Constitution of Bangladesh
The Constitution of the People's Republic of Bangladesh is the constitutional document of Bangladesh. It was adopted on 16 December 1972, it provides the framework of the Bangladeshi republic with a parliamentary government, fundamental human rights and freedoms, an independent judiciary, democratic local government and a national bureaucracy. The constitution includes references to socialism, secular democracy and the Bengali language, it commits Bangladesh to “contribute to international peace and co-operation in keeping with the progressive aspirations of mankind”. The constitution has several controversial elements like Article 70. Judicial precedent is enshrined in Bangladesh's constitution under Article 111, which makes Bangladesh an integral part of the common law world. Judicial review is supported by the constitution; the advent of British rule in the 18th century displaced the centuries of governance developed by South Asian empires. The Regulating Act of 1773 passed by the Parliament of the United Kingdom was the first basic law in the Bengal Presidency.
The British Empire did not grant universal suffrage and democratic institutions to its colonies. The British granted concessions for home rule; the Government of India Act 1858, Indian Councils Act 1861, Indian Councils Act 1892 and Indian Councils Act 1909 were important laws of government. The legislatures of British India included the Bengal Legislative Council and the Eastern Bengal and Assam Legislative Council in the early 20th century; the Nehru Report recommended for universal suffrage, a bi-cameral legislature, a senate and a house of representatives. The Fourteen Points of Jinnah demanded provincial autonomy and quotas for Muslims in government; the Government of India Act 1935 established provincial parliaments based on separate electorates. The 1940 Lahore Resolution, supported by the first Prime Minister of Bengal, asked the British government that "the North Western and Eastern Zones of India should be grouped to constitute ‘independent states’", it further proclaimed "that adequate and mandatory safeguards should be provided in the constitution for minorities in these units and in the regions for the protection of their religious, economic, political and other rights".
The resolution's status is akin to the magna carta in Bangladesh and Pakistan, in terms of the concept of independence. On 20 June 1947, the Bengal Legislative Assembly voted on the partition of Bengal, it was decided by 120 votes to 90 that, if Bengal remained united, it should join the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan. At a separate meeting of legislators from West Bengal, it was decided by 58 votes to 21 that the province should be partitioned and that West Bengal should join the Constituent Assembly of India. At another separate meeting of legislators from East Bengal, it was decided by 106 votes to 35 that Bengal should not be partitioned and 107 votes to 34 that East Bengal should join the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan if Bengal was partitioned. On 6 July 1947, the Sylhet referendum voted to partition Sylhet Division from Assam Province and merge it into East Bengal. On 11 August 1947, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the president of the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan, declared that religious minorities would enjoy full freedom of religion in the emergent new state.
Section 8 of the Indian Independence Act 1947 provided that the Government of India Act, 1935 with certain amendments and adaptations would be the working constitution of the Dominion of Pakistan during the transitional period. The Constituent Assembly of Pakistan included 79 members, of whom 44 were from East Bengal, 22 from West Punjab, 5 from Sind, 3 from the North West Frontier Province, 1 from Baluchistan and 4 from the acceding princely states; the Bengali Language Movement and demands for replacing separate electorates with joint universal suffrage were key issues in East Bengal. The first constituent assembly was arbitrarily dissolved by the Governor General in 1954; this led to the court challenge of Federation of Pakistan v. Maulvi Tamizuddin Khan, in which the federal court supported the Governor General's decision, although Justice A. R. Cornelius expressed dissent; the dissolution of the assembly was one of the first major blows to democracy in Pakistan. The Constitution of Pakistan of 1956 was adopted by a second constituent assembly elected in 1955.
It declared two provinces - West Pakistan. The first Pakistani constitution was in place for only a few years. General Ayub Khan staged a military coup and introduced the Constitution of Pakistan of 1962; the 1962 constitution introduced a presidential system in which electoral colleges would be responsible for electing the president and governors. The chief ministers' offices were abolished; the system was dubbed "Basic Democracy". In 1965, Fatima Jinnah's failed bid for the presidency prompted allegations of a rigged electoral system; the Six Points of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman demanded parliamentary democracy. Rahman's Six Points were part of the manifesto of the Awami League, the party which won first general election in East and West Pakistan in 1970; the Awami League ran on the platform of developing a new Pakistani constitution based on the Six Points. The League won 167 out 169 East Pakistani seats in the National Assembly of Pakistan and 288 out of 300 seats in the East Pakistan Provincial Assembly.
The refusal of Pakistan's military junta to transfer power to Prime Minister-elect Sheikh Mujibur Rahman triggered the Bangladesh War of Independence. The Provisional Government of Bangladesh issued the Proclamation of Independence on 10 April 1971, which served as the interim first constitution of Ban
Upazilas of Bangladesh
Upazila called thana, is an administrative region in Bangladesh. They function as sub-units of districts, their functionality can be seen to be analogous to that of a county or a borough of Western countries. Bangladesh has 492 upazilas; the upazilas are the second lowest tier of regional administration in Bangladesh. The administrative structure consists in fact in Divisions, Districts and Union Parishads; this system of devolution was introduced by the former military ruler and President of Bangladesh, Lieutenant General Hossain Mohammad Ershad, in an attempt to strengthen local government. Below UPs, villages and para exist; the Local Government Ordinance of 1982 was amended a year redesignating and upgrading the existing thanas as upazilas. Upazilas were known as thana which means police station. Despite the meaning, thanas functioned much as an administrative and geographic region, much as today's upazilas. In 1982 thanas were re-termed to as upazilas with provisions for semi-autonomous local governance.
This system was reverted to the thana system in 1992. In 1999 geographic regions under administrations of thanas were converted into upazilas. All administrative terms in this level were renamed from thana to upazila. For instance, Thana Nirbahi Officer was renamed to upazila Nirbahi Officer; the word thana is now used to refer to police stations. There is one police station for each upazila. Upazila Nirbahi Officer is a non-elected Administrator in Upazila. UNOs are Senior Assistant Secretary of Bangladesh Civil ServiceCadre, they act as executive officer of the upazila under the elected posts. Each Upazila Parishad has a vice-chairman and a woman vice-chairman. All three are elected through direct popular election. Union Parishad chairmen within the upazila are considered as the members of the porishod; the post of a woman vice-chairman was created to ensure at least one-third woman representation in the all elected posts of the local government. On 22 January 2010 the first election in 18 years of Upazila Porishod was held.
Divisions of Bangladesh Districts of Bangladesh Villages of Bangladesh Unions of Bangladesh Statoids Maps of Divisions, Districts & Upazilas of Bangladesh
Prime Minister of Bangladesh
The Prime Minister of the People's Republic of Bangladesh is the Head of the Government of Bangladesh. The Prime Minister and the Cabinet are collectively accountable for their policies and actions to the Parliament, to their political party and to the electorate; the position was absent during years of 1975–78, 1982-84 and 1990-91 due to imposed martial law. In each of these periods, the military junta led by the President had the powers of the Prime Minister. During the period between 1996 and 2008, The Chief Adviser of the Caretaker Government of the People's Republic of Bangladesh used to take over as the Head of government for 90 days during transition between one elected government to another; the Chief Adviser headed an Advisory Committee comprising ten Advisers. With powers equivalent to those of the Prime Minister of an elected governments, his executive power was constrained with certain constitutional limitations; the system was scrapped in 2011 by 15th amendment of constitution to allow political government to conduct any General Election in future.
The current Prime Minister, Sheikh Hasina Wazed, was appointed on 6 January 2009 by the President of Bangladesh and she is the longest serving prime minister in the country's history. According to the Constitution the Prime Minister is appointed by the President based upon the result of the electorates choice in parliamentary general election held by the Election Commission; the Prime Minister will be the leader of the majority party in the Jatiya Sangsad and must have the confidence of the Jatiya Sangsad to govern. The cabinet is composed of ministers appointed by the president. At least 90% of the ministers must be MPs; the other 10% may be non-MP experts or "technocrats" who are not otherwise disqualified from being elected MPs. According to the constitution, the president can dissolve Parliament upon the written request of the prime minister; the appointments of the Prime Minister and other Ministers of state and deputy Ministers, shall be made by the President: Provided that not less the nine tenths of their number shall be appointed from among members of parliament and not more than one tenth of their number may be chosen from among persons qualified for election as members of parliament.
The Prime Minister is appointed and sworn in by the President: Bangla " আমি, সশ্রদ্ধচিত্তে শপথ করিতেছি যে, আমি আইন-অনুযায়ী সরকারের প্রধানমন্ত্রী -পদের কর্তব্য বিশ্বস্ততার সহিত পালন করিব: আমি বাংলাদেশের প্রতি অকৃত্রিম বিশ্বাস ও আনুগত্য পোষণ করিব. I shall possess pure obedience to Bangladesh. I shall preserve and secure the constitution and I shall deal with all with equity as suggested by laws, without being affected by fear or mercy, love or hatred." The office of the Prime Minister is located at Tejgaon in Dhaka city. It is considered a ministry of the government and among other duties, provides clerical and other support to the prime minister, governs intelligence affairs, NGOs, arranges protocol and ceremonies; the Leader of the House is responsible for managing and scheduling Government business in the Jatiya Sangsad. The office is always held by Prime Minister of Bangladesh. Bangladesh origins lie in Bengal, a province of the British Raj that included present-day West Bengal. Between 1937 and 1947 it was intermittently governed by a popularly elected ministry, whose head is designated the Premier of Bengal.
In 1947, Bengal province was partitioned into the Indian state of East Pakistan. All three erstwhile Bengal premiers—A. K. Fazlul Huq, Khawaja Nazimuddin and H. S. Suhrawardy—became Pakistani citizens. East Pakistan's history from 1947 to 1971 was marked by political instability and economic difficulties; the nascent democratic institutions foundered in the face of military intervention in 1958, the government imposed martial law between 1958 and 1962, again between 1969 and 1971. Between 1947 and 1971 it was intermittently governed by Governors and Chief Minister of East Pakistan; the modern office of Prime Minister was established following the declaration of independence of East Pakistan with the Provisional Government of Bangladesh on 10 April 1971, of which Tajuddin Ahmad became the first Prime Minister of Bangladesh. Since the adoption of the current Constitution of Bangladesh in 1972 the formal title of the office is The Prime Minister of the People's Republic of Bangladesh. In September 1991, the electorate approved changes to the constitution, formally creating a parliamentary system and returning governing power to the office of the prime minister, as in Bangladesh's original constitution.
In October 1991, members of parliament elected a new head of President Abdur Rahman Biswas. For three decades, Bangladeshi politics have been dominated by Khaleda Zia and Hasina Wazed, they have been the only people to serve as non-interim Prime Minister since 1991. Khaleda Zia Khaleda Zia served as Prime Minister of Bangladesh three times, since 1991. Once in power, Khaleda Zia's government made substantial changes in education policy, introducing free education for girls up to the 10th grade, a stipend for fem
Leader of the Opposition (Bangladesh)
The Leader of the Opposition leads the Official Opposition in the Jatiya Sangsad, the national parliament of Bangladesh. The Leader of the Opposition is the leader of the largest party not within the government, the second largest political party in the Jatiya Sangsad; the post carries weight-age of cabinet minister and is seen comparable to prime minister, leader of house and ruling party. There is no Opposition Leader in the 1st and the 6th Parliament
Minister of Foreign Affairs (Bangladesh)
The Minister of Foreign Affairs is the head of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Government of the People's Republic of Bangladesh. Constitution of Bangladesh President of Bangladesh Prime Minister of Bangladesh Politics of Bangladesh http://www.mofa.gov.bd/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=496&Itemid=517
Grand Alliance (Bangladesh)
The Grand Alliance is a coalition government in Bangladesh, formed in 2008 and consisted of the Bangladesh Awami League, Jatiya Party, Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal, Workers Party, Liberal Democratic Party and nine other parties. The Grand Alliance won the 2008 Parliamentary election and formed a government in 2009; the Liberal Democratic Party left the Grand Alliance before the election and contested independently. The LDP joined the 18 Party Alliance in 2012. Total seats: 300 Grand Alliance: 263 Four Party Alliance: 33 Independents and others: 04 Total seats: 300 Grand Alliance: 280 Four Party Alliance: Boycotted Independents and others: 20 Awami League Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal Workers Party Jatiya Party Bangladesh Tarikat Federation Bangladesh Nationalist Front
Human rights in Bangladesh
Human rights in Bangladesh are enshrined as fundamental rights in Part III of the Constitution of Bangladesh. However and legal experts believe many of the country's laws require reform to enforce fundamental rights and reflect democratic values of the 21st century. Proposed reforms include strengthening parliamentary supremacy, judicial independence, the separation of powers, repealing laws which restrain freedom of the press and disbanding security agencies which violate civil liberties. Though Bangladesh has Islam as its state religion and has constitutional references to Hindus and Buddhists. Governments have respected freedom of religion, a cornerstone of the Bangladeshi constitution. However, police have been slow in responding to and investigating attacks against minorities and secularists. In southeastern Bangladesh, the Chittagong Hill Tracts remains a militarized region due to a historical insurgency. Tribal people in Bangladesh have demanded constitutional recognition. According to Mizanur Rahman, the chairman of the National Human Rights Commission in 2015, 70% of allegations of human rights violations are against law enforcement agencies.
Torture and enforced disappearances are rampantly employed by Bangladeshi security forces. In recent years, free speech and media freedom have been repressed by the government through laws regulating newspapers, TV channels and the internet. Elected MPs in parliament lack voting freedoms; the future of elections is a concern among the population, with opposition parties alleging free and fair elections are not possible under the incumbent government. Local government elections in 2015 were marred by widespread allegations of vote rigging. Capital punishment remains legal in Bangladesh. Worker's rights are effected by a ban on trade unions in special economic zones; the government has targeted trade union leaders with persecution. Article 6 of the constitution proclaims "the people of Bangladesh shall be known as Bangalees as a nation"; the article discriminates against the country's significant non-Bengali population, notably the Chakma, Garo, Marma, Tripuri, Tanchangya and Rohingya. The issue was addressed by Chakma politician Manabendra Narayan Larma during proceedings of the constituent assembly of Bangladesh in 1972.
Larma famously proclaimed that "Under no definition or logic can a Chakma be a Bengali or a Bengali be a Chakma.... As citizens of Bangladesh, we are all Bangladeshis, but we have a separate ethnic identity, which the Awami League leaders do not want to understand"; the substantial Bihari population complain of discrimination. Article 23A goes on to describe minorities as "tribes" and "minor races"; the constitution's proclamation of a People's Republic and socialism in its preamble and Article 10 are at odds with Bangladesh's free market economy, entrepreneurial class, diverse corporate sector and owners of private property. Six general elections were won by pro-market political parties, while four elections were won by left-wing parties. Bangladesh ranked 128th out of 178 countries in the 2017 Index of Economic Freedom. Article 11 proclaims that "the Republic shall be a democracy in which fundamental human rights and freedoms and respect for the dignity and worth of the human person shall be guaranteed".
The government enacted the anti-torture law, called Torture and Custodial Death Act, in 2013. However, torture is used by Bangladeshi security forces, including the police and military. In 2017, the police asked the prime minister to scrap the anti-torture law. Article 32 proclaims "no person shall be deprived of life or personal liberty save in accordance with law". In reality, Bangladesh has a large number of extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances each year; the Rapid Action Battalion is accused of being the leading perpetrator of such human rights abuses, followed by the Bangladesh Police, the Directorate General of Forces Intelligence and the Bangladesh Army. Forced labor is prohibited under Article 34, but Bangladesh has significant challenges of human trafficking and modern slavery. Although there is general freedom of assembly in Bangladesh, the political opposition is restricted from holding public meetings and rallies by the government. On 3 January 2019, Human Rights Watch called for an investigation on attack on members of the opposition party on and before Bangladesh elections.
In spite of Article 38 calling for freedom okf association, trade union leaders from the textile industry face arbitrary arrests and politically motivated lawsuits. Forming trade unions is banned in export processing zones, but the government has pledged to remove the ban. Free speech is enshrined under Article 39. During the 1990s and first one and a half decade of the 21st century, the Bangladeshi media enjoyed more freedom than at any other time in history. However, since the 2014 election in which the incumbent Awami League won a boycotted election, press freedom has declined; the ruling party has targeted the country's two leading newspapers The Daily Star and Prothom Alo with numerous lawsuits and has encouraged businesses to stop advertising in those papers. Pro-opposition journalists Mahmudur Rahman and Shafik Rehman were detained for prolonged periods. Nurul Kabir, editor of the New Age, has faced threats to personal life. Mahfuz Anam, editor of The Daily Star, has faced 83 lawsuits since 2016.
Reporters without Borders ranked Bangladesh at 146th out of 180 countries in its index of press freedom. According to Amnesty International, independent media outlets and journalists have come under severe pressure by the government. Several journalists faced arbitrary criminal charges for publishing cri