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National Assembly (France)

The National Assembly is the lower house of the bicameral French Parliament under the Fifth Republic, the upper house being the Senate. The National Assembly's legislators are known as députés. There are 577 députés, each elected by a single-member constituency through a two-round voting system. Thus, 289 seats are required for a majority; the assembly is presided over by a president from the largest party represented, assisted by vice-presidents from across the represented political spectrum. The term of the National Assembly is five years; this measure has become rarer since the 2000 referendum reduced the presidential term from seven to five years: a President has a majority elected in the Assembly two months after the presidential election, it would be useless for him/her to dissolve it for those reasons. Following a tradition started by the first National Assembly during the French Revolution, the "left-wing" parties sit to the left as seen from the president's seat, the "right-wing" parties sit to the right, the seating arrangement thus directly indicates the political spectrum as represented in the Assembly.

The official seat of the National Assembly is the Palais Bourbon on the banks of the river Seine. It is guarded by Republican Guards; the Constitution of the French Fifth Republic increased the power of the executive at the expense of Parliament, compared to previous constitutions. The President of the Republic can decide to dissolve the National Assembly and call for new legislative elections; this is meant as a way to resolve stalemates where the Assembly cannot decide on a clear political direction. This possibility is exercised; the last dissolution was by Jacques Chirac in 1997, following from the lack of popularity of prime minister Alain Juppé. The National Assembly can overthrow the executive government by a motion of no confidence. For this reason, the prime minister and his cabinet are from the dominant party or coalition in the assembly. In the case of a president and assembly from opposing parties, this leads to the situation known as cohabitation. While motions de censure are periodically proposed by the opposition following government actions that it deems inappropriate, they are purely rhetorical.

Since the beginning of the Fifth Republic, there has only been one single successful motion de censure, in 1962 in hostility to the referendum on the method of election of the President, President Charles de Gaulle dissolved the Assembly within a few days. The government used to set the priorities of the agenda for the assembly's sessions, except for a single day each month. In practice, given the number of priority items, it meant that the schedule of the assembly was entirely set by the executive. This, was amended on 23 July 2008. Under the amended constitution, the government sets the priorities for two weeks in a month. Another week is designated for the assembly's "control" prerogatives, and the fourth one is set by the assembly. One day per month is set by a "minority" or "opposition" group. Legislators of the assembly can ask oral questions to ministers; the Wednesday afternoon 3 p.m. session of "questions to the Government" is broadcast live on television. Like Prime Minister's Questions in Britain, it is a show for the viewers, with members of the majority asking flattering questions, while the opposition tries to embarrass the government.

The history of national representation for two centuries is linked to history of the democratic principle and the uneven road that it had to go before finding in the French institutions the consecration, its own today. Although the French have periodically elected representatives since 1789, the mode of appointment and the powers of these representatives have varied according to the times, the periods of erasure of the parliamentary institution coinciding with a decline in public liberties. In this respect, the names are not innocent; the name of National Assembly, chosen in the fervor of 1789, just reappears – if we except the short parenthesis of 1848 – in 1946. In the meantime, more or less reductive appellations show, to varying degrees, the reluctance or the de

Vabamu Museum of Occupations and Freedom

The Museum of Occupations in Tallinn, Estonia, is located at the corner of Toompea St. and Kaarli Blvd. It was opened on July 1, 2003, is dedicated to the 1940-1991 period in the history of Estonia, when the country was occupied by the Soviet Union Nazi Germany, again by the Soviet Union. During most of this time the country was known as the Estonian Soviet Socialist Republic; the museum is managed by the Kistler-Ritso Estonian Foundation. The foundation is named after Dr. Olga Kistler-Ritso, the founder and financial supporter of the foundation; the members of the foundation started to collect articles for the museum and for historical study in 1999. Cooperation was set with Estonian International Commission for the Investigation of the Crimes Against Humanity, the Estonian State Commission on Examination of the Policies of Repression, Memento Association, the Research Centre of the Soviet Era in Estonia, as well as with the Russian Memorial Society dedicated to victims of Soviet repressions, other organizations.

Museum of the Occupation of Latvia Official website

Oaxaca Cartel

The Oaxaca cartel was one of the smaller drug cartels operating in Mexico and at the service of the Tijuana Cartel. The cartel was led by the Díaz-Parada brothers, Eugenio Jesús a.k.a.'Don Chuy' and Domingo Aniceto a.k.a.'Don Cheto'. Pedro Díaz-Parada was first arrested by the Mexican Army in 1985 and by Federal Police agents in January 2007. Pedro Díaz Parada was sentenced to 33 years' imprisonment in 1985, but subsequently escaped prison twice – once in 1987 and again in 1992; the Oaxaca cartel joined forces with the Tijuana Cartel in 2003 and press reports indicate that Díaz Parada was the most important representative of the Tijuana cartel in southeastern Mexico at the time of his latest arrest in January 2007. Pedro Díaz Parada began his days in the drug trafficking world by sowing marijuana in San Pedro Totolapa, during the 1970s, he extended his activity to cocaine trafficking by using light aircraft. He was arrested and sentenced in 1985 to 33 years in prison and held in the Santa María Ixcotel prison, from where he escaped a few days later.

In September 1987, Judge Villafuerte Gallegos was murdered near his home in Cuernavaca, where he had been moved in order to protect him from the threats of Díaz Parada. Díaz was arrested a second time in 1990 and again escaped prison in 1992 from the'Reclusorio Oriente' prison in Mexico City, he was arrested a third time in January 2007. His possible substitutes may have been his brothers Eugenio Jesús Díaz Parada and Domingo Aniceto Díaz Parada. Mexican Drug War Mérida Initiative War on drugs

Willis N. Holcombe

Willis "Will" N. Holcombe is an American academic, he became Chancellor of the Florida College System in October 2007 and served as President of Broward College from 1987 to 2004, returned as interim President from November 2006 to July 2007. Holcombe was born on April 18, 1945, he graduated in 1963 from Defiance High School in Ohio. He ran track and still owns the school record in the 200 meter dash, with a time of 21.2 set in 1963. He graduated in 1967 with a bachelor's degree from Baldwin-Wallace College, where he ran track and was a member of Sigma Phi Epsilon fraternity, he earned a master's and doctorate in College Administration from the University of Florida. In addition, he was a former U. S. Marine Corps Captain. Holcombe began his teaching career at Ford Junior High School in Ohio, he joined Florida's State College System, serving as an English professor at Santa Fe College and Broward College, where he became president in 1987. He has served as Interim Chancellor of the Florida Department of Education’s Division of Community Colleges.

In addition he was Vice-Chancellor of the Miami Chamber of Commerce. Holcombe has more than 30 years of experience in educational leadership and collegiate administration, he has served as Vice President of Brevard Community College and academic dean for Broward Community College's Central Campus and assistant to the President for Broward Community College. Dr. Holcombe has numerous professional affiliations, he is a member of the Florida Collegiate Consortium for International/Intercultural Education, the Steering Committee of statewide Council of Community College Presidents, Florida Association of Community Colleges, Florida Association of Colleges and Universities, Florida Distance Learning Institute, College Consortium of International Studies, the Community College of the Air Force. Dr. Holcombe's community activities include the United Way of Broward County, the Coordinating Council of Broward, Community Blood Centers of South Florida, the Executive Committee of the Board of Governors of the Greater Fort Lauderdale Chamber of Commerce, the Broward Alliance.

Since 2003, he has been serving on the Board of Directors of BankAtlantic, on the compensation committee. He was inducted into the Baldwin-Wallace College Athletic Hall of Fame. Broward College would name an ultra-high tech Higher Education Complex on its main downtown Fort Lauderdale as the "Willis Holcombe Center." Holcombe was a torchbearer for the 1996 Summer Olympics in Atlanta. He has received the "Miami Herald Spirit of Excellence Charles Whited Award," "Leader of the Year Award" from Leadership Broward, "Honorary Doctorate of Humane Letters" from Nova Southeastern University, the "Silver Medallion Award" from the National Conference of Community and Justice, the "President's Award for Professional Excellence" from the Florida Association of Community Colleges. There is a transfer student scholarship in his name at Florida International University, awarded to students who not only thrive in the classroom but outside as well through volunteer and community involvement, it is available to graduates of Broward College covers the full cost of in-state tuition and registration fees.

A minimum cumulative grade point average of 3.5 is required. Education in Florida Florida College System List of Baldwin-Wallace College people Official Bio for Chancellor Holcombe

Knowledge Production Modes

A knowledge production mode is a term from the sociology of science which refers to the way knowledge is produced. So far, three modes have been conceptualized. Mode 1 production of knowledge is knowledge production motivated by scientific knowledge alone, not concerned by the applicability of its findings. Mode 1 is founded on a conceptualization of science as separated into discrete disciplines. Mode 2 was coined in 1994 in juxtaposition to Mode 1 by Michael Gibbons, Camille Limoges, Helga Nowotny, Simon Schwartzman, Peter Scott and Martin Trow. In Mode 2, multidisciplinary teams are brought together for short periods of time to work on specific problems in the real world for knowledge production in the knowledge society. Mode 2 can be explained by the way research funds are distributed among scientists and how scientists focus on obtaining these funds in terms of five basic features: 1) knowledge produced in the context of application. Subsequently and Campbell described a Mode 3 knowledge in 2006.

Gibbons and colleagues argued that a new form of knowledge production began emerging in the mid-20th century, context-driven, problem-focused and interdisciplinary. It involved multidisciplinary teams that worked together for short periods of time on specific problems in the real world. Gibbons and his colleagues labelled this'Mode 2' knowledge production, he and his colleagues distinguished this from traditional research, labelled'Mode 1', academic, investigator-initiated and discipline-based knowledge production. In support, Limoges wrote, "We now speak of'context-driven' research, meaning'research carried out in a context of application, arising from the work of problem solving and not governed by the paradigms of traditional disciplines of knowledge." John Ziman drew a similar distinction between academic science and post-academic science, in 2001 Helga Nowotny, Peter Scott and Michael Gibbons extended their analysis to the implications of Mode 2 knowledge production for society. In terms of the aim of research, Mode 1 is characterized by theory building and testing within a discipline towards the aim of universal knowledge, while Mode 2 is characterized by knowledge produced for application.

In the type of knowledge acquired, Mode 1 knowledge is universal law cognitive, while Mode 2 knowledge is particular and situational, in Mode 1 in data is context free but in Mode 2 contextually embedded. In Mode 1, the knowledge is validated by logic and measurement, together with consistency of prediction and control, while in Mode 2 knowledge is validated by experiential and transdisciplinary processes. In Mode 1, the researcher's role is to be a detached, neutral observer, while in Mode 2 the researcher is a accountable and reflexive actor or change agent. Carayannis and Campbell describe a Mode 3 knowledge, which emphasizes the coexistence and co-development of diverse knowledge and innovation modes, at the individual and organizational, systemic levels, it describes mutual interdisciplinary and transdisciplinary knowledge via concepts such as, at the micro level, creative milieus and entrepreneurs and employees, at the meso level, knowledge clusters, innovation networks, entrepreneurial universities, academic firms, at the macro level, the quadruple and quintuple innovation helix framework, the'democracy of knowledge', and'democratic capitalism'.

While the theory of knowledge production modes and the notion of Mode 2 knowledge production have attracted considerable interest, the theory has not been universally accepted in the terms put forth by Gibbons and colleagues. Scholars in science policy studies have pointed to three types of problems with the concept of Mode 2: its empirical validity, its conceptual strength, its political value. Concerning the empirical validity of the Mode 2 claims and Leydesdorff argue that: "The so-called Mode 2 is not new. Another question to be answered is why Mode 1 has arisen after Mode 2: the original organizational and institutional basis of science, consisting of networks and invisible colleges. Where have these ideas, of the scientist as the isolated individual and of science separated from the interests of society, come from? Mode 2 represents the material base of science, how it operates. Mode 1 is a construct, built upon that base in order to justify autonomy for science in an earlier era when it was still a fragile institution and needed all the help it could get."Thus, Mode 1 is a theoretical construct, not a description of actual scientific research, as the boundaries between different disciplines and'basic' and'applied research' have always been blurred.

In the same article and Leydesdorff use the notion of the triple helix of the nation state and industry to explain innovation, the development of new technology and knowledge transfer. Etzkowitz and Leydesdorff argue, "The Triple Helix overlay provides a model at the level of social structure for the explanation of Mode 2 as an emerging structure for the production of scientific knowledge, its relation to Mode 1."Steve Fuller criticized the'Modists' view of the history of science because they wrongly give the impression that Mode 1


FMovies is a series of websites that host links and embedded videos, allowing users to stream or download movies for free. The site was created sometime in 2016 according to TorrentFreak, blocked from Google searches in December 2016. In October 2017, FMovies lost a lawsuit brought by Filipino media and entertainment group ABS-CBN, was ordered to pay $210,000. In January 2018, the site was identified as a Notorious Market by the U. S. government, along with The Pirate Bay and other piracy sites. In October 2018, Telia Company, a Swedish ISP, was ordered to block FMovies, they appealed the order. That same month, the Motion Picture Association of America reported FMovies along with other piracy sites to the U. S. government. FMovies was blocked in Australia after a request in August. In February 2019, Sweden asked advertisers to blacklist some piracy and streaming sites, which included FMovies. By April 2019, ISPs in India were ordered to block FMovies, the U. S. Government identified the site as one of the top piracy sites.

As of November 2019, there are 2 to 4 different FMovies websites running, but their locations are unknown. Putlocker, similar online movie streaming network YIFY Torrents, online movie file downloading network Popcorn Time, a freeware program allowing users to watch movies through torrenting on several platforms 123movies, similar online movie streaming network