According to some theories, "news" is. Journalism, broadly understood along the same lines, is the act or occupation of collecting and providing news. From a commercial perspective, news is one input, along with paper necessary to prepare a final product for distribution. A news agency supplies this resource "wholesale" and publishers enhance it for retail. Most purveyors of news value impartiality and objectivity, despite the inherent difficulty of reporting without political bias. Perception of these values has changed over time as sensationalized'tabloid journalism' has risen in popularity.
Michael Schudson has argued that before the era of World War I and the concomitant rise of propaganda, journalists were not aware of the concept of bias in reporting, let alone correcting for it. News is sometimes said to portray the truth, but this relationship is elusive and qualified. Paradoxically, another property attributed to news is sensationalism, the disproportionate focus on, exaggeration of, emotive stories for public consumption; this news is not unrelated to gossip, the human practice of sharing information about other humans of mutual interest. A common sensational topic is violence. Newsworthiness is defined as a subject having sufficient relevance to the public or a special audience to warrant press attention or coverage. Journalists apply news values to identify a news story. News values determine how much attention a news story is given by a media outlet, the attention it is given by its audience or readers. In some countries and at some points in history, what news media and the public have considered "newsworthy" has met different definitions, such as the notion of news values.
Many news values seem to be common across cultures. People seem to be interested in news to the extent which it has a big impact, describes conflicts, happens nearby, involves well-known people, deviates from the norms of everyday happenings. War is a common news topic because it involves unknown events that could pose personal danger. Evidence suggests that cultures around the world have found a place for people to share stories about interesting new information. Among Zulus, Mongolians and American Southerners, anthropologists have documented the practice of questioning travelers for news as a matter of priority. Sufficiently important news would be repeated and and could spread by word of mouth over a large geographic area; as printing presses came into use in Europe, news for the general public travelled orally via monks, town criers, etc. The news is transmitted in public gathering places, such as the Greek forum and the Roman baths. Starting in England, coffeehouses served as important sites for the spread of news after telecommunications became available.
The history of the coffee houses is traced from Arab countries, introduced in England in 16th century. In th
The term muckraker was used in the Progressive Era to characterize reform-minded American journalists who attacked established institutions and leaders as corrupt. They had large audiences in some popular magazines. In the US, the modern term is investigative journalism—it has different and more pejorative connotations in British English—and investigative journalists in the US today are informally called "muckrakers"; the muckrakers played a visible role during the Progressive Era period, 1890s–1920s. Muckraking magazines—notably McClure's of the publisher S. S. McClure—took on corporate monopolies and political machines while trying to raise public awareness and anger at urban poverty, unsafe working conditions and child labor. Most of the muckrakers wrote nonfiction, but fictional exposes had a major impact as well, such as those by Upton Sinclair. In contemporary American use, the term describes either a journalist who writes in the adversarial or alternative tradition, or a non-journalist whose purpose in publication is to advocate reform and change.
Investigative journalists view the muckrakers as early influences and a continuation of watchdog journalism. In British English the term muckraker is more to mean a journalist who specialises in scandal and malicious gossip about celebrities or well-known personalities and is used in a derogatory sense; the term is a reference to a character in John Bunyan's classic Pilgrim's Progress, "the Man with the Muck-rake", who rejected salvation to focus on filth. It became popular. While a literature of reform had appeared by the mid-19th century, the kind of reporting that would come to be called "muckraking" began to appear around 1900. By the 1900s, magazines such as Collier's Weekly, Munsey's Magazine and McClure's Magazine were in wide circulation and read avidly by the growing middle class; the January 1903 issue of McClure's is considered to be the official beginning of muckraking journalism, although the muckrakers would get their label later. Ida M. Tarbell, Lincoln Steffens and Ray Stannard Baker published famous works in that single issue.
Claude H. Wetmore and Lincoln Steffens' previous article "Tweed Days in St. Louis" in McClure's October 1902 issue was called the first muckraking article; the muckrakers would become known for their investigative journalism, evolving from the eras of "personal journalism"—a term historians Emery and Emery used in The Press and America to describe the 19th century newspapers that were steered by strong leaders with an editorial voice —and yellow journalism. One of the biggest urban scandals of the post-Civil War era was the corruption and bribery case of Tammany boss William M. Tweed in 1871, uncovered by newspapers. In his first muckraking article "Tweed Days in St. Louis", Lincoln Steffens exposed the graft, a system of political corruption, ingrained in St. Louis. While some muckrakers had worked for reform newspapers of the personal journalism variety, such as Steffens, a reporter for the New York Evening Post under Edwin Lawrence Godkin, other muckrakers had worked for yellow journals before moving on to magazines around 1900, such as Charles Edward Russell, a journalist and editor of Joseph Pulitzer's New York World.
Publishers of yellow journals, such as Joseph Pulitzer and William Randolph Hearst, were more intent on increasing circulation through scandal, crime and sensationalism. Just as the muckrakers became well known for their crusades, journalists from the eras of "personal journalism" and "yellow journalism" had gained fame through their investigative articles, including articles that exposed wrongdoing. Note that in yellow journalism, the idea was to stir up the public with sensationalism, thus sell more papers. If, in the process, a social wrong was exposed that the average man could get indignant about, fine, but it was not the intent as it was with true investigative journalists and muckrakers. Julius Chambers of the New York Tribune, could be considered to be the original muckraker. Chambers undertook a journalistic investigation of Bloomingdale Asylum in 1872, having himself committed with the help of some of his friends and his newspaper's city editor, his intent was to obtain information about alleged abuse of inmates.
When articles and accounts of the experience were published in the Tribune, it led to the release of twelve patients who were not mentally ill, a reorganization of the staff and administration of the institution and to a change in the lunacy laws. This led to the publication of the book A Mad World and Its Inhabitants. From this time onward, Chambers was invited to speak on the rights of the mentally ill and the need for proper facilities for their accommodation and treatment. Nellie Bly, another yellow journalist, used the undercover technique of investigation in reporting Ten Days in a Mad-House, her 1887 exposé on patient abuse at Bellevue Mental Hospital, first published as a series of articles in The World newspaper and as a book. Nellie would go on to write more articles on corrupt politicians, sweat-shop working conditions and other societal injustices. Helen Hunt Jackson –A Century of Dishonor, U. S. policy regarding Native Americans. Henry Demarest Lloyd – Wealth Against Commonwealth, exposed the corruption within the Standard
Data-driven journalism shortened to "ddj", a term in use since 2009, is a journalistic process based on analyzing and filtering large data sets for the purpose of creating or elevating a news story. Many data-driven stories begin with newly available resources such as open source software, open access publishing and open data, while others are products of public records requests or leaked materials; this approach to journalism builds on older practices, most notably on computer-assisted reporting a label used in the US for decades. Other labels for similar approaches are "precision journalism", based on a book by Philipp Meyer, published in 1972, where he advocated the use of techniques from social sciences in researching stories. Data-driven journalism has a wider approach. At the core the process builds on the growing availability of open data, available online and analyzed with open source tools. Data-driven journalism strives to reach new levels of service for the public, helping the general public or specific groups or individuals to understand patterns and make decisions based on the findings.
As such, data driven journalism might help to put journalists into a role relevant for society in a new way. Since the introduction of the concept a number of media companies have created "data teams" which develop visualizations for newsrooms. Most notable are teams e.g. at Reuters, Pro Publica, La Nacion. In Europe, The Guardian and Berliner Morgenpost have productive teams, as well as public broadcasters; as projects like the MP expense scandal and the 2013 release of the "offshore leaks" demonstrate, data-driven journalism can assume an investigative role, dealing with "not-so open" aka secret data on occasion. The annual Data Journalism Awards recognize outstanding reporting in the field of data journalism, numerous Pulitzer Prizes in recent years have been awarded to data-driven storytelling, including the 2018 Pulitzer Prize in International Reporting and the 2017 Pulitzer Prize in Public Service According to information architect and multimedia journalist Mirko Lorenz, data-driven journalism is a workflow that consists of the following elements: digging deep into data by scraping and structuring it, filtering by mining for specific information and making a story.
This process can be extended to provide information results that cater to individual interests and the broader public. Data journalism trainer and writer Paul Bradshaw describes the process of data-driven journalism in a similar manner: data must be found, which may require specialized skills like MySQL or Python interrogated, for which understanding of jargon and statistics is necessary, visualized and mashed with the aid of open source tools. A more results-driven definition comes from data web strategist Henk van Ess. "Data-driven journalism enables reporters to tell untold stories, find new angles or complete stories via a workflow of finding and presenting significant amounts of data with or without open source tools." Van Ess claims that some of the data-driven workflow leads to products that "are not in orbit with the laws of good story telling" because the result emphazes on showing the problem, not explaining the problem. "A good data driven production has different layers. It allows you to find personalized details that are only important for you, by drilling down to relevant details but enables you to zoom out to get the big picture".
In 2013, Van Ess came with a shorter definition in that doesn't involve visualisation per se: "Datajournalism is journalism based on data that has to be processed first with tools before a relevant story is possible." Telling stories based on the data is the primary goal. The findings from data can be transformed into any form of journalistic writing. Visualizations can be used to create a clear understanding of a complex situation. Furthermore, elements of storytelling can be used to illustrate what the findings mean, from the perspective of someone, affected by a development; this connection between data and story can be viewed as a "new arc" trying to span the gap between developments that are relevant, but poorly understood, to a story, verifiable, trustworthy and easy to remember. In many investigations the data that can be found is misleading; as one layer of data-driven journalism a critical examination of the data quality is important. In other cases the data might not be public or is not in the right format for further analysis, e.g. is only available in a PDF.
Here the process of data-driven journalism can turn into stories about data quality or refusals to provide the data by institutions. As the practice as a whole is in early development steps, examinations of data sources, data sets, data quality and data format are therefore an important part of this work. Based on the perspective of looking deeper into facts and drivers of events, there is a suggested change in media strategies: In this view the idea is to move "from attention to trust"; the creation of attention, a pillar of media business models has lost its relevance because reports of new events are faster distributed via new platforms such as Twitter than through traditional media channels. On the other hand, trust can be understood as a scarce resource. While distributing information is much easier and faster via the web, the abundance of offerings creates costs to verify and check the content of any story create an opportunity; the view to transform media companies into trusted data hubs has been described in an article cross-published in February 2011 on Owni.eu and Nieman Lab.
The process to transform raw data into stories is akin to a refi