Carl Christian Hall
Carl Christian Hall was a Danish statesman. Hall served as the Council President of Denmark, first from 1857 to 1859 and again from 1860 to 1863. Hall was the son of the respected artisan and train-band colonel Mads Hall, he was born at Christianshavn. After a distinguished career at school and college, he adopted the law as his profession, in 1837 married the gifted but eccentric Augusta Marie, daughter of the philologist Peter Oluf Brøndsted. A natural conservatism indisposed Hall at first to take any part in the popular movement of 1848, to which all his friends had adhered. Sent to the Rigsforsamling of 1848 as member for the first district of Copenhagen, a constituency he continued to represent in the Folketing till 1881, he took his place in the front rank of Danish politicians. From the first he displayed rare ability as a debater, his inspiring and yet amiable personality attracted hosts of admirers, while his extraordinary tact and temper disarmed opposition and enabled him to mediate between extremes without sacrificing principles.
Hall was not altogether satisfied with the fundamental law of June. The aloofness and sulkiness of the aristocrats and landed proprietors he deplored. Failing to rally them to the good cause he determined anyhow to organize the great cultivated middle class into a political party. Hence the "June Union," whose programme was progress and reform in the spirit of the constitution, at the same time opposition to the one-sided democratism and party-tyranny of the Bondevenner or peasant party; the "Union" exercised an essential influence on the elections of 1852, was, in fact, the beginning of the national Liberal party, which found its natural leader in Hall. During the years 1852-1854 the burning question of the day was the connexion between the various parts of the monarchy. Hall was eider dansk by conviction, he saw in the closest possible union between the kingdom and a Schleswig freed from all risk of German interference the essential condition for Denmark's independence. Hall first took office in the Bang administration as Kultus Minister.
In May 1857 he became president of the council after Carl Andræ, Bang's successor, had retired, in July 1858 he exchanged the kultus ministry for the ministry of foreign affairs, while still retaining the premiership. Hall's programme, den Konstitutionelle Helstat, i.e. a single state with a common constitution, was difficult enough in a monarchy which included two nationalities, one of which, to a great extent, belonged to a foreign and hostile jurisdiction. But as this political monstrosity had been guaranteed by the Conventions of 1851-1852, Hall could not rid himself of it, the attempt to establish this Helstat was made accordingly by the Constitution of 13 November 1863; the failure of the attempt and its disastrous consequences for Denmark are described elsewhere. Here it need only be said that Hall himself soon became aware of the impossibility of the Helstat, his whole policy aimed at making its absurdity patent to Europe, substituting for it a constitutional Denmark to the Eider which would be in a position to come to terms with an independent Holstein.
That this was the best thing possible for Denmark is indisputable, the diplomatic "Seven Years' War" which Hall in the meantime conducted with all the powers interested in the question is the most striking proof of his superior statesmanship. Hall knew that in the last resort the question must be decided not by the sword, but he relied on the protection of the powers which had guaranteed the integrity of Denmark by the treaty of London, if words have any meaning at all he had the right to expect at the least the armed support of Great Britain. But the great German powers and the force of circumstances proved too strong for him. On the accession of the new king, Christian IX, Hall resigned rather than repeal the November Constitution, which gave Denmark something to negotiate upon in case of need, but he made matters as easy as he could for his successors in the Monrad administration, the ultimate catastrophe need not have been as serious as it was bad his advice, frankly given, been intelligently followed.
After 1864 Hall bore more than his fair share of the odium and condemnation which weighed so upon the national Liberal party, making no attempt to repudiate responsibility and refraining altogether from attacking patently unscrupulous opponents. But his personal popularity suffered not the slightest diminution, while his clear intuitive and his unconquerable faith in the future of his country made him, during those difficult years, a factor of incalculable importance in the public life of Denmark. In 1870 he joined the Holstein-Holsteinborg ministry as minister of public worship, in that capacity passed many useful educational reforms, but on the fall of the administration, in 1873, he retired altogether from public life. In the summer of 1879 Hall was struck down by apoplexy, for the remaining nine years of his life he was bedridden. He
Absolute monarchy is a form of monarchy in which the monarch holds supreme authority and where that authority is not restricted by any written laws, legislature, or customs. These are hereditary monarchies. In contrast, in constitutional monarchies, the head of state's authority derives from and is bounded or restricted by a constitution or legislature; some monarchies have a weak or symbolic legislature and other governmental bodies the monarch can alter or dissolve at will. Countries where monarchs still maintain absolute power are: Brunei, Saudi Arabia, Vatican City and the individual emirates composing the United Arab Emirates, which itself is a federation of such monarchies – a federal monarchy. In Ancient Egypt, the Pharaoh wielded absolute power over the country and was considered a living god by his people. In ancient Mesopotamia, many rulers of Assyria and Sumer were absolute monarchs as well. In ancient and medieval India, rulers of the Maurya, Gupta and Chalukya Empires, as well as other major and minor empires, were considered absolute monarchs.
In the Khmer Empire, the kings were called "Devaraja" and "Chakravartin", exercised absolute power over the empire and people. Throughout Imperial China, many emperors and one empress wielded absolute power through the Mandate of Heaven. In pre-Columbian America, the Inca Empire was ruled by a Sapa Inca, considered the son of Inti, the sun god and absolute ruler over the people and nation. Korea under the Joseon dynasty and short-lived empire was an absolute monarchy. In the Ottoman Empire, many sultans wielded absolute power through heavenly mandates reflected in their title, the "Shadow of God on Earth". Throughout much of European history, the divine right of kings was the theological justification for absolute monarchy. Many European monarchs, such as those of Russia, claimed supreme autocratic power by divine right, that their subjects had no rights to limit their power. James VI of Scotland and his son Charles I of Scotland and England tried to import this principle. Charles I's attempt to enforce episcopal polity on the Church of Scotland led to rebellion by the Covenanters and the Bishops' Wars fears that Charles I was attempting to establish absolutist government along European lines was a major cause of the English Civil War, despite the fact that he did rule this way for 11 years starting in 1629, after dissolving the Parliament of England for a time.
By the 19th century, the Divine Right was regarded as an obsolete theory in most countries in the Western world, except in Russia where it was still given credence as the official justification for the Tsar's power until February Revolution in 1917. There is a considerable variety of opinion by historians on the extent of absolutism among European monarchs. Some, such as Perry Anderson, argue that quite a few monarchs achieved levels of absolutist control over their states, while historians such as Roger Mettam dispute the concept of absolutism. In general, historians who disagree with the appellation of absolutism argue that most monarchs labeled as absolutist exerted no greater power over their subjects than any other non-absolutist rulers, these historians tend to emphasize the differences between the absolutist rhetoric of monarchs and the realities of the effective use of power by these absolute monarchs. Renaissance historian William Bouwsma summed up this contradiction: Nothing so indicates the limits of royal power as the fact that governments were perennially in financial trouble, unable to tap the wealth of those ablest to pay, to stir up a costly revolt whenever they attempted to develop an adequate income.
Though some historians doubt if he had, Louis XIV of France is said to have proclaimed "L'état, c'est moi". Although criticized for his extravagances, such as the Palace of Versailles, he reigned over France for a long period, some historians consider him a successful absolute monarch. More revisionist historians have questioned whether Louis' reign should be considered'absolute', given the reality of the balance of power between the monarch and the nobility; the King of France concentrated in his person legislative and judicial powers. He was the supreme judicial authority, he could condemn people to death without the right of appeal. It was both his duty to stop them from being committed. From his judicial authority followed his power both to annul them. One of his steps in creating an absolute monarchy in France was to build the Palace of Versailles, where he lived with many of his nobles and other important people, in order to control and watch over them. Absolutism was underpinned by a written constitution for the first time in Europe in 1665 Kongeloven of Denmark-Norway, which ordered that the Monarch "shall from this day forth be revered and considered the most perfect and supreme person on the Earth by all his subjects, standing above all human laws and having no judge above his person, neither in spiritual nor temporal matters, except God alone".
This law authorized the king to abolish all other centers of power. Most important was the abolition of the Council of the Realm. In Brandenburg-Prussia, the concept of absolute monarch took a notable turn from the above with its emphasis on the monarch as the "first servant of the state", but it echoed many of the important characteristics of Absolutism. Frederick William, known as the Great Elector, used the uncertainties of the final stages of the Thirty Years' War to consolidate his territories into the dominant kingdom in northern Germany, whilst increasing his power over his subjects
Peter Martin Orla Lehmann was a Danish statesman, a key figure in the development of Denmark's parliamentary government. He was born in Copenhagen, son of Martin Christian Gottlieb Lehmann, assessor conference councillor and deputee in the College of Commerce; the father was German, born in Haselau at Uetersen in Holstein, while the mother was Danish and daughter of a Mayor in Copenhagen. The family belonged to the same social circle as the poet Oehlenschläger. Orla was put in the German realschule in the St. Petri parish moved to the Borgerdydskole and began his studies at the University of Copenhagen in 1827. After a year studying literature, when he read Heine in the company of H. C. Andersen, he began his Law studies. After a study programme which he found tedious, he graduated in 1833. Although of German extraction, Orla Lehmann's sympathies were with the Danish National Liberal Party, and he contributed to the liberal journal the Kjøbenhavnsposten while he was a student, from 1839 to 1842 edited, with Christian N. David, the Fædrelandet.
In 1842 he was condemned to three months imprisonment for a radical speech. He took a considerable part in the demonstrations of 1848, was regarded as the leader of the Eider-Danes, that is, of the party which regarded the Eider River as the boundary of Denmark, the Duchy of Schleswig as an integral part of the kingdom, he entered the Cabinet of Moltke I in March 1848, was employed on diplomatic missions to London and Berlin in connection with the Schleswig-Holstein Question but left the cabinet the same year because of his dissatisfaction with the political situation. As a local official in Jutland he was for some months in 1849 a prisoner of the Schleswig-Holsteiners at Gottorp. A member of the Folketing from 1851 to 1853, of the Landsting from 1854 to 1870, from 1856 to 1866 of the Rigsråd, he became Minister of the Interior in 1861 in the cabinet of K. C. Hall, retiring with him in 1863. During these years he was overshadowed by the younger National Liberals by Hall, however he in many ways did a great work behind the scenes, for instance it was he who carried through the law of women’s economic independence.
His last years were embittered by the defeat of 1864 and by his presentiment of the new German great power. He died in Copenhagen in September 1870. Being one of the most stirring speakers of early Danish parliamentarian life and besides a charming and committed man Lehmann however seems to have lacked both sense of reality and a more heartfelt sense of democracy; as “the freedom fighter of 1848” he remained a national hero in Denmark for several generations but he was not able to maintain his influence. His book On the Causes of the Misfortunes of Denmark went through many editions, his works were published posthumously in four volumes, his two grandsons were the author Helge Rode. Works by or about Orla Lehmann at Internet Archive Orla Lehmann: Orla Lehmanns efterladte Skrifter. 4 bd. Kjøbenhavn, 1872-1874 Orla Lehmann: Af Orla Lehmanns Papirer: Bidrag til Danmarks Tidshistorie i det 19. Aarhundrede. Kjøbenhavn, 1903 Orla Lehmann: Om Aarsagerne til Danmarks Ulykke: et historisk Tilbageblik. Kjøbenhavn, 1864 C. E. F. Reinhardt: Orla Lehmann og hans Samtid: et Bidrag til Belysning af Friheds- og Nationalitets-Tankens Udvikling i Danmark.
Kjøbenhavn, 1871 Johannes Jensen,'Martin und Orla Lehmann. Die Integration einer deutsch-dänischen Sankt-Petri-Familie,' in Sankt Petri Kopenhagen 1575-2000. 425 Jahre Geschichte deutsch-dänischer Begegnung in Biographien, ed. Jürgen Beyer & Johannes Jensen, pp. 113–131 This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain: Chisholm, Hugh, ed.. "Lehmann, Peter Martin Orla". Encyclopædia Britannica. 16. Cambridge University Press. P. 384
Ditlev Gothard Monrad
Ditlev Gothard Monrad was a Danish politician and bishop, a founding father of Danish constitutional democracy in 1848-49 but led the country as Council President in its huge defeat during the Second Schleswig War of 1864. He became a New Zealand pioneer before returning to Denmark to become a bishop and politician once more. Monrad's father, Otto Sommer Monrad, an attorney, suffered from mental illness, spent some years in institutions. From time to time Monrad was himself on the brink of, or had, emotional breakdowns. Monrad studied theology, learned Semitic and Persian languages, became a Lutheran priest, while beginning to participate in politics, he became a co-editor of the national liberal publication, Fædrelandet, in 1840, was a leading figure in the National Liberal Party and spearheaded the movement towards a constitutional Denmark. Monrad wrote the draft to the liberal 1849 Constitution of Denmark, with structure and many phrases similar to the current. In it he coined the term'people's church'.
The constitution was quite democratic for its time. Monrad became the first Minister of School and Church Affairs in 1848, he was Minister of the Interior 1860-61. He was a bishop of the Lolland–Falster diocese 1849-54, a member of Parliament 1849-65, he was a permanent secretary in the department of "kultus" 1855-59. With war approaching, Monrad was the only National Liberal leader ready to form a government after the resignation of Monrad's rival, due to disagreement with Christian IX; as Council President, Monrad was the Danish state leader during the early part of Second Schleswig War, against the German Confederation led by Otto von Bismarck. With none of the other National Liberal bigwigs wanting to continue in office, Monrad became the most, arguably the only, important figure for cabinet decision making. Yet, at critical moments during the war, Monrad was indecisive. Thus, during an armistice, he let the king decide on a peace proposal at the London Conference to divide Schleswig along the language line between majorities of Danish and German speakers.
The king, who held an unrealistic hope to maintain a personal union with the duchies, the conference ended with no result, war resumed resulting in further military defeat. Next, the king dismissed his government; the Peace of Vienna resulted in loss of lots of territory for the monarchy, including all of Schleswig. Denmark got relegated to a minor power. In what was labelled his speech of madness Monrad in parliament spoke for continued resistance and against ratifying the peace treaty if it would look like'madness'. Following the war, a depressed and disillusioned Monrad emigrated to New Zealand. After sending his sons to Nelson and other districts of New Zealand to scout for land, he chose to settle in Palmerston North in the North Island of New Zealand, he bought 482 acres of land at Karere Block. He first lived in a small hut and erected a timber house and started clearing bushland, he and his family farmed cows and sheep. Monrad helped the New Zealand Company to find suitable settlers from Scandinavia and helped many Danish immigrants find land to settle on, most notably in the area of Dannevirke.
His work was disturbed by Māori, illegally robbed of their land, members of the Hauhau religion under Chief Titokowaru. Monrad buried his belongings and went with the family to Wellington and went back to Denmark in 1869, his sons Viggo and Johannes returned to Karere to become farmers. Before leaving New Zealand, he presented to New Zealand's Colonial Museum a collection of 600 woodcuts and engravings by European Old Masters, including Rembrandt, Albrecht Dürer and van Dyck, they are now part of the collection at the Museum of New Zealand Te Papa Tongarewa where examples feature in temporary exhibitions. Monrad Intermediate is a Palmerston North intermediate school named after Monrad. After his return Monrad again became bishop of the Lolland-Falster diocese from 1871 until his death, he again began became a member of parliament 1882-1886. Now, he publicly promoted the original and more liberal 1849 constitution against the conservative revision of 1866, his sharp mind and sense of the public mood was still feared by his opponents.
He defended himself against condemnations for the 1864 defeat while he acknowledged personal responsibility for the poor conduct and result of the peace negotiations. Monrad became one of the earliest and most outspoken Danish opponents of Darwin's new theories about evolution. Monrad published throughout most of his life about politics and religion, his book from 1876 about prayer is still cited and used in religious practice and got translated into four languages, including English. Monrad was respected for his intellect and industriousness, his both theoretical and practical interest in political and ecclesiastical matters had a huge and lasting impact through the constitution but a number of legal reforms bear witness of an able politician and administrator. Yet, he showed himself an erratic political leader during the 1864 war ending in disastrous defeat. Since, Monrad's legacy was split between these extremes; the historian Aage Friis characterized Monrad as'one of the most outstanding but at the same time most enigmatic characters in modern Danish history, the most difficult person to portray'.
There is a debate on whether Monrad's mental state affected his decision-making during the war, in particular dismissing the supreme commander and the break-up of the Londo
Andreas Frederik Krieger
Andreas Frederik Krieger was a Danish politician, government minister, professor of law and supreme court judge. He was a member of the National Constitutional Assembly from 1848 to 1849, a member of the Folketing from 1849 to 1852 representing the National Liberal Party and a member of the Landsting from 1863 to 1890 representing first the National Liberal Party and the conservative party Højre. Andreas Frederik Krieger was born in 1817 in Kolbjørnsvik in Norway as the son of Danish naval officer Johannes Krieger, of an ennobled family, a Norwegian mother, Anna Elisa Finne. Krieger grew up in Copenhagen and graduated from with a legal degree at the age of 20, specializing in constitutional law. From 1845 to 1855 he was a professor of law at the University of Copenhagen, lecturing in civil law. Krieger was elected to the constitutional assembly in 1848 representing the National Liberal Party, he advocated delaying processing the proposal for the constitution until representatives for Schleswig could be elected — the outbreak of the First Schleswig War had rendered this impossible and the proposal was renamed from Constitution for the Kingdom of Denmark and Schleswig to Constitution for the Realm of Denmark instead.
Krieger was a supporter of the so-called "Eider-Danish" doctrine which would involve "Danification" of the Duchy of Schleswig and which dominated the national liberal politics on the Schleswig-Holstein Question. Krieger was elected to the Folketing in the first elections in 1849, he remained a member until 1852, he became Minister for Interior Affairs in 1856 in the Cabinet of Andræ and the first Cabinet of Hall, he passed among other things an act on the construction of an east-west railroad in Jutland and a reform of the administration of Copenhagen Municipality. After the death of her husband in 1860, Krieger became a close friend of actress Johanne Luise Heiberg, they were both among the most vocal critics of Frederick VII's morganatic marriage with Louise Rasmussen, in private letters to Heiberg, but not publicly, Krieger described himself as a Republican; until Frederick VII influenced by Louise Rasmussen in 1859 unseated the cabinet and appointed Carl Edvard Rotwitt Council President, Krieger had along with Carl Christian Hall and Carl Andræ been part of the small inner circle of national liberal politicians who ran the country from the weekly dinners at Andræ's home.
From 1863 to 1890 he was a member of the Landsting, he was its Speaker for a while in 1866. He became represented in the government again from 1872 to 1874 in the Cabinet of Holstein-Holsteinborg, as Justice Minister for a short term in 1872 and as Finance Minister until 1874; as Finance Minister, he administered Denmark's accession to the Scandinavian Monetary Union in 1873, replacing the former currency—the rigsdaler—with the krone. On 25 January 1877, a case at the Court of Impeachment was started against Krieger by the Folketing involving his sale of the ruins of the Frederik's Church in Copenhagen and the church square to Carl Frederik Tietgen while Finance Minister in 1874; the construction of the church had been started in 1749 but was halted in 1770 by Johann Friedrich Struensee, the partial building had lain untouched since then. Tietgen had purchased the site for 100,000 Rigsdaler—none of, to be paid in cash—on the conditions that he would build a church in a similar style on the site and donate it to the state when complete, while in turn, he acquired the rights to subdivide neighboring plots for development.
Krieger was acquitted. Bille, C. St. A.. "Krieger, Andreas Frederik" in C. F. Bricka Dansk Biografisk Lexikon, tillige omfattende Norge for Tidsrummet 1537-1814. IX. bind, Jyde — Køtschau. Copenhagen: Gyldendalske Boghandels Forlag, pp. 483–94. Retrieved on 2008-06-08. Engelstoft, Povl. "Den grundlovgivende rigsforsamling" in Knud. Den danske rigsdag 1849–1949. Bind I, Rigsdagens historie 1849–1866. Copenhagen: J. H. Schultz forlag, pp. 9–40. Heide-Jørgensen, Mogens. "Indenrigsministrene og ministeriets love 1848-1998" in Heide-Jørgensen, Mogens Indenrigsministeriet 1848–1998. Ministry for Interior Affairs of Denmark. Retrieved on 2008-06-08. Iuul, Stig. "Rigsretten" in Fabricius, Knud. Den danske rigsdag 1849–1949. Bind V, Administrationen, Det kgl. Teater. Copenhagen: J. H. Schultz forlag, pp. 553–96. Skou, Kaare R.. Dansk politik A–Å. Aschehoug. ISBN 87-11-11652-8. Thorsen, Svend. De danske ministerier 1848–1901. Pensionsforsikringsanstalten
The Folketing known as the Danish Parliament in English, is the unicameral national parliament of Denmark. Established in 1849, until 1953 the Folketing was the lower house of a bicameral parliament, called the Rigsdag, it meets on the islet of Slotsholmen in central Copenhagen. The Folketing passes all laws, approves the cabinet, supervises the work of the government, it is responsible for adopting the state's budgets and approving the state's accounts. As set out in the Danish Constitution, the Folketing shares power with the reigning monarch. In practice, the monarch's role is limited to signing laws passed by the legislature; the Folketing consists of 179 representatives. General elections must be held every four years, but it is within the powers of the Prime Minister to ask the monarch to call for an election before the term has elapsed. On a vote of no confidence, the Folketing may force a single Minister or the entire government to resign. Members are democratically elected by proportional representation: 135 by the D'Hondt method and 40 by the Sainte-Laguë method.
The Danish political system has traditionally generated coalitions. Most post-war governments have been minority coalitions ruling with the support of non-government parties; the most recent general election took place on 18 June 2015 and the Folketing reconvened on 6 October. The first sitting of the house was attended by Queen Margrethe II. From 1849 to 1953 the Folketing was one of the two houses in the bicameral parliament known as the Rigsdag. Since both houses, in principle, had equal power, the terms "upper house" and "lower house" were not used; the difference between the houses was voter representation. The Folketing was elected by common vote among men and consisted of independent farmers and merchants as well as the educated classes. From 1866 to 1915 the right of vote for the Landsting was restricted to the wealthiest, some of its members were appointed by the king, thus it predominantly represented the landed gentry and other conservatives. From 1915 both men and women had the right of vote for both houses, the Landsting was elected by common vote, although indirectly and with a higher age limit than for the Folketing.
During the next decades, law-making took place in the Folketing and the Landsting came to be regarded as a superfluous rubber stamp. In 1953, a revised constitution was adopted by popular vote. Among the changes was the elimination of the Landsting and the introduction of a unicameral parliament, known only as the Folketing. Christiansborg Palace has been the domicile of parliament since 1849; the palace is located in the heart of Copenhagen. Gaining representation in parliament requires only 2% of the vote. With such a low election threshold, a large number of parties are represented in the chamber, making it all but impossible for one party to win the 90 seats necessary for a majority. No party has achieved this since 1901. All Danish governments since have been coalitions or one-party minority governments. For this reason, a long-standing provision in the constitution allows a government to take office without getting a vote of confidence and stay in office as long as it does not lose a vote of no confidence.
One consequence is that, unlike in most other parliamentary systems, a Danish government can never be sure its legislative agenda will pass, it must assemble a majority for each individual piece of legislation. Composition of membersThe Folketing consists of 179 members all elected for a four-year term or until the Prime Minister calls for elections, whichever comes first. 175 members are elected in Denmark proper, while Greenland and the Faroe Islands each elect 2 members separately. The constitution does not mention political parties at all, although the electoral act does, MPs are always elected for a party; the only independent, elected in modern times is the comedian Jacob Haugaard, but independents unknown ones, are seen at every election. Requirements for standing as an independent candidate are much more lenient than for a new party, but independents are only allowed to contest in a single district, making it difficult to gain the needed number of votes for a seat. Voting systemThe Constitution requires for "equal representation of the various opinions of the electorate", for regional representation to be secured.
The electoral act stipulates the details for this: 135 seats are elected by proportional representation in 10 districts, 40 supplementary seats are allotted to make out for the difference between district and nationwide vote. The 135 seats are distributed to the parties by the D'Hondt method of the party-list system of proportional representation and the 40 supplementary seats by the Sainte-Laguë method; each party may choose among a number of methods for how the seats won by that party are to be distributed among the candidates. The result is proportional representation; the voter may vote for a party list, one of the candidates on a party list, or an independent candidate. Parties decide on the nomination of candidates before the election; when co-nomination is assigned, candidates are elected according to personal votes. When priority order is assigned, only an extreme
Second Schleswig War
The Second Schleswig War was the second military conflict over the Schleswig-Holstein Question of the nineteenth century. The war began on 1 February 1864. Denmark fought the Kingdom of the Austrian Empire. Like the First Schleswig War, it was fought for control of the duchies of Holstein and Lauenburg, due to the succession disputes concerning them when the Danish king died without an heir acceptable to the German Confederation. Controversy arose due to the passing of the November Constitution, which integrated the Duchy of Schleswig into the Danish kingdom in violation of the London Protocol. Reasons for the war were the ethnic controversy in Schleswig and the co-existence of conflicting political systems within the Danish unitary state; the war ended on 30 October 1864, with the Treaty of Vienna and Denmark's cession of the Duchies of Schleswig and Saxe-Lauenburg to Prussia and Austria. The secessionist movement of the large German majority in Holstein and southern Schleswig was suppressed in the First Schleswig War, but the movement continued throughout the 1850s and 1860s, as Denmark attempted to integrate the Duchy of Schleswig into the Danish kingdom while proponents of German unification expressed the wish to include the Danish-ruled duchies of Holstein and Schleswig in a Greater Germany.
Holstein was a part of the German Confederation and before 1806 a German fief and ethnically German, but Schleswig was a Danish fief and was linguistically mixed between German and Danish and North Frisian, which for the German part, was due to immigration over the centuries. Before the middle ages, the people of Schleswig spoke Danish and Frisian, as late as the 18th century many rural areas of southern Schleswig still spoke Danish. In the 19th century the northern and middle parts of Schleswig spoke Danish, but the language in the southern half had shifted to German. German culture was dominant among nobility. For centuries, while the rule of the king was absolute, these conditions had created few tensions; when egalitarian ideas spread and nationalist currents emerged about 1820, identification was mixed between Danish and German. Furthermore, there was a grievance about tolls charged by Denmark on shipping passing through the Danish Straits between the Baltic Sea and the North Sea. To avoid that expense, Prussia planned to construct the Kiel Canal, which could not be built while Denmark ruled Holstein.
Much of the dispute focused on the heir of King Frederick VII of Denmark. The Germans of Holstein and Schleswig supported the House of Augustenburg, a cadet branch of the Danish royal family but the average Dane considered them too German and preferred the rival Glücksburg branch with Prince Christian of Glücksburg as the new sovereign. Prince Christian had served on the Danish side in the First Schleswig War. At the time, the king of Denmark was duke of the duchies of Holstein and Schleswig. In 1848, Denmark had received its first free constitution and at the same time had fought a civil war with the Germans of Schleswig-Holstein, in which Prussia had intervened; the peace treaty stipulated that the duchy of Schleswig should be treated the same as the duchy of Holstein in its relations with the Kingdom of Denmark. During the revisions of the 1848 constitution in the late 1850s and early 1860s, Holstein refused to acknowledge the revision, creating a crisis in which the parliament in Copenhagen ratified the revision but Holstein did not.
That was a clear breach of the 1851 peace treaty and gave Prussia and the German union a casus belli against Denmark. The German situation was more favorable than it had been fifteen years before, when Prussia had to give in due to the risk of military intervention by Britain and Russia on behalf of Denmark. France had colonial problems, not least with Britain. Otto von Bismarck had neutralized Russia politically and succeeded in obtaining cooperation from Austria which underlined its great power status within the German union. To understand the Danish resolve in this question one must understand that the Danes regarded Schleswig as an ancient core region of Denmark; the southern part of Schleswig contains the ruins of the old Danish viking "capital" Hedeby and the Danevirke fortification. Before the Danes took possession of the area, around 300 AD, Schleswig was the home of the Angles, of which many migrated to Britain, where they formed the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms. Thus, to suggest that the region did not belong to Denmark was seen as a great provocation to the Danes' ancestral claim to Schleswig.
The adoption of the Constitution of Denmark in 1849 complicated matters further, as many Danes wished for the new democratic constitution to apply to all Danes, including those in Schleswig. The constitutions of Holstein and Schleswig were dominated by the Estates system, giving more power to the most affluent members of society, with the result that both Schleswig and Holstein were politically dominated by a predominantly German class of landowners, thus two systems of government co-existed within the same state: democracy in Denmark, absolutism in Schleswig and Holstein. The three units were