Youth vote in the United States
The youth vote in the United States is the cohort of 18- to 24-year-olds as a voting demographic. Many policy areas affect the youth of the United States, such as education issues and the juvenile justice system; the general trend in voter turnout for American elections has been decreasing for all age groups, but "young people's participation has taken the biggest nosedive". This low youth turnout is part of the generational trend of voting activity. Young people have the lowest turnout, though as the individual ages, turnout increases to a peak at the age of 50 and falls again. Since 18-year-olds were given the right to vote in 1972, youth have been under represented at the polls. In 1976, one of the first elections in which 18-year-olds were able to vote, 18-24 year-olds made up 18 percent of all eligible voters in America, but only 13 percent voted - an under-representation of one-third. In the next election in 1978, youth were under-represented by 50 percent. "Seven out of ten young people…did not vote in the 1996 presidential election… 20 percent below the general turnout".
In 1998, out of the 13 percent of eligible youth voters in America, only five percent voted. During the competitive presidential race of 2000, 36 percent of youth turned out to vote and in 2004, the "banner year in the history of youth voting," 47 percent of the American youth voted. In the 2008 U. S. Presidential election, the number of youth voters tripled and quadrupled in some states compared to the 2004 elections; the framers of the U. S. Constitution and state voting laws were skeptical of the role of young people in American politics. States uniformly set 21 as the voting age, although Connecticut debated lowering it to 18 in 1819. In general young Americans were expected to be deferential to their elders, John Adams famously cautioned that expanding suffrage would encourage “lads from twelve to twenty-one” to demand the right to vote, yet as the suffrage expanded to non-property-holders in the early 1800s, young people came to play a larger role in politics. During the rise of Jacksonian Democracy, youths organized Young Men’s clubs in support of the Democratic, National Republican, Whig, or Anti-Masonic parties.
Presidential campaigns organized torch-lit rallies of thousands of marchers, analyses of these club rosters show that members were in their late teens and early twenties. The demands of popular democracy – which drew voter turnouts above 80% of eligible voters – led political machines to rely on youths as cheap, enthusiastic campaigners for political machines. In 1848, Abraham Lincoln suggested that Whig Party in Springfield, make use of “the shrewd, wild boys about town, whether just of age or a little under age.” In the mid-to-late 1800s, young men enthusiastically cast their “virgin vote” when turning 21. Voting was seen as a rite of passage and public declaration of manhood and citizenship. Young African-Americans participated in voting and campaigning where they could vote, young women, though prevented from voting themselves, followed politics read partisan newspapers, argued politics with the young men in their lives. Around the turn of the 20th century, political reformers reduced party’s reliance on young activists in an effort to clean up politics.
Youth turnout fell shortly thereafter among first time “virgin voters,” whose turnout declined 53% between 1888 and 1924. As turnout fell in the early 20th century, young people played less role in campaigning. Though individual campaigns, like those of Theodore Roosevelt in 1904, Franklin Delano Roosevelt in 1932, John F. Kennedy in 1960 appealed to youth, political parties showed less systematic interest in the youth vote. By the late 1960s and early 1970s, young people demanded more of a role in American public life leading to the passage of the 26th amendment, lowering the voting age to 18 in 1971. After the passage of this amendment, voter turnout among 18-24 year olds fell throughout the 1970s, ‘80s, ‘90s, although there seems to have been a resurgence in the last generation; the lack of youth participation in the voting process is not a random phenomenon. There are multiple variables that have an influence on the voting behaviors of youth in the United States; the voting process has two steps.
An eligible voter - a U. S. citizen over the age of 18 - must first register to vote and commit the act of voting. The voting process therefore varies from state to state; the process of registering to vote is different depending on the state. Pre-registration is available to youth under the age of 18 in 20 states and Washington D. C. Potential voters may register on Election Day - or on the day on which they vote early - in 10 states and Washington D. C; this may be done at an election official's office. Residents of the 40 states which do not allow same day registration require potential voters to register by a deadline from eight to 30 days out from the election. Over half of the states in the U. S. offer some sort or online voter registration. This consists of the same process as a paper registration form, only it is digital on the internet and send to election officials to review over the web; this process was first introduced in Arizona in 2002. There are different regulations on the avenue through which a citizen can vote.
Early voting is available in 33 states and Washington D. C; this must be done in person at a designated polling place. Early voting period lengths vary from state to state. If a potential voter is not able to vote in person on Election Day or during the early voting period, they may request an absentee ballot. I
Student voice is "any expression of any learner regarding anything related to education" and describes "the distinct perspectives and actions of young people throughout schools focused on education. Tech educator Dennis Harper writes, "Student voice is giving students the ability to influence learning to include policies, programs and principles."Student voice is the individual and collective perspective and actions of students within the context of learning and education. It is identified as a pragmatic concern. According to Fletcher, student voice is a phenomenon. Coda & Jetter argue that student voice should not be viewed as a form of "treason," but rather should be viewed as a partnership between adult and student. Student voice work is premised on the following convictions: Young people have unique perspectives on learning and schooling. Several typologies differentiate the practices. One identifies multiple roles for students throughout the education system, including education planning, teaching, decision-making and advocacy.
The presence and engagement of student voice has been seen as essential to the educational process since at least the time of John Dewey, if not long before. In 1916 Dewey wrote extensively about the necessity of engaging student experience and perspectives in the curriculum of schools, summarizing his support by saying,: The essence of the demand for freedom is the need of conditions which will enable an individual to make his own special contribution to a group interest, to partake of its activities in such ways that social guidance shall be a matter of his own mental attitude, not a mere authoritative dictation of his acts. Today student voice is seeing a resurgence of importance as a growing body of literature identifies student voice as necessary throughout the educational process. Areas where advocates encourage acknowledging student voice include curriculum design and instructional methods, Educational leadership and general school reform activities, including research and evaluation.
Specific types of activities that can engage student voice include learning by teaching, education decision-making, school planning, participatory action research and teaching evaluations, educational advocacy, student advisories for principals and superintendents. Engaging student voice is a primary objective of service learning, which seeks to entwine classroom learning objectives with community service opportunities. Student voice is present in student government programs, experiential education activities, other forms of student-centered learning. Engaging students as educational decision-makers is the practice of teaching young people responsibility for their education by systematically engaging them in making choices about learning and the education system in areas ranging from what affects them to what affects an entire student body to what affects the entire school system. Choosing curricula, calendar year planning, school building design, teacher hiring, many more issues are seen as the duties of a school principal or teachers.
Today those roles are seen as avenues for student voice. Students are joining boards of education at all levels, including local and state boards; some education agencies engage students as staff in programs where they make decisions about grant making, school assessment, other areas. Students are participating in decision-making by establishing and enforcing codes of conduct and in personal education decision-making, such as choosing classes and deciding whether to attend school. Education reform has long been the domain of parents, school administrators and politicians. In some nations, there is a growing trend of greater student participation in scholastic affairs; the Connect journal, published in Melbourne, features dozens of examples of student voice throughout education in its bi-monthly publication. The Victorian Student Representative Council is the umbrella or peak body of Student Councils in Victoria, Australia, it is supported with funding from the Victorian Department of Education and Early Childhood Development and auspiced by the Youth Affairs Council of Victoria.
The VicSRC is an organisation run by secondary school students, elected by their peers. The New South Wales Student Representative Council is the peak student leadership consultative and decision-making forum in New South Wales. Including student voice on district school boards was mandated by the Ontario Education Act in 1998. Students in each one of the 72 provincial school boards are represented by a'pupil representative' called "Student Trustee", they are meant to represent the needs and concerns of students in discussions with the school board administration and the province. The Ontario Student Trustees' Association, OSTA-AECO, has become Ontario's chief student stakeholder, providing professional development to its members and advocates for students' educational interests; the Society for Democratic Education is an organization in Toronto that includes many aspects of heightened student inclusion in education reform policy. The Society for Democratic Education was founded in early 2005 by Bianca Wylie.
It has published several essays and position papers that discuss the importance of wide-scale education reform in how it applies t
A hippie is a member of the counterculture of the 1960s a youth movement that began in the United States during the mid-1960s and spread to other countries around the world. The word hippie came from hipster and used to describe beatniks who moved into New York City's Greenwich Village and San Francisco's Haight-Ashbury district; the term hippie first found popularity in San Francisco with Herb Caen, a journalist for the San Francisco Chronicle. The origins of the terms hip and hep are uncertain. By the 1940s, both had meant "sophisticated; the Beats adopted the term hip, early hippies inherited the language and countercultural values of the Beat Generation. Hippies created their own communities, listened to psychedelic music, embraced the sexual revolution, many used drugs such as marijuana, LSD, psilocybin mushrooms to explore altered states of consciousness. In 1967, the Human Be-In in Golden Gate Park, San Francisco, Monterey Pop Festival popularized hippie culture, leading to the Summer of Love on the West Coast of the United States, the 1969 Woodstock Festival on the East Coast.
Hippies in Mexico, known as jipitecas, formed La Onda and gathered at Avándaro, while in New Zealand, nomadic housetruckers practiced alternative lifestyles and promoted sustainable energy at Nambassa. In the United Kingdom in 1970, many gathered at the gigantic Isle of Wight Festival with a crowd of around 400,000 people. In years, mobile "peace convoys" of New Age travelers made summer pilgrimages to free music festivals at Stonehenge and elsewhere. In Australia, hippies gathered at Nimbin for the 1973 Aquarius Festival and the annual Cannabis Law Reform Rally or MardiGrass. "Piedra Roja Festival", a major hippie event in Chile, was held in 1970. Hippie and psychedelic culture influenced 1960s and early 1970s young culture in Iron Curtain countries in Eastern Europe. Hippie fashion and values had a major effect on culture, influencing popular music, film and the arts. Since the 1960s, mainstream society has assimilated many aspects of hippie culture; the religious and cultural diversity the hippies espoused has gained widespread acceptance, their pop versions of Eastern philosophy and Asian spiritual concepts have reached a larger audience.
Lexicographer Jesse Sheidlower, the principal American editor of the Oxford English Dictionary, argues that the terms hipster and hippie derive from the word hip, whose origins are unknown. The word hip in the sense of "aware, in the know" is first attested in a 1902 cartoon by Tad Dorgan, first appeared in prose in a 1904 novel by George Vere Hobart, Jim Hickey: A Story of the One-Night Stands, where an African-American character uses the slang phrase "Are you hip?" The term hipster was coined by Harry Gibson in 1944. By the 1940s, the terms hip and hepcat were popular in Harlem jazz slang, although hep came to denote an inferior status to hip. In Greenwich Village in the early 1960s, New York City, young counterculture advocates were named hips because they were considered "in the know" or "cool", as opposed to being square. In the April 27, 1961 issue of The Village Voice, "An open letter to JFK & Fidel Castro", Norman Mailer utilizes the term hippies, in questioning JFK's behavior. In a 1961 essay, Kenneth Rexroth used both the terms hipster and hippies to refer to young people participating in black American or Beatnik nightlife.
According to Malcolm X's 1964 autobiography, the word hippie in 1940s Harlem had been used to describe a specific type of white man who "acted more Negro than Negroes". Andrew Loog Oldham refers to "all the Chicago hippies," in reference to black blues/R&B musicians, in his rear sleeve notes to the 1965 LP The Rolling Stones, Now! The word hippie was used in reference to Philadelphia in at least two popular songs in 1963: South Street by The Orlons, You Can't Sit Down by The Dovells. In both songs, the term is applied to residents of Philadelphia's South Street. Although the word hippies made other isolated appearances in print during the early 1960s, the first use of the term on the West Coast appeared in the article "A New Paradise for Beatniks" by San Francisco journalist Michael Fallon. In that article, Fallon wrote about the Blue Unicorn Cafe, using the term hippie to refer to the new generation of beatniks who had moved from North Beach into the Haight-Ashbury district. New York Times editor and usage writer Theodore M. Bernstein said the paper changed the spelling from hippy to hippie to avoid the ambiguous description of clothing as hippy fashions.
A July 1968 Time magazine study on hippie philosophy credited the foundation of the hippie movement with historical precedent as far back as the sadhu of India, the spiritual seekers who had renounced the world by taking "Sannyas". The counterculture of the Ancient Greeks, espoused by philosophers like Diogenes of Sinope and the cynics were early forms of hippie culture, it named as notable influences the religious and spiritual teachings of Henry David Thoreau, Hillel the Elder, Buddha, St. Francis of Assisi, J. R. R. Tolkien; the first signs of modern "proto-hippies" emerged in fin de siècle Europe. Late 1890s to early 1900s, a German youth movement arose as a countercultural reaction to the organized social and cultural clubs that centered around "German folk music". Known as Der Wandervogel, the hippie movement opposed the formality of traditional German clubs, instead emphasizing folk music and singing, creative dress, outdoor
Youth councils are a form of youth voice engaged in community decision-making. Youth councils exist on local, provincial, regional and international levels among governments, non governmental organizations and other entities. For over a decade, the UK's British Youth Council have operated the UK Youth Parliament. Notable for being the only other organisation able to meet in the House of Commons, all young people between the ages of 11-18 can vote for their local Member of Youth Parliament. Additionally, the Council operate the UK Young Mayor's Network, NHS Youth Forum and the House of Commons' Youth Select Committee; the history of youth councils extends back to the early 20th century, when communists and Nazis formed youth-led decision-making bodies for the purpose of propagandization and recruitment. Youth councils have seen a resurgence in Western Europe under the advisement of the European Youth Forum. Article 12 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child is widely credited with promoting youth councils.
Youth councils have many purposes. Many are consultative bodies for more representative political bodies at all levels of government; the extent to which they have been established at all levels varies, as the United States, Canada and Northern Europe have all seen a proliferation of these bodies. How they are composed varies, with some youth councils being elected by young people in the community, while others are handpicked by political officials or elected by youth NGOs. In Europe there is a consolidated tradition of representative youth platforms at Pan-regional and local level. At European level the European Youth Forum constitutes the platforms which gathers more than 93 National Youth Council and International Non-Governmental Youth Organizations. It's a non-governmental structure which serves its members and applies the principles of democratic representation, transparency through its internal democratic system. At the Institutional level, the Council of Europe has a specific co-managed system to run its youth sector.
Governmental and non-Governmental representative co-decide upon the priorities of the youth program of the institution and they co-manage the activities which are run in two youth centres in Strasbourg and Budapest. The Youth Constituency is called "Advisory Council on Youth" beside the co-decision mechanism internal to the Directorate for Youth and Sport has the possibility to advise the Institution on any matter which affect young people and, tackled by Council of Europe. At National level there are National Youth Councils which are similar structures to the European Youth Forum and there are regional and local council which adopts various kind of constituencies and organizations case by case an example of, the Scottish Youth Parliament; some youth councils are for each constituency just like the Dartford Youth Council in the United Kingdom. Another example is the PAL-TIN, a national alliance of local youth councils in Romania. Additionally, some youth councils, for example the Greek Youth Parliament allows for the participation not only of youth from within the country, but countries with large Greek communities such as Germany and Australia.
Among 1800 local youth and children's councils exist in France. 500 are members of an umbrella born in 1991 and called Anacej In Israel, There is a National Youth Council, whose members are elected from 7 Regional Youth Councils, which are elected from Municipal councils, formed from representatives of School Student Councils and Youth Movements. In the United States and Canada, youth councils have been formed by nonprofit organizations and at all levels of government. Many cities, including Boston, Los Angeles, San Francisco, Miami, Dallas and San Jose, have active youth councils that inform city government decision-making. For instance, the Los Angeles Youth Council is sponsored by the Commission for Children Youth and their Families. Prior to being established as a program of this commission, it was operated as Mayor Tom Bradley's Youth Advisory Board; this Youth Council is working on creating a citywide Youth Policy. Several state-level government agencies and legislatures have created youth councils, including Washington, Maine, Indiana, New Mexico and New Hampshire.
Maine's council was the first statewide youth council created in the US, the others were created soon after that. In the United States there are several forms of youth councils, they include youth advisory councils, which provide input and feedback regarding adult-driven decision-making. A new breed of Youth Council exists that include a perspective on "leadership", not always interpreted in the same way from one generation to the next; this form of Youth Council embraces all of the above-mentioned qualities. As in all generations, Youth have the same responsibilities/concerns
Nebraska's 3rd congressional district
Nebraska's 3rd congressional district seat encompasses the western three-fourths of the state. It includes Grand Island, Hastings, North Platte and Scottsbluff. Additionally, it encompasses a large majority of the Platte River. Nebraska has had at least three congressional districts since 1883; the district's current configuration dates from 1963, when Nebraska lost a seat as a result of the 1960 United States Census. At that time, most of the old 3rd and 4th districts were merged to form the new 3rd District; the district is one of the most Republican districts in the nation. Democrats have only come close to winning this district three times as drawn, in 1974, 1990, 2006, all years where the incumbent was not running for reelection. Republican presidential and gubernatorial candidates carry the district with margins of 40 percent or more, while Franklin D. Roosevelt in 1936 was the last Democratic presidential candidate to win a plurality within the current district boundaries. Excepting Democratic Saline County on the district’s eastern boundary and Dakota County which has only been within this district since 2013, the last Democrat to carry any county within the district at a presidential level was Jimmy Carter in 1976.
Although Nebraska's state legislature is elected on a nonpartisan basis, all but two state senators representing significant portions of the district are known to be Republicans. With a Cook PVI of R+27, it is the most Republican Congressional District in the country outside the South, it is held by Republican Adrian Smith. The previous congressman, Tom Osborne, did not seek reelection in order to wage an unsuccessful campaign for the Republican nomination for governor of Nebraska. Nebraska's congressional districts List of United States congressional districts Martis, Kenneth C.. The Historical Atlas of Political Parties in the United States Congress. New York: Macmillan Publishing Company. Martis, Kenneth C.. The Historical Atlas of United States Congressional Districts. New York: Macmillan Publishing Company. Congressional Biographical Directory of the United States 1774–present
The Beat Generation was a literary movement started by a group of authors whose work explored and influenced American culture and politics in the post-war era. The bulk of their work popularized throughout the 1950s; the central elements of Beat culture are the rejection of standard narrative values, making a spiritual quest, the exploration of American and Eastern religions, the rejection of materialism, explicit portrayals of the human condition, experimentation with psychedelic drugs, sexual liberation and exploration. Allen Ginsberg's Howl, William S. Burroughs's Naked Lunch and Jack Kerouac's On the Road are among the best known examples of Beat literature. Both Howl and Naked Lunch were the focus of obscenity trials that helped to liberalize publishing in the United States; the members of the Beat Generation developed a reputation as new bohemian hedonists, who celebrated non-conformity and spontaneous creativity. The core group of Beat Generation authors – Herbert Huncke, Burroughs, Lucien Carr, Kerouac – met in 1944 in and around the Columbia University campus in New York City.
In the mid-1950s, the central figures ended up together in San Francisco where they met and became friends of figures associated with the San Francisco Renaissance. In the 1960s, elements of the expanding Beat movement were incorporated into the hippie and larger counterculture movements. Neal Cassady, as the driver for Ken Kesey's bus Further, was the primary bridge between these two generations. Ginsberg's work became an integral element of early 1960s hippie culture. Kerouac introduced the phrase "Beat Generation" in 1948 to characterize a perceived underground, anti-conformist youth movement in New York; the name arose in a conversation with writer John Clellon Holmes. Kerouac allows that it was Huncke, a street hustler, who used the phrase "beat", in an earlier discussion with him; the adjective "beat" could colloquially mean "tired" or "beaten down" within the African-American community of the period and had developed out of the image "beat to his socks", but Kerouac appropriated the image and altered the meaning to include the connotations "upbeat", "beatific", the musical association of being "on the beat", "the Beat to keep" from the Beat Generation poem.
The origins of the Beat Generation can be traced to Columbia University and the meeting of Kerouac, Carr, Hal Chase and others. Kerouac attended Columbia on a football scholarship. Though the beats are regarded as anti-academic, many of their ideas were formed in response to professors like Lionel Trilling and Mark Van Doren. Classmates Carr and Ginsberg discussed the need for a "New Vision", to counteract what they perceived as their teachers' conservative, formalistic literary ideals. Burroughs had an interest in criminal behavior and got involved in dealing stolen goods and narcotics, he was soon addicted to opiates. Burroughs' guide to the criminal underworld was a small-time criminal and drug-addict; the Beats were drawn to Huncke, who started to write himself, convinced that he possessed a vital worldly knowledge unavailable to them from their middle-class upbringings. Ginsberg was arrested in 1949; the police attempted to stop Ginsberg while he was driving with Huncke, his car filled with stolen items that Huncke planned to fence.
Ginsberg crashed the car while trying to flee and escaped on foot, but left incriminating notebooks behind. He was given the option to plead insanity to avoid a jail term, was committed for 90 days to Bellevue Hospital, where he met Carl Solomon. Solomon was arguably more eccentric than psychotic. A fan of Antonin Artaud, he indulged in self-consciously "crazy" behavior, like throwing potato salad at a college lecturer on Dadaism. Solomon was given shock treatments at Bellevue. Solomon became the publishing contact who agreed to publish Burroughs' first novel Junky in 1953. Beat writers and artists flocked to Greenwich Village in New York City in the late 1950s because of low rent and the'small town' element of the scene. Folksongs and discussions took place in Washington Square Park. Allen Ginsberg was a big part of the scene in the Village, as was Burroughs, who lived at 69 Bedford Street. Burroughs, Ginsberg and other poets frequented many bars in the area including the San Remo Cafe at 93 MacDougal Street on the northwest corner of Bleeker, Chumley's, Minetta Tavern.
Jackson Pollock, Willem de Kooning, Franz Kline, other abstract expressionists were frequent visitors and collaborators of the beats. Cultural critics have written about the transition of Beat culture in the Village into the Bohemian hippie culture of the 1960s. Ginsberg had visited Neal and Carolyn Cassady in San Jose, California in 1954 and moved to San Francisco in August, he began writing Howl. Lawrence Ferlinghetti, of the new City Lights Bookstore, started to publish the City Lights Pocket Poets Series in 1955. Kenneth Rexroth's apartment became a Friday night literary salon; when asked by Wally Hedrick to organize the Six Gallery reading, Ginsberg wanted Rexroth to serve as master of ceremonies, in a sense to bridge generations. Philip Lamantia, Michael McClure, Philip Whalen and Gary Snyder read on October 7, 1955, before 100 people. Lamantia read poems of his late friend John Hoffman. At his first public reading Ginsberg perf
Beatnik was a media stereotype prevalent throughout the 1950s to mid-1960s that displayed the more superficial aspects of the Beat Generation literary movement of the 1950s. Elements of the beatnik trope included pseudo-intellectualism, drug use, a cartoonish depiction of real-life people along with the spiritual quest of Jack Kerouac's autobiographical fiction. In 1948, Kerouac introduced the phrase "Beat Generation", generalizing from his social circle to characterize the underground, anticonformist youth gathering in New York at that time; the name came up in conversation with John Clellon Holmes, who published an early Beat Generation novel titled Go, along with the manifesto This Is the Beat Generation in The New York Times Magazine. In 1954, Nolan Miller published his third novel Why I Am So Beat, detailing the weekend parties of four students; the adjective "beat" was introduced to the group by Herbert Huncke, though Kerouac expanded the meaning of the term. "Beat" came from underworld slang—the world of hustlers, drug addicts and petty thieves, where Allen Ginsberg and Kerouac sought inspiration.
"Beat" was slang for "beaten down" or downtrodden, but to Kerouac and Ginsberg, it had a spiritual connotation as in "beatitude." Other adjectives discussed by Holmes and Kerouac were "found" and "furtive." Kerouac felt. In "Aftermath: The Philosophy of the Beat Generation," Kerouac criticized what he saw as a distortion of his visionary, spiritual ideas: The Beat Generation, a vision that we had, John Clellon Holmes and I, Allen Ginsberg in an wilder way, in the late Forties, of a generation of crazy, illuminated hipsters rising and roaming America, serious and hitchhiking everywhere, beatific, beautiful in an ugly graceful new way—a vision gleaned from the way we had heard the word "beat" spoken on street corners on Times Square and in the Village, in other cities in the downtown city night of postwar America—beat, meaning down and out but full of intense conviction. We'd heard old 1910 Daddy Hipsters of the streets speak the word that way, with a melancholy sneer, it never meant juvenile delinquents, it meant characters of a special spirituality who didn't gang up but were solitary Bartlebies staring out the dead wall window of our civilization...
Kerouac explained what he meant by "beat" at a Brandeis Forum, "Is There A Beat Generation?", on November 8, 1958 at New York's Hunter College Playhouse. The seminar's panelists were Kerouac, James A. Wechsler, Princeton anthropologist Ashley Montagu and author Kingsley Amis. Wechsler and Amis wore suits, while Kerouac was clad in black jeans, ankle boots and a checkered shirt. Reading from a prepared text, Kerouac reflected on his beat beginnings: It is because I am Beat, that is, I believe in beatitude and that God so loved the world that He gave His only begotten son to it... Who knows, but that the universe is not one vast sea of compassion the veritable holy honey, beneath all this show of personality and cruelty? Kerouac's statement was published as "The Origins of the Beat Generation". In that article, Kerouac noted how his original beatific philosophy had been ignored amid maneuvers by several pundits, among them San Francisco newspaper columnist Herb Caen, to alter Kerouac's concept with jokes and jargon: I went one afternoon to the church of my childhood and had a vision of what I must have meant with "Beat"... the vision of the word Beat as being to mean beatific...
People began to call themselves beatniks, jazzniks, bugniks, I was called the "avatar" of all this. In light of what he considered beat to mean and what beatnik had come to mean, Kerouac once observed to a reporter, "I'm not a beatnik, I'm a Catholic", showing the reporter a painting of Pope Paul VI and saying, "You know who painted that? Me." In her memoir, Minor Characters, Joyce Johnson described how the stereotype was absorbed into American culture: "Beat Generation" sold books, sold black turtleneck sweaters and bongos and dark glasses, sold a way of life that seemed like dangerous fun—thus to be either condemned or imitated. Suburban couples could have beatnik parties on Saturday nights and drink too much and fondle each other's wives. Kerouac biographer Ann Charters noted that the term "Beat" was appropriated to become a Madison Avenue marketing tool: The term caught on because it could mean anything, it could be exploited in the affluent wake of the decade's extraordinary technological inventions.
For example, advertisements by "hip" record companies in New York used the idea of the Beat Generation to sell their new long playing vinyl records. Lee Streiff, an acquaintance of many members of the movement who went on to become one of its chroniclers, believed that the news media saddled the movement for the long term with a set of false images: Reporters are not well versed in artistic movements, or the history of literature or art, and most are certain that their readers, or viewers, are of limited intellectual ability and must have things explained in any case. Thus, the reporters in the media tried to relate something, new to preexisting frameworks and images that were only vaguely appropriate in their efforts to explain and simplify. With a variety of oversimplified and conventional formulas at their disposal, they fell back on the nearest stereotypical approximation of what the phenomenon resembled, as they saw it, and worse, they did not see it and at that. They got a quotation here and a photograph there — and it was their job to wrap it up in a comprehensible package — and if it seemed to violate the prevailin