Storming of the Bastille
The Storming of the Bastille occurred in Paris, France, on the afternoon of 14 July 1789. The medieval fortress and political prison in Paris known as the Bastille represented royal authority in the center of Paris. The prison contained just seven inmates at the time of its storming but was a symbol of abuses by the monarchy, in France, Le quatorze juillet is a public holiday, usually called Bastille Day in English. During the reign of Louis XVI, France faced an economic crisis, partially initiated by the cost of intervening in the American Revolution. The king initially opposed this development, but was forced to acknowledge the authority of the assembly, which subsequently renamed itself the National Constituent Assembly on 9 July. The commoners had formed the National Guard, sporting tricolour cockades of blue and red, formed by combining the red and blue cockade of Paris and the white cockade of the king. These cockades, and soon simply their colour scheme, became the symbol of the revolution and, Paris, close to insurrection and, in François Mignets words, intoxicated with liberty and enthusiasm, showed wide support for the Assembly.
The press published the Assemblys debates, political debate spread beyond the Assembly itself into the public squares, the Palais-Royal and its grounds became the site of an ongoing meeting. The Assembly recommended the imprisoned guardsmen to the clemency of the king, they returned to prison, the rank and file of the regiment, previously considered reliable, now leaned toward the popular cause. News of Neckers dismissal reached Paris in the afternoon of Sunday,12 July, the Parisians generally presumed that the dismissal marked the start of a coup by conservative elements. Crowds gathered throughout Paris, including more than ten thousand at the Palais-Royal and this very night all the Swiss and German battalions will leave the Champ de Mars to massacre us all, one resource is left, to take arms. By early July, approximately half of the 25,000 regular troops in Paris, the crowd clashed with the Royal German Cavalry Regiment between the Place Vendôme and the Tuileries Palace. From atop the Champs-Élysées, the Prince de Lambesc unleashed a cavalry charge that dispersed the protesters at Place Louis XV—now Place de la Concorde.
The Royal commander, Baron de Besenval, fearing the results of a blood bath amongst the poorly armed crowds or defections among his own men, withdrew the cavalry towards Sèvres. Meanwhile, unrest was growing among the people of Paris who expressed their hostility against state authorities by attacking customs posts blamed for causing increased food, the people of Paris started to plunder any place where food and supplies could be hoarded. That night, rumors spread that supplies were being hoarded at Saint-Lazare, a property of the clergy. An angry mob broke in and plundered the property, seizing 52 wagons of wheat and that same day multitudes of people plundered many other places including weapon arsenals. The Royal troops did nothing to stop the spreading of chaos in Paris during those days
Pierre Victor, baron Malouet
Pierre Victor, baron Malouet, a French slave-owner, conservative publicist and monarchist politician, who signed as an Émigré the Whitehall Accord. Malouet was born in Riom as the son of a bailli in Puy-de-Dôme and he was educated at the College of Juilly before studying law. Then he opted for a career in the service and in 1758 he was sent to the French Embassy in Lisbon. When he returmed to France he was given a role in the French Army under the Duc de Broglie. In 1763 he was appointed intendant at Rochefort and became commissary in San Domingo in 1767, there he married and acquired significant number of sugar plantations. He returned to France in 1774, and took up the role of as commissary-general of the navy, in 1776 he was entrusted to carry out plans of improving the colonization of French Guiana. The next year Malouet and his wife made a 7-weeks trip to Paramaribo, Malouet criticized the way the Dutch treated their slaves, after he had visited 26 plantations. To improve the relation between the owners and the slaves, Malouet promoted religion and he was almost taken prisoner during the American War of Independence by an English corsair on his return to Cayenne.
Back in France he was received at court, and the execution of his plans in Guiana was assured. Malouet was appointed as intendant of the port of Toulon, in 1788 he published his Mémoire sur lesclavage des négres as an opponent of Abbé Raynal, who advocated the abolition of slavery. Malouet took seat as a Third Estate representative of his hometown in the Estates General of 1789, in September 1792, after the besiege of the Tuileries palace, he emigrated to England, and met with Edmund Burke. Around December 1793 he sought in vain permission to return to assist in the defense of Louis XVI, after the 18 Brumaire he returned to France. Malouet left the city in 1807 and he was peered and entered the council of state for the navy in 1810. Having offended the emperor by his criticism of the campaign in Russia, he was disgraced, at the Restoration, Louis XVIII made him minister of the navy, but Malouet died the same year. His memoires were published in 1868, James Grant, John, eds. Attribution This article incorporates text from a now in the public domain, Hugh, ed.
Malouet, Pierre Victor
Tennis Court Oath
It was a pivotal event in the early days of the French Revolution. On 17 June, the Third Estate, led by the comte de Mirabeau, on the morning of 20 June, the deputies were shocked to discover that the chamber door was locked and guarded by soldiers. There,576 of the 577 members from the Third Estate took an oath not to separate. The only person who did not join was Joseph Martin-Dauch from Castelnaudary and this oath would come to have major significance in the revolution as the Third Estate would constantly continue to protest to have more representation. The oath was both an act, and an assertion that political authority derived from the people and their representatives rather than from the monarch himself. Their solidarity forced Louis XVI to order the clergy and the nobility to join with the Third Estate in the National Assembly in order to give the illusion that he controlled the National Assembly. This oath would prove vital to the Third Estate as a step of protest that would lead to more power in the Estates General.
The Oath signified for the first time that French citizens formally stood in opposition to Louis XVI, and it was foreshadowed by, and drew considerably from, the 1776 United States Declaration of Independence, especially the preamble. The Oath inspired a variety of revolutionary activity in the months afterwards. Likewise, it reinforced the Assemblys strength and forced the King to formally request that voting occur based on head, not power. The Tennis Court Oath, which was taken in June 1789, preceded the 4 August 1789 abolition of feudalism and the 26 August 1789 Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen
But in 1914, after the assassination of the leader of the SFIO, Jean Jaurès, who had upheld an internationalist and anti-militarist line, the SFIO accepted to join the Union Sacrée national front. The distinction between left and right wings in politics derives from the arrangements which began during the Assemblee Nationale in 1789. Throughout the 19th century, the line dividing Left and Right in France was between supporters of the Republic and those of the Monarchy. Following Napoleon IIIs 1851 coup and the subsequent establishment of the Second Empire, most practicing Catholics continue to vote conservative while areas which were receptive to the revolution in 1789 continue to vote socialist. Paris was throughout the 19th century the permanent theater of insurrectionary movements, following the French Revolution of 1789 and the First French Empire, the former royal family returned to power in the Bourbon Restoration. The Restoration was dominated by the Counter-revolutionaries who refused all inheritance of the Revolution, the White Terror struck the Left, while the ultra-royalists tried to bypass their king on his right.
This intransigeance of the Legitimist monarchists, finally led to Charles Xs downfall during the Three Glorious Days, or July Revolution of 1830. The House of Orléans, cadet branch of the Bourbon, came to power with Louis-Philippe, marking the new influence of the second, important right-wing tradition of France, the Orleanists. The loyalists were divided into two parties, the conservative, center-right, Parti de la résistance, and the reformist center-left Parti du mouvement. Republicans and Socialists, who requested social and political reforms, including universal suffrage, the Parti du mouvement supported the nationalities in Europe, which were trying, all over of Europe, to shake the grip of the various Empires in order to create nation-states. The center-right was conservative and supported peace with European monarchs, and had as mouthpiece Le Journal des débats. The only social law of the bourgeois July Monarchy was to outlaw, in 1841, labor to children under eight years of age, the law, was almost never implemented.
Christians imagined a charitable economy, while the ideas of Socialism, Blanqui theorized Socialist coup détats, the socialist and anarchist thinker Proudhon theorized mutualism, while Karl Marx arrived in Paris in 1843, and met there Friedrich Engels. Marx had come to Paris to work with Arnold Ruge, another revolutionary from Germany, on the Deutsch-Französische Jahrbücher, there, he showed him his work, The Condition of the Working Class in England in 1844. The League of the Just was a group from the League of Outlaws created in Paris two years before by Theodore Schuster, Wilhelm Weitling and others German emigrants, mostly journeymen. Schusterr was inspired by the works of Philippe Buonarroti, the latter league had a pyramidal structure inspired by the secret society of the Republican Carbonari, and shared ideas with Saint-Simon and Charles Fouriers utopian socialism. Their aim was to establish a Social Republic in the German states which would respect freedom, the League of the Just participated in the Blanquist uprising of May 1839 in Paris.
Hereafter expelled from France, the League of the Just moved to London, in his spare time, Marx studied Proudhon, whom he would criticize in The Poverty of Philosophy
Jean-Sifrein Maury was a French cardinal and bishop of Montefiascone. The son of a poor cobbler, he was born on at Valréas in the Comtat-Venaissin. His acuteness was observed by the priests of the seminary at Avignon and he tried his fortune by writing éloges of famous persons, a favorite practice, in 1771, his Éloge on Fénelon was pronounced by the French Academy as second only to that by La Harpe. The real foundation of his fortunes was the success of a panegyric on Saint Louis delivered before the Académie française in 1772, the book was often reprinted as Principes de léloquence. In 1781, he obtained the priory of Lyons, near Pronne. His morals were as loose as those of his great rival Mirabeau and he was elected a member of the Estates-General of 1789 by the clergy of the bailliage of Péronne, proving from the first to be the most able and persevering defender of the ancien régime. It is said that he attempted to both in July and in October 1789, but after that time, deserted by nearly all his friends.
In the National Constituent Assembly he took a part in every important debate. His life was often in danger, but his ready wit always saved it and it was said that one bon mot would preserve him for a month. He was finally made bishop of Montefiascone in Italy, where he settled briefly, but in 1798 the French drove him from his retreat. Next year he returned to Rome as ambassador of the exiled Louis XVIII at the papal court, in 1804, he began to prepare his return to France by a well-turned letter to Napoleon, congratulating him on restoring religion to France once more. In 1806 he did return and in 1807 was again received into the Academy and he was presently ordered by the pope to surrender his functions as archbishop, but refused. On the Bourbon restoration toward the end of 1814, he was expelled from the Academy. Maury retired to Rome, where he was imprisoned in the Castel SantAngelo for six months for his disobedience to the papal orders and he died in 1817, a year or two after his release, primarily from disease contracted in prison.
As a politician, his wit and eloquence made him a rival of Mirabeau. As a critic, he was and is considered an able writer. Sainte-Beuve gives him the credit of discovering Father Jacques Bridayne and of giving Bossuet his rightful place as a preacher above Massillon and this article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain, Hugh, ed. article name needed. Louis-Siffrein Maury, Vie du Cardinal Maury, jean Poujoulat, Cardinal Maury, sa vie et ses œuvres
Estates of the realm
The estates of the realm were the broad orders of social hierarchy used in Christendom from the medieval period to early modern Europe. Different systems for dividing society members into estates developed and evolved over time, the best known system is the French Ancien Régime, a three-estate system used until the French Revolution. Monarchy was for the king and the queen and this system was made up of clergy, furthermore, the non-landowning poor could be left outside the estates, leaving them without political rights. In England, a system evolved that combined nobility and bishops into one lordly estate with commons as the second estate. This system produced the two houses of parliament, the House of Commons and the House of Lords, in southern Germany, a three-estate system of nobility and burghers was used. Today the term Fourth Estate usually refers to forces outside the power structure. Historically, in Northern and Eastern Europe, the Fourth Estate meant rural commoners, during the Middle Ages individuals were born into their class and change in social position was difficult.
The medieval Church was the institution where social mobility was most likely up to a certain level, however, only nobility were appointed to the highest church positions, although low nobility could aspire to the highest church positions. Another possible way to rise in position was due to exceptional military or commercial success. Such families were rare and their rise to nobility required royal patronage at some point, medieval political speculation is imbued to the marrow with the idea of a structure of society based upon distinct orders, Johan Huizinga observes. There are, first of all, the estates of the realm, but there are the trades, the state of matrimony and that of virginity, at court there are the four estates of the body and mouth, bread-masters, cup-bearers and cooks. In the Church there are orders and monastic orders. Finally there are the different orders of chivalry and this static view of society was predicated on inherited positions. Commoners were universally considered the lowest order, a persons estate and position within it were usually inherited from the father and his occupation, similar to a caste within that system.
In many regions and realms there existed population groups born outside these specifically defined resident estates, legislative bodies or advisory bodies to a monarch were traditionally grouped along lines of these estates, with the monarch above all three estates. Meetings of the estates of the realm became early legislative and judicial parliaments, monarchs often sought to legitimize their power by requiring oaths of fealty from the estates. Today, in most countries, the estates have lost all their legal privileges, one of the earliest political pamphlets to address these ideas was called What Is the Third Estate. It was written by Abbé Emmanuel Joseph Sieyès in January 1789, the struggle over investiture and the reform movement legitimized all secular authorities, partly on the grounds of their obligation to enforce discipline
Constitution of the United Kingdom
The constitution of the United Kingdom is the sum of laws and principles that make up the body politic of the United Kingdom. It concerns both the relationship between the individual and the state, and the functioning of the legislature, the executive, the UK does not have one specific constitutional document. Instead the constitution is found within a variety of written and some unwritten sources and this is sometimes referred to as an unwritten or uncodified constitution. The British constitution primarily draws from four sources, statute law, common law, parliamentary conventions and it follows that Parliament can change the constitution simply by passing new statutes through Acts of Parliament. Acts of Parliament are bills which have received the approval of Parliament – that is, the Monarch, the House of Lords, on rare occasions, the House of Commons uses the Parliament Acts to pass legislation without the approval of the House of Lords. Acts of Parliament are among the most important sources of the constitution, according to the traditional view, Parliament has the power to legislate however it wishes on any subject it wishes.
For example, most of the medieval statute known as Magna Carta has been repealed since 1828. It has traditionally been the case that the courts are barred from questioning any Act of Parliament, on the other hand, this principle has not been without its dissidents and critics over the centuries, and attitudes among the judiciary in this area may be changing. This part of his judgment was obiter – and, was controversial and it remains to be seen whether the doctrine will be accepted by other judges. Treaties do not, on ratification, automatically become incorporated into UK law, important treaties have been incorporated into domestic law by means of Acts of Parliament. The European Convention on Human Rights, for example, was given further effect into domestic law through the preamble of the Human Rights Act 1998, the Treaty of Union of 1707 was important in creating the unitary state which exists today. The treaty was between the governments of England and Scotland and was put into effect by two Acts of Union which were passed by the Parliaments of both nations.
The Treaty, along with the subsequent Acts, brought into existence the Kingdom of Great Britain, uniting the Kingdom of England and the Kingdom of Scotland. Common law legal systems exist in Northern Ireland and in England and Wales, Court judgments commonly form a source of the constitution, generally speaking in English Law, judgments of the higher courts form precedents or case law that binds lower courts and judges. However Scots Law does not accord the status to precedent. Historically important court judgments include those in the Case of Proclamations, many British constitutional conventions are ancient in origin, though others date from within living memory. Works of authority is the name for works that are sometimes cited as interpretations of aspects of the UK constitution. Most are works written by 19th or early 20th century constitutionalists, in particular A. V. Dicey, Walter Bagehot and these pillars are the principle of Parliamentary sovereignty and the rule of law
Hierarchy and inequality may be viewed as natural results of traditional social differences or the competition in market economies. The term right-wing can generally refer to the conservative or reactionary section of a party or system. The original Right in France was formed as a reaction against the Left, and comprised those politicians supporting hierarchy, the use of the expression la droite became prominent in France after the restoration of the monarchy in 1815, when it was applied to the Ultra-royalists. The people of English-speaking countries did not apply the terms right, from the 1830s to the 1880s, there was a shift in the Western world of social class structure and the economy, moving away from nobility and aristocracy towards capitalism. This general economic shift toward capitalism affected centre right movements such as the British Conservative Party, in the United States, the Right includes both economic and social conservatives. The nobility, members of the Second Estate, generally sat to the right, in the successive legislative assemblies, monarchists who supported the Ancien Régime were commonly referred to as rightists because they sat on the right side.
A major figure on the right was Joseph de Maistre, who argued for a form of conservatism. Throughout the 19th century, the line dividing Left and Right in France was between supporters of the republic and supporters of the monarchy. In British politics, the right and left came into common use for the first time in the late 1930s in debates over the Spanish Civil War. The meaning of right-wing varies across societies, historical epochs, and political systems, according to The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Politics, in liberal democracies, the political Right opposes socialism and social democracy. Right-wing parties include conservatives, Christian democrats, classical liberals, nationalists and, on the far Right, Roger Eatwell and Neal OSullivan divide the Right into five types, moderate, radical and new. Chip Berlet argues that each of these styles of thought are responses to the left, including liberalism and socialism, the reactionary right looks toward the past and is aristocratic and authoritarian.
Often the moderate right promotes nationalism and social welfare policies, radical right is a term developed after World War II to describe groups and ideologies such as McCarthyism, the John Birch Society and the Republikaner Party. Eatwell stresses that use has major typological problems and that the term has been applied to clearly democratic developments. The radical right includes right-wing populism and various other subtypes, Eatwell argues that the extreme right has four traits, 1) anti-democracy, 2) nationalism, 3) racism, and 4) the strong state. The New Right consists of the conservatives, who stress small government, free markets. Other authors make a distinction between the centre-right and the far right, parties of the centre-right generally support liberal democracy, the market economy, private property rights, and a limited welfare state. They support conservatism and economic liberalism, and oppose socialism and communism, typical examples of leaders to whom the far right label is often applied are Francisco Franco in Spain and Augusto Pinochet in Chile
Gilbert du Motier, Marquis de Lafayette
A close friend of George Washington, Alexander Hamilton, and Thomas Jefferson, Lafayette was a key figure in the French Revolution of 1789 and the July Revolution of 1830. Born in Chavaniac, in the province of Auvergne in south central France and he followed its martial tradition, and was commissioned an officer at age 13. He became convinced that the American cause in its war was noble. There, he was made a general, the 19-year-old was initially not given troops to command. Wounded during the Battle of Brandywine, he managed to organize an orderly retreat. He served with distinction in the Battle of Rhode Island, in the middle of the war, he returned home to lobby for an increase in French support. He again sailed to America in 1780, and was given positions in the Continental Army. In 1781, troops in Virginia under his command blocked forces led by Cornwallis until other American, Lafayette returned to France and, in 1787, was appointed to the Assembly of Notables, which was convened in response to the fiscal crisis.
He was elected a member of the Estates-General of 1789, where representatives met from the three orders of French society—the clergy, the nobility, and the commoners. He helped write the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen, after the storming of the Bastille, Lafayette was appointed commander-in-chief of the National Guard and tried to steer a middle course through the French Revolution. In August 1792, the radical factions ordered his arrest, fleeing through the Austrian Netherlands, he was captured by Austrian troops and spent more than five years in prison. Lafayette returned to France after Napoleon Bonaparte secured his release in 1797, after the Bourbon Restoration of 1814, he became a liberal member of the Chamber of Deputies, a position he held for most of the remainder of his life. During Frances July Revolution of 1830, Lafayette declined an offer to become the French dictator, instead, he supported Louis-Philippe as king, but turned against him when the monarch became autocratic.
Lafayette died on 20 May 1834, and is buried in Picpus Cemetery in Paris, for his accomplishments in the service of both France and the United States, he is sometimes known as The Hero of the Two Worlds. Lafayettes lineage was likely one of the oldest and most distinguished in Auvergne and, males of the Lafayette family enjoyed a reputation for courage and chivalry and were noted for their contempt for danger. One of Lafayettes early ancestors, Gilbert de Lafayette III, a Marshal of France, had been a companion-at-arms of Joan of Arcs army during the Siege of Orléans in 1429, according to legend, another ancestor acquired the crown of thorns during the Sixth Crusade. Lafayettes father likewise died on the battlefield, on 1 August 1759, Michel de Lafayette was struck by a cannonball while fighting a British-led coalition at the Battle of Minden in Westphalia. Lafayette became marquis and Lord of Chavaniac, but the estate went to his mother, in 1768, when Lafayette was 11, he was summoned to Paris to live with his mother and great-grandfather at the comtes apartments in Luxembourg Palace